geois of Staffordshire and Fleet Street have recently been concentrating their venom, are merely the expression of a couldn't-give-a-damn attitude in a particular context and hot weather. For the Keele authorities, however, the resultant loss of £20,000 from a local council was the last straw.
For two years, in face of continual— and increasingly radical-student hostility they have maintained a totally intransigent attitude. The particular institution (hyperliberal mini-Oxbridge) the particular situation (small, isolated with a four year course) plus the continual presence of a revolutionary Left (fairly small but relatively articulate) has meant that continual attrition has borne results. Over the last two years a growing number of students here have passed from the system-as-unfair-by-its-own-standards criticism (i.e. liberal) to an openly revolutionary one. There is now a large minority (say 300 out of 1700) for whom any number of seats on Senate or liberal rules can make no difference.
Altogether seven students have been suspended this term. Three were victimised following a sit-in and another four on trumped up noise charges(!) Eighty students missed a minor First Year exam (out of 400). Droves of students have been leaving Keel's much vaunted First Year realising it is a fraud. Several attempted suicides culminated in a death last week. Academic victimisation for political reasons is small but increasingly significant (we have several irrefutable The conjunction of these symptons plus the apparent impotence of normal student sanctions (due to inability to strike etc.) led to: burning of a section of the Keele Registry, several nights of painting, glueing of strategic locks, damage to the Registrar's house and threats of other more serious damage. Though uncoordinated, these acts were a political reaction to the failure of the Left to provide a credible mass alternative to liberal impotence. Although condemnation of administrative terrorism was universal among students there appeared little to be done. The theoretical implications of applying various sanctions, and their purpose have rarely been thrashed out. In our case, we saw ourselves as acting so as to prevent the future use of reprisals by the universities, by attempting to establish the credibility of our sanctions. Nevertheless, the situation at the end of term is one in which we have learnt much, confirmed the existence of a revolutionary left with a large minority following, and prepared the base for less spectacular but equally subversive activities next term.
Someone wrote: "It is easier to shock the bourgeoisie, alas, than to overthrow it". Comrades at Keele are finding that in fighting for a university where we can educate ourselves and aid the struggle (particularly of the working class) outside this is certainly true. Freaking the bourgeois university may be useful (it has been); revolutionary socialists must act beyond this.
FROM A KEELE MILITANT The present doctors pay dispute has exposed the splits and tensions within British medicine. The profession has always been divided between Consultants, GPs and junior doctors, and the rift between these sectors expresses a more fundamental contradiction between doctors as a middle class self-interest group, and their role in serving the community.
In 1947 when the NHS was founded, the then Minister of Health Bevan met with violent opposition from the British Medical Association (BMA). He dealt with this using classic divide-and-rule tactics by buying off the key leadership: the Harley Street Consultants. They were given part-time contracts so they could continue their private practice; they were allowed to continue running their teaching hospitals independently; and they were handed over a large lump sum of money to be distributed at their own discretion as 'merit awards." Typically, Labour fell over backwards to accomodate its enemies, and ignored and alienated its potential support among GPs and junior doctors, 60% of whom had voted for the NHS against the leadership s line BMA'S referendum.
During the 1950's discontent grew among the rest of the profession who had been left out in the cold and the GPs were the first to organise themselves. Through their pressure came the Royal Commision on Remuneration which proposed large increases in GP's salaries, and the establishment of a 'review body' The Conservatives set one up, supposedly independent, body of seven distinguished men to decide on doctor's give evidence) the BMA advocated a 40% increase for Consultants. This was a bit much even for Kindersley who suggested that 30% plus more merit awards would do. Imagine the fury of the BMA when the government cut their increase to a mere 15%, and at the same time split the profession, the other way this time, by offering the junior doctors all of their 30%. Kindersley and Co, as befits their political associations resigned en bloc, and the BMA issued a shrill cry to strike, asking the junior doctors to give up their "blood money."
The last five years has seen the junior doctors turn against the BMA as they have formed their own organisations the Junior Hospital Doctors Association and now the Junior Doctors Section of the Medical Practitioners Union. They are now the best organised, most militant section within the profession. It is not hard to see the reason. Junior Doctors are so overworked that when the BMA recently negotiated overtime pay for them they saw to it that it started each week after 102 hours of duty. In the past the patronage that consultants exercised over the Juniors through their testimonials ensured that the Juniors accepted their allotted role, and, like apprentices, put up with gross exploitation. Now the growth in numbers of Juniors, combined with the small numbers of Consultants, has broken their grip. So it is no surprise that the BMA, who have never themselves shown the slightest interest in improving the conditions of junior doctors, should have to turn to them in their hour of need (need for another £750 on top of the £750 they were offered).
The result has been a hearty snub for the BMA with junior doctors throughout the country voting against them.
As always in our society the language of cash conceals the real issues. Underlying this dispute is the problem of overworked junior doctors providing an inadequate service to patients under-equipped hospitals without proper communitysupport, alongside a growing and largely clandestine private sector. If the Torie: give their blessing to this process, they can only accelerate the increasing radicalisation of young doctors-and the Consultants will get their rise.
By a Junior Doctor.
FESTIVAL OF • THE DEPRESSED In a protest against the General Election supporters CRAP (Campaign for Revolution against Parliament) shuffled round and playing music The