contacts, exchange of information and experiences and to co-ordination of further activity irrespective of trade-union membership.
Only your own activity is a real check to the gradual totalisation of our life and only direct action can prevent a return to the darkest days us Salinic. Only er sisten e aed the unity of hinder the bureaucracy against intellectuals, trade-unionists or any of us. It will be difficult to reintroduce political trials in a country where the workers are prepared to go on strike in protest against these trials. Strike action can have tragic results for the bureaucracy. This joint united resistance against the bureaucratic centre is also the political creed of our Revolutionary Socialist Party. In conditions of active resistance we can struggle for our • concepts against others, we can justify them in mutual discussion: in an atmosphere of fear and political trials we will become a small, isolated sect, since we can have no influence over a people largely cynical and despondent. Not only our party, but each one of us is a guarantee of the future development of our ociety. Everyone must think deeply abou what he has done and what he could do for ou liberation.
Let us try to inquire into the essence of our system. There can be no talk of socialism here. we are not talking only about Czechoslovakia. If we examine this system, we must evidently always come the necessity an antibureaucratic, genuinely socialist revolution. It tums out that the CPCz and the unions are bound by warnings and instructions from above, from the moment they are prepared to respect them. Thus they are progressively ecoming, just like the state and economi apparatus, le army, the police and the court: mere tools of bureaucratic power. Two things follow from this:
1. Not to abandon the positions which the workers have, especially in the TUs, RTUM FCs. We must hold them chiefly because it is within our power to prevent repressions and safeguard the interests of the workers in the face of the higher organs. It is of course not possible to have any illusions that the unions and the CPCz could become really revolutionary instruments of the workers. The decisive factor will of course obviously be the struggles of the independent organisations of the workers against the bureaucratic power. The situation hitherto especially in the unions - permits a certain faction in the committees of the RTUM to agree in advance united action against the conservative minority which may consider itself bound by party discipline. In nume rous party organisations it is then possible to declare a complete boycott of commands from above, wait for the dissolution and set up other forms of struggle after dissolution - illegal work by the revolutionary part of the organisation, of course strictly conspiratorial. It could pay to follow a policy of not voluntarily leaving the CPCz, but merely disengaging from it. This will cause the bureaucracy a lot of difficulties, and at the same time help the polarisation of forces: those who will progress further, those who retire into private life and those who sell themselves to Husak.
2. Gradually to build up illegal groups, which will work alongside the legal activity in the RTUM and the CPCz, and if we eventually lose our positions in those organisations, will go over to exclusively illegal activity, of which we spoke at the beginning. It is important for them to have an influence on the workers, even if nobody can know that they belong to such a group. They must also have contacts in other factories, which should always be maintained only betwèen two comrades, so as to minimise the risk of exposure. Do not keep any printed matter in rooms at the factory: rely on your memory, not or a notebook or address book Collect information, meet, pass on the information, publish it on wall newspapers. De not let us allow ourselves to be driven into retreat, let us not turn our backs just out of cowardice. The atmosphere workplaces depends only on our courage and cunning. We are the overwhelming majority and against us there stand only a handful of people.
At the present time in our country discussions are going about variants of the overall social programme. Our conception is that of a socialist, self-managing society, of direct democracy of the producers. It is that of the fulfilment of the ageold ideals of free ideals of liberty, equality and brotherhood, which can be reached only by the removal of class differences and the creation of the possibility for everyone to decide individually about his own life, about his work and its results. But for our society to reach these socialist goals, it must - we are convinced - pass through a revolutionary process, must first of all destroy the bureaucracy as a social stratum, which means that it must take political and economic power from it. This is connected also with the destruction of all the repressive instruments of its power, especially the StB, State Security Police (Czech KGB), the army, the so-called people's militia and the censorship, simply to destroy the state apparatus and introduce general arming of the people. The working people, which will thus take power, will combine according to its own interests in various organisations, which will put forward various conceptions and programmes. But its will will be expressed through its own non-party institutions councils at the workplaces, in the various branches of industry, a central council of workers and organs of self-management of the people in towns and villages. These councils will no longer be responsible to a bureaucratic centre, but to the workers, who In an atmosphere of free discussion, freedom of the press and of assembly and association will themselves see to it that their representatives express their interests. We are, however, of the opinion that our people cannot set out on this road alone: the geographic and economic situation does not allow that, the power of the international bureaucracy run from the Kremlin will not permit it. The revolutionary process must spread to other countries: in co-operation with the people of those countries we want to live and work in the future. But not even our central and eastern Europe can be separated from other countries - socialism pre-supposes the co-operation and brotherhood of the people whole world. And therefore our sympathies are on the side of the Latin American partisans, the French students and workers, who in May 1968 gave to the workers of Western Europe a socialist alternative for their future; on the side of the Vietnamese who are fighting against American imperialism For the world is only one, and people must decide whether they will accept the alternative of Messrs Nixon, Breznev or Franco, the alternative of passivity, fear, and unfreedom, or the alternative of a free, socialist society. We believe that the Czechoslovak people will take one of the first places in this decision. Our programme will be constantly perfected and will be influenced by the sharpening tensions and contradictions in our countries between the workers, the intelligentsia and the students on the one hand and the bureaucracy, led by the pro-Moscow power centre, on the other. That is how we understand the class viewpoint in this historical period.
