As we go to press, the dock strike has just been sold out. By a 51-31 vote, today's Lay Delegates Conference voted to accept the Pearson Inquiry's non-offer. It isn't clear whether the dockers in the more militant ports-Royal Group, Liverpool-will give up the struggle or will carry on unofficially. It isn't yet clear what will happen at the mass meetings over the next two days (except in Southampton where the dockers almost unanimously rejected talk of an undificial strike) to which the delegates must report back. But it is clear, all too clear, that the dockers have been out for two weeks, have lost three weeks pay. for nothing.
Dockers from ports all over the country massed today outside the T&G's offices in Transport House to try to do something to make the delegates (selected, not elected, as dockers explain) respond to the feelings of the mass of dockers in the main ports. The men in Smith Square mostly knew, or had a strong suspicion, which way the delegates would vote: perhaps the actual figures were worse than most expected. With Liverpool and Southampton's votes, 14 and 29 respectively, against the Report's offer, with Tyneside delegates mandated to vote against too, angry militants were totting up the figures, wondering how such a heavy blow had been dealt. They were sickened and disgusted, talking of leaving the Whites and oining the Blues, shouting "You've sold us out," and "We want Jones. "* Jones was wise enough to be unavailable, apparently at a press conference (who does that man really represent?), and most of the delegates crept out of the side door. the back door, the tradesmen's entrance, perhaps even the lavatory windows, rather than face the men they were supposed to representbut in fact sold out--in the street.
IF YOU HATE THE BRITISH ARMY, CLAP YOUR HANDS (Bob Pundie has just returned from his visit to Ireland on behalf of The Red Mole. He has interviewed many (rish militants which we will publish in later issues Here he reports on the situation in the Falls in Belfast.) Once again the Irish people are seeing the real face of British imperialism. Having crushed the protests about the imprisonment of Bernadette Devlin, the British Better, otended to ok for arms. The real sit ostensibly to look for arms. The real situation s this: the Falls is under military occupation Three weeks after the attack Falls is still seething wath anger: many or the nouses are ony now being straightened up after the delicate attentions of the British troops. The Civil Rights Association has produced an impressive series of photographs showing the cemade which was cone, sinks were nosta tron the walls, upholstery torn open, toilets smashed up, religious pictures and statuettes smashed. Quite apart from damage which could have been legitimately caused in the process of searching for arms, money was stolen, gas meters broken into, and valuables taken. A of copies of the Republican movernent's manifesto were arbitrarily burned.
The whole operation shows how interested the SPRI The only real explanation for the delegates voting the way they did was that they, and especially the T&G leadership, never wanted the strike in the first place. Rank and file dockers forced it on them. At the first straw offered to them by the government and employers' official report, they wavered and collapsed. It was a miserable straw, too: f20 fall back and holiday pay, as offered by Tonge, and a slight improvement in overtime rates, while dockers can still get overtime. This is only temporary, pending the introduction of Devlin Phase Two AND NOTHING AT ALL ON THE BASIC The unfree press had pefformed its usual role in the service of capitalism by putting forward the rumour that Pearson was going to recommend something on the basic, lulling some dockers almost into complacency and putting them in a state of mind in which acceptance of Pearson seemed almost inevitable. " Nasty rumours" were circulating a mong dockers that they were "only going to get E2 on the basic"which would have put it up to a derisory £13.1.8 And finally nothing. But by then the will of the T&G leadership to fight had been lost beyond recovery.
The T&G leaders support for the strike was in any case highly equivocal. They had already accepted Devlin Phase Two, propaganded for it among their members, and threatened a trike if it was not brought in The demand to sic, however nuch some shop stewards and delegates might argue that it was a justified demand which had nothing to do with Phase Two except as a kind of insurance against the employers reneging certainly brought the whole of Phase Two into question. At least the employers would have had to do better on the rates offered in their package British Government is in "civil rights", The presence of the British Army in Northern Ireland is quite illegal no state of emergency nas boon deciarea, and there 1 provision for the kind of activities they are engaged in. Indeed, they are very sensitive on unis come une curew wiew they woosta was later denied, and people who were arrested for breaking it have since been charged with obstructing the police (no policemen have been in the Falls, except for token gestures, since last Hugust When challenged on the legality of their actions, they immediately go into a panic. In the early hours of Thursday 23rd July, the owner of a car in Ton Street une near or reber raus was told that nis car we being searched. In a loud voice he asked under what egislation the search was being carried out. The soldiers refused to answer and ordered him out of the car me insisteo unar ne be told, asking i une scarou was being done under the Special Powers Act. At this point a considerable crowd of neighbours had gathered;
the Army barricaded off both ends of the street, and ceciared inem to be an mecal assemory wnin dia not impress them too much); they insisted on being told the legal position. An Army Captain was called; he denied that the search was being done under the Special Powers Act: the car owner refused to allow the car to be searched; a Major was called; he too denied that the Act was being used, and retired with the Captain and the Sergeant for consultations; the Capdeal; otherwise dockers would have taken their new basic wage and told the employers to stuff the rest: redundancies, shift work, *labour mobility" "labour flexibility", reduced manning scales and all. But the employers were determined to get their "modernisation" and the union leadership lulled by committee room talk of the "national interest"', tea and sympathy with the bosses and, for some of them, a regular £100 a week basic, was not prepared to take them on.
