well as its heart, functioning as electively as does the composure of its enemies.
More generally, you assert a severe inconsistency in the position taken by Internationa Socialists on the Vietnamese Revolution. "If by some freak chance IS had a representative in Saigon he would spend an equal amount of time attacking the North Vietnamese and NLF leaderships and US imperialism, you remark with oparent astonishment. I can assure vou that th bsence of such individuals in Saigon (and fo that matter, in Hanoi), attacking the Popular Front programme of the NLF and Hanoi's sup port for the Russians in Czechoslovakia, as well as the bloody war of US imperialism, is by no means a matter of "freak chance". . Such individuals did exist, constituting the strongest and most brilliant centre of independent Marxism in Asia, over two whole decades of the Vietnamese revolutionary struggle. Their absence today is due to the fact that they were quite simply murdered by the Vietnamese CP leadership (including Ho Chi Minh). Had such comrades been spared for today's struggle, I am sure that they would have continued their work of revolutio nary theory and practice in the midst of the liberation movement. And their presence in 1969 on a platform of memorial to Ho Chi Minh, with all the statements of their political position that they might make, would not, surely, be refused by Black Dwarf - even though their comments might annov the official representative of the North Vietnamese Government in London?
Unfortunately, these comrades are not here.
Tore, we nave to do une best nar we can in tel place.
The position adopted in your editorial is help and assistance. quite straightforwardly a rejection of any inderevolutionary leadership. It appears that some historical or antiquarian discussion of things long ago can be permitted from time to time e.g. as you put it, on "the role of the Vietnamese party in the heyday of the Stalinist Comintern" Similarly, your editorial on Ho in the prewith French and Russian CP policy, in conniving with imperialism in 1945-6 and 1954-5 in favour of some harking-back to the Comintern of the Twenties, and today it seems that we have to shut up.
Your-analysis, in short, excludes not only those members of IS who regard North Vietnam as "state capitalist", but those comrades, of whatever tendency, who believe that Vietnamese Stalinism had thrown up a central political bureaucracy which must be removed by political revolution. The classic positions of Trotskyism are attacked and purged by those who call themselves rotskvists using exacuy the same So Sedgwick's first point is false. We have never rejected criticism of the Vietnamese as "tactless". But this does not stop us from being, adamantly hostile to the type of "criticism which Harman put forward at the Ho memorial meeting. Harman directly attacked the Vietnamese, called for the overthrow of their leader ship, and vilified Ho Chi Minh. Is this what Sedgwick means when he talks about an "independent Marxist judgement? Independent from what, from history?
Peter Sedgwick's second point confirms the falseness of his first. He knows little about Vietnam, let alone the most "brilliant centre of independent (sic/ Marxism in Asia . The issues to which he refers will be discussed in later issues of the Dwarf. The way Sedgwick and Harman have raised them show that it is they who are not serious about discussing the real history of the struggle in Vietnam, let alone discussing it as revolutionaries. Had he really wanted to, Harman could easily have started a genuine discussion. At the memorial meeting he could have said that "we all mourn the passing of Ho and the death of a great man, but IS refuses to deif) him, and at the end of the week of mourning i will call a public meeting to discuss the nature of his leadership, and in this principled way IS will express its condolences". if Harman had said repetition of the Stalin-Hitler pact. that, then we could believe that he was genuinely concerned both to support the struggle and to establish a Marxist position. Instead he openly insulted Madam Lin Qui, the representative of the Vietnamese, disrupted the meeting in a way which he must have known would be History (and Ho) have decided otherwise. There- provocative and set back the solidarity movement in this country at a time when the Vietnamese themselves have issued urgent appeals for In our brief Diary item we singled out the associates in the IS refused to stand for the Vietnamese national anthem. An action so indefensible that even Sedgwick is unable to defend it. Not to stand with the people of Vietnam is to stand with imperialism.
Perhaps Sedgwick and Harman will try to dis- alike. vious issue completely omits Ho's collaboration miss such a charge as trivial, and argue that stancisely symbolie, that is its purpose, and it cannot be claimed that this is "not an unbalanced appreciation neither improper nor inappropriate". If you cannot stand with the people of Marxist criticism? For The Black Dwarf. we repeat again, if you do not stand with the Vietnamese you stand against them. That is how we must judge people - by their actions. Perhaps these members of IS will protest that they would that requires an answer. This is that we are pronot stand up for the anthem of the US either. In that case we can leave them sitting on their bottoms chatting about the "hard path of objecdence from the State for which Lenin fought so vigorously in the early years of the Soviet Union?