This programme cannot be realised unless numerous groups of vanguard workers and technicians, intellectuals and students exert every effort to organise. The organisations which arise, irrespective of differences in conception and programme would have to work together and carry out actions in common: they could join in a Front of popular resistance Some of you may possibly join our party, and gradually gain contact. We would like to co-operate with other organisations and parties.
An important place in the popular resistance will of course be taken by the young, who are not bound by family responsibilities and worries and who were most severely hit in August - they lost their perspectives and again became deprived of rights. The bureaucracy will be convinced that this youth without rights is a historical powerderkeg of great explosive force. We all consider our programme for the next period to be: 1. To support and uphold as much as possible popular activity, independent actions by the workers, to keep each other informed and to maintain as close contact as possible with workers of other factories. 2. To hold the positions gained in the CPCz, in the unions at at workplaces. 3. At the same time to found small illegal groups on a strictly conspiratorial basis. To link up together, to carry out activities in concert and to work out in them a programme to anti-bureaucratic struggle, for the taking of power, a programme for the future socialist society.
AUGUST 1969 Ideological Commission of the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Socialist Party of Czechoslovakia To All Young People To all who have not yet got scared and who want to continue resistance to those who at home and abroad brought about the shameful occupation, drove thousands of people into emigration and robbed us young people of our prospects in life.
On the 21st of August many young people want to show that they will never be reconciled to the occupation. Pamphlets have appeared, there has been an attempt at a broadcast, the police have begun to strike back. But arrests must not dissuade us - on the contrary we must try to help the arrested. In future struggles we must avoid their errors. In a time of increasing police terror it is not possible as hitherto ie. work legally in official organisations. The contemporary conditions do not allow a classic guerrilla war, but the maturity of our people makes possible other, often far more effective forms of resistance, as we were convinced in autumn last year. For the moment it must not go as far as open confrontation. Separately, the organisations of are for the moment weak and disunited. It is necessary to form a popular front of resistance. The Revolutionary Socialist Party also wants to be part of this popular front. Its programme can be expressed in a single sentence: for our future to be the future of a free people, which itself decides about our own affairs, it is absolutely indispensable to have the conscious and resolute activity of each one of us, for liberty cannot be won as a gift, freedom has to be fought for.
Our enemy is a small group of people who decide almost everything which happens in the state and to the state. The interests of this handful of people - presidium of the CC of the CPCZ, party secretaries, ministers of ke branches, heads of party organisations at th ministries of defence and the interior - are directly served by 22,000 party apparatiks, 50,000 employees of the ministry of the interior, 50,000 professional soldiers, 106,000 legal and administrative employees. 50,000 members of the economic bureaucracy. And this upper 250,000 rules 14 million citizens of the CSSR, exploits them economically and oppresses them politically and morally. They are supported by their like in the eastern European countries, and just like them bow to Moscow. Our allies are above all the workers in the eastern European countries, who are in the same position as we are, the progressive layers, all the oppressed people of the whole world.
The centre of our activity cannot be legal work in the official organisations, before the eyes of the public and unfortunately also of the fuzz. We became aware in practice of the anti-popular nature of our laws, thanks to the benevolent interpretation of them by the state power, in the period of intensification of popular activity after January 1968. As soon as the state power could support itself with tanks and guns the interpretation of them drastically changed. We know that the laws are only a tool in the hands of the rulers, and that they will not afford us any guarantee. And therefore we must logically go over to illegal forms of Wherever you are - in towns, in villages factories, schools, in clubs, in gangs , - organise form groups of active resistance. Such group should not have more than ten members. B careful when making contact with other groups. Study possible forms of revolutionary activity. Make use of the abilities of all your members if there are among you printers, chemists pyrotechnicians radio wirers, etc. Make use of the official organisation too seek out there people with similar views, make agreements with them on common activity, and on the basis of activity gradually win them for our revolution. Form co-ordinating cells for whole factories, schools and villages. A basic principle would have to be voluntary discipline. Decisions would have to come from the initiative of separate groups. A presupposition of our activity is the obtaining of information about the situation here and abroad. A fair
Czechoslovakia Continued from Page foreign radio: also contact reliable members of the RTUM students. Do not undervalue the study of literature and discussion of theoretic questions. Make use of your own experience in factories, areas where you live etc. Learn how to manage things about which you have something to say, learn self-management in practice.