When the strike was official the dockers were in fact in a strong position. The strike was solid in all the ports. Continental ports were blacking cargoes diverted to them from Britain. The troops were actually a paper tiger: apart from "left" Labour M.P.s anxious about 'industrial unrest", and a few people who didn't like the idea of the number of soldiers likely to be killed and injured (7 soldiers were killed in accidents the last time the army was sent into the docks), nobody was particularly bothered at the prospect of troops in the docks. London market porters had already undertaken to black any goods unloaded by the troops; lorry drivers were to be called out by the T&G. The dockers could have fought the Tories and won a great victory for the working class.
So a position of strength has been lost. But the fight should not be given up. The argument is being used: "We are in a difficult position. Only some ports might come out unofficially. and we don't want a repeat of the 1967 disaster" (when uncoordinated strikes in Liverpool and London against Devlin Phase One were defeated completely in London and partially in Liverpool). But this is quite wrong. The key problem confronting dockers is Devlin Phase Two, and on the clear evidence of the present strike, it will not be successfully fought by the T&G.
tain returned and admitted that the Act was being invoked. The owner allowed his car to be searched Shortly afterwards the Major returned and denied that ne opecial rowers not no been usea!
The beone of tne ralls are very clear 30out wha the Army is there for. It is there to prevent, not religious conflict, but any danger of a repetition of "Free Belfast. There are sandbagged posts at the street corners. armoured cars and leeos tull or armed soleler.
patrolling constantly; foot patrols of six to ten soldiers with rifles and billy-clubs at the ready walk up and down the streets. A new form of intimidation is the constant onotorsonine or ecose barticuanviney are known Republicans, or are seen in the company of, or near the houses of, Republicans.
The Irish are used to occupation forces, and have Ine own ways or ocaine wiw inem, one untorunate soldier got lost in the dark one night, following a voice which sounded just like his mate's! The children of Falls are delighted with their new game; they run Denino the patrois singing, you nate tne britist The role of the Army in Falls is completely political. Last summer behind the barricades the people snowed Inat uney were casabie or running their own community without Stormont, Westminster, British troops or the RUC The danger that they might decide to do without them again sends cold shivers down une spine or britisn imperialism, and its Ta DERRY * So it is necessary to try and build an effecti rank-and-file movement, taking in also those militant dockers who belong to the NAS&D or who are excluded by the trade-union bureaucracy from being in any union. And build such an effective, unofficial or shopstewards movement will involve a struggle a the official T&G machine.
But the next few months will show whet the government and the employers can get with complacently and blatantly ignoring th dockers' demands; whether the union offic can get away with, yet again, reneging on th support for their members, or whether they have, the lot of them, misjudged the mood dockers. The big struggles are yet to come.
Teresa Hayter Tony Whelan * One docker said that all he could thir doing was going home and committing The RED MOLE produced a special broadsheet on the dock strike which came out the day after the official s began and which we have been sellir large numbers on the docks and else It has articles on the background an political implications of the strike w by people who have been involved i militant struggles in the docks, and interview with Ernie Rice, one of th delegates for the Royal Group of D It is still available in limited number Write to the centre for copies. Northern Irish partners. In addition the Falls is t stangod or tened republicans, that sectic of the Republican Moverent which has declare a Workers' Republic. They have-wen the confide! of the people by assisting them against racketeeri landlords, moving them into empty houses and protecting them from eviction. in co-operation w other organisations, they run an advice centre, wt free legal advice can be obtained in addition to he in dealing with the state bureaucracy and physica protection where necessary.
Last year confusion about the real role of the Troops was rife on the situation today confirms the position of those wh said that they had gone in to get the barricades down and to smash dual power in Derry and Belf and that any temporary help/protection they gav to the Catholics against an Orange pogrom was with this in mind. Today there can be about their role, but the crime of the British left i inaction. The crisis in Northern Ireland deepens every day, and every day brings closer the inevitabie controntation between British Imperialism, and the forces of National Liberatio in Ireland. What is needed now is to build a mass solidarity movement to aid that struggle.
Bob Purdie
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TAKEN TO ARMAGH