These are serious questions, which one might hope would be seriously debated in Black Dwarf, a paper which is uniquely placed to confront the various analyses put forward by different tendencies in the Left, and help raise the discussion to a higher level.
This is not sectarian sniping. A number of very serious issues are raised for the future of the Left.
First of all, if we are serious in campaigning for socialist ideas among workers and youth, we have to be serious in stating What we mean by socialism. We have to have criteria, not just a sense of emotional uplift.
Secondly, let's get rid of the smear that those who don't accept a particular (uncritical approach to certain regimes are in some way siding with the imperialists against them. Quite the opposite. Those of us who see the anti-imperialist but non-socialist nature of states like Cuba or North Vietnam will continue to defend them despite any political turns or lapses by their leaders. Those who have no scientific standpoint will easily be disorientated by some latter-day Thirdly, many of us had hoped that Black Dwarf was going to make a contribution to the building of a Left united in action, and serious and fraternal in debating its disagreements. If Black Dwarf becomes just another sect, it will be a severe setback for all of us.
Yours fraternally, Tan H. Birchall, 109 Croyland Road, London N.9.
Dear Comrade There has been widespread criticism of the bate with the National Front at Blackfriars on 30 October. This debate never took place, being prevented by the organised violence of the "62 Group" of Zionist extremists, who beat up Fascists, I.L.P.ers, and non-committed bystanders We have been condemned by many in the ding for an anthem is merely symbolic. It is pre- left-wing movement in London as "objective allies of Fascism" . To quote some of these criOne wonders what kind of "Socialist" sociVietnam at this time, what right have you to ety would be created if persons with such a mentality had any part in the shaping of it. Although I do not think such an outburst is representative of more than a small minority However, there is a more intelligent criticism viding a platform for people with "no serious case to present". We would say that they obviously have no case that a convinced Socialist CAMPAIGN FOR THE RELEASE OF EDUARDO CRUZEIRO: Evergrowing numbers of Portuguese are leaving their country to avoid fighting in unjust 195 Ange, 4o mailed to Cosin thems In Mozambique or Guineato the draft board and are thus considered deserters. One of such men is EDUARDO CRUZEIRO, who ceserter rom the army in crumes-sissan ne cause he felt unable to collaborate with the PortuOVCESCES PLUVINCES A demonstration is to be held on Sunday, November si to protest at me monsonmert of cruzero. wilt he assembled at om at vde Park Corne sied in Belgiate Suare, i send ptolest bas; a letter of protest will b those dinosed to emugsee catinal policy tal attend and demonstrate their solidarity with those rorrusuese and alricans wno reruse to conaporate with the oppressive forces of the Portuguese regime.
mended; 10/- in advance, papers have been printed: Arnold Wesker, Andrew Salkev plus material from Cuba. (These will be sen to all booking in advance.) Two new documentaries DEAN LEVINDU, ALLU LAKTENIIEI MERVYN JONES, DAVID MERCER AND OTHER will be present to contribute to discussion Tickets 10/- from Secretary BCA, 24 Gloucester Place, WIH 3AU.
Oxfordshire poachers snoemakers charusts austranan bandies sude une Obscure. Papers by E.J. Hobsbawm, Gwyn Williams. Ruskin students etc. Folk song. Theatre of the street. Vorkers, students, teachers welcome Sleeping floor Details from History Workshop Ruskin College, Oxford NOVEMBER 23: MOSAIC: An evening of pop, jazz 5 pm to midnight. Roundhouse. Entranc t. witn vanired mann. enapter sPrincipa taward s Magic Ineatre, wnite trash, Pete Drum mond and others. For tickets and further informa tion: AAM. 89 Charlotte Street, W.1. 580 5311 Brecht. Unity Theatre, 1 Goldington Street, N.W NOV-DEC: The Watts films show which helped oper the New Art Theatre, opposite Leicester Square tube station, starting on November 2, intends to present films which haven't been seen yet and older films which nave ocer neglectea or forgotten First series: consists of 5 nights of recent films fron USA Britain Italv Germany ete Lave nor ain say, berre; the others are proportio films mostly made with ade storin ple mean.
nights in December.
and ine conunche unar orcan win une conventor
We are printing here an interview with a rialist system. The Black Dwarf 26th November 1969 Page 1
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guese regime notoped por domin of the salvil. of the coloured population of the so-called