The steadily worsening economic and political crisis is facing the power centre with difficulties which the centre will try to solve by attacking the living standards of the population - the functionaries of the CPC will not want to give up their privileges. We must defend ourselves against these measures by protest actions, e.g. if prices of public transport are raised, block it completely for several hours by various means. Use the method of passive resistance - perhaps by literal carrying out of existing rules and regulations. In August we became convinced that even without weapons it is possible to fight effectively against superior forces. We have no expectations of instant success, we must employ a tactic of "creeping revolution". We became convinced that a single isolated country cannot attain freedom - a state where the people itself decides its own destiny. In the other east European countries too there smoulders resistance to the police oppressors native and soviet. In the coming east European spring we will possibly have to go against tanks, for freedom does not fall from heaven for anyone. A people which does not fight its way to freedom will never be free! signed:
Young members of the Revolution Socialist Party of Czechoslovakia The very fact that you discuss, copy out and pass on this appeal will be a good start to your activity.
TO ALL - TO ALL - TO ALL!
CZECHOSLOVAK REALITY
The people of our country condemns the invasion of the intervention troops into the CSSR on August 21 1968 and the associated retreat from the post-January policy, which have produced and are increasing the crisis situation in the state. We protest against this state of affairs in the following way: by not using on that date any means of public transport except trains - not buying any newspaper or magazine avoiding any entertainment in public places buying provisions the previous day, to leave the shops empty - stopping work for 5 minutes at 12.00 as a demonstration - stopping all cars at the same time and sounding the horns - sounding factory sirens and church bells, so that they resound in the hearts of the whole people of Czechoslovakia. Wear tricolours and mourning.
In this way the Czechoslovak people will proclaim August 21 as a-"Day of Resistance' against the traitorous policy of the bureaucratic power centre and its allies.
Workers/Students/Intellectuals Dwarf Profile On the shady side of the street strengthen master-servant "special relationship" between Britain and the U.S. So stop and 100k EWICC the new and incredible American Ambassador in London - Walter Hubert Annenberg.
Walter is a multi-millionaire with a close spiritual resemblance to the dead Beaverbrook. He controls the vast Tesa ngle Publications Inc., which publishes Philadelphia Inquirer, the Daily News, a racing sheet called the Morning Telegraph and two big magazines - Seventeen and TV Guide. Add a couple of TV stations and a radio station.
Walter's millions - Triangle's total assets came to 128.9 million dollars last year come by courtesy of his late father, Moe Annenberg. Do not attempt to conjure with the name of Moe in the American Embassy.
Moe was jailed for three years in 1940 after his father's associate at the time, were ar The Philadelphia Inquirer favourite child. Its staff strive anxiously to reflect their editor-publisher's whims and commandments. "How would Annenberg want it played?" is engraved on their hearts.
One of their guidelines is known as "Annenberg's shit list". This is not, course, a document circulated around the an ever-changing blacklist office. It's names which must not be mentioned in the movement which is trying to gain freedom for its people.
of their anti-guerrilla investigations.
Africa was about to spend a large sum on spy activities.
present sitting of Parliament. paper. A reporter may not know that a name is taboo until he hands in a story which involves a forbidden person.
At various times it's been impossible to mention Dinah Shore, the Philadelphia pro University of Pennsylvania, Zsa Zsa Gabor, Ralph Nader (author of Unsafe at Any Speed or the owner of the Philadelphia Daily News in Annenberg's Inquirer. All of them had offended Walter in some way. Such things never happen in Fleet Street, not often.
Walter sometimes uses the Inquirer as a weapon for business infighting. In several big deals, Walter's interests collided with those of Milton Shapp. When Shapp decided to stand for Governor of Pennsylvania, Walter decided to hit him with everything he'd got. It was a classically dirty campaign. Climax came when the Inquirer reporter Joe Miller phoned Shapp. Dialogue:
Miller: Is it true you said you'd sue if we ran a story about you being in an institution?
Shapp: Yes.
Miller: Then you deny it?
Shapp: Yes Next day the Inquirer ran a story saying Shapp denied he was ever in a mental institution.
But Walter is loyal to his allies. For instance, Annenberg is a fan of the House Un-American Activities Committee. When a former chairman of HUAC, Francis E Walter. hit trouble, the Inquirer jumped to Since the bureau is acknowledged to be patterned on the "crusading' Karafin were not They were paying what Karatin But somehow "Annenberg's hatchet believe him.
. To them, wrongly that Karafin and When Tricky called "The for EWO the programme of the average American tycoon.
Annenberg's special relationship with Nixon, get this. Harold Stassen tried to defeat Nixon for the Vice Presidency. A new name appeared on Annenberg's shit list - Harold Stassen.
young Briton at present a victim of this act is
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pleading guilty to a massive tax dodging charge and agreeing to pay up nine and a half million dollars. Charges against Walter,