crisis of the new neo-colonialist states of Africa ended in a realignment of imperialist forces in central Africa. Unfortunately, many progressives, socialists, etc. in the West are still confused and mystified over the events which compelled them to team up with Fascist Spain and Portugal, racist South Africa and the Pope on one side of the Nigerian Civil War. Efforts by revolutionists in Nigeria to make fellow revolutionaries throughout the world see the civil war as a historic occasion for turning it into a revolutionary struggle against imperialism and for liquidating the neo-colonial class structures seem to have been unsuccessful. Thus more than ever the task which confronts the revolutionary Left is one of concretely analysing the concrete situation.
Real Cause of the War In Nigeria a nascent bourgeoisie is dependent on the monopoly capital of the world cartels. It could not evolve into an independent ruling class. Despite the feudal, merchant, comprador appearance of this ruling class, it displayed a unity of interests because all its components were under control of the imperialist monopolies. After all, for ten years up until 1965 these elements ruled Nigeria jointly by maintaining a coalition government at the centre and by dividing up the various provinces amongst the different parties which comprised that coalition. In 1966 there were possibilities of a flowing but this possibility was reversed by the combined action and pressure of the foreign monopolies and the feudal and comprador elements of the indigenous ruling class. It was no accident that imperialist pressure coincided with the discovery of oil reserves in Nigeria. However, the ruling class could not hold onto power in the same way as they did before 1966. A blatant and conscious regionalism and tribal separatism which had been used in the past was not quite applicable to a situation which was continuously producing general strikes, peasant uprisings and armed struggle. The imperialists fighting amongst themselves as well in a mad bid to reach the oil encouraged the re-balkanisation of the richest and largest country of Africa. Nigeria is the most neo-colonialised state in Africa. It holds the most battle-hardened toiling classes including an urban proletariat which is probably the most advanced in Africa-it has been developing since the incursion of capitalism a century ago; it contains a large peasantry which is used to armed struggle and a revolutionary cadre force drawn from all the oppressed classes, from all the nationalities, and free from the ideologies of social-democracy and Stalinism. It acts after making a revolutionary appraisal of the concrete situation. It was in this background and expressly in order to prevent the development of these revolutionary potentialities that the neo-colonialist civil war was started.
The Civil War The civil war was a defence of the class interests Ta-thu Thau has always been a revolutionary nationalism. It is no secret in Nigeria that the most reactionary and backward movements in Nigeria gave support to the Biafran ruling class and regime once une posinons or te latter were clear and once the Biafran "leadership" had imprisoned and shot revolutionary cadres and leftist junior army officers to make clear to their international backers where exactly they stood. This then is the sad irony of the situation. While many left-wing circles in Europe were collecting aid for starving children, their money was used to feed and clothe the Biafran ruling class and their real comrades were being shot dead. The contradiction of British, Soviet, Israeli and French arms did not deceive the Nigerian working masses in the same way as they did not deceive the Spanish workers in the •late 1930s.
The Nigerian government represent the liberal wing of the bourgeoisie rallied to fight the war. Following the counter-coup of General Ironsi in January 1966, many revolutionary forces decided to use the East as a base for overthrowing the neo-colonialist class. It was to the Eastern Region (later Biafra) that left-wing army officers and the trade union leaders from the Nigerian Labour Party had fled. In the East these forces organised the Youth Brigade, the workers, the farmers, into organisations. Soon after the creation of Biafra, Ojukwu liquidated the topmost leaders of these forces under the charge of treason. For some time he continued to use the mass movements they had created, but soon after he started to detain the middlelevel leaders for "consorting with the enemy'" It is significant that the fall of Biafra followed immediately upon the complete withdrawal of support of the Biafran masses. The original intention had been to convert the Eastern Region into a revolutionary base after January 1966 but the exact opposite happened. An ideology called Blackism (see glossary below) was inflicted on the Biafran masses. It was precisely during this civil war that the reactionary Nigerian ruling class felt that its hegemony was threatened by the toiling masses. In 1969 there were peasant rebellions against the feudalists and the government was forced to satisfy one of the more important subsidiary demands therefore in the fiscal year 1969/70 the western peasantry had to be exempted from the poll ta› efore they agreed to lay down their weapons The result of the civil war was a defeat undoubtedly for the colonialists who were hoping to see a permanent division of the country, but the entire structure of the Nigerian ruling class emerged from this war badly bruised and shaken.
After the Civil War Immediately after the war the giant U.S. cartels followed by their Common Market rivals arrived in Nigeria and are today competing with the British giants for a share in the "post-war reconstruction" ', in oil-boom and for control of the economic base of the country. It must be remembered that both during and after the civil war the agitation of the workers and peasants has not ceased. The military government today confronts a classic neo-colonial dilemma. Either it will be overthrown by the old ruling class The C.P. lost a lot of its influence on this whose economic strength is increasing and who will undoubtedly, given its history, not be completely disinterested in regaining political power, or a people's struggle led by the urban and rural proletariat will remove it from office.
The agents of imperialism are quite openly in search of a candidate who will ensure "stability" in Nigeria for the next period. Unfortunately for them there is no leader of sufficient popular appeal available, who has not been discredited for making war profits and whose climb to power would not result in an immediate confrontation. The Kight fear the second civil war more than anything else. A civil war that will be a class war opening the road to a socialist revolution. There exist today contradictions between the "Nasserite" military government and the old ruling class which have to be resolved to ensure the hegemony of one or the other.
The Perspectives The sufferings of the Nigerian toiling masses are such that they may easily back a "Nasser" type demagogy promising popular reforms. This is where the need and the role of a revolutionary leadership becomes paramount. If Nigeria reverts back to the old and openly reactionary role of a neo-colonial stooge, which certainly remains a possibility, it will lead to the second civil war. On the other hand the imperialist elements (particularly British imperialism could well try and back a regime with the "left" face...a military reformism that will keep the real left down by false promises, etc. This is the only real danger for the left. It will lead to an era of illusions, which can only be combatted by a strong working class leadership. Whatever happens the ground is being laid for revolutionary struggle. What the length of the interval will be depends on which faction of the ruling class gains ascendancy. What is clear is that Nigeria is seeing the opening up of a new revolutionar theatre which could well set the stage for the rest of Africa.
Woki Woka GLOSSARY NIGERIAN ARMY: A 9,000-strong regular volunon or serior orcers tramed are Dream, caraca the war. Kank and file mainly peasant, many of whom were conscious politically and refused to surrende their arms after the war and instead took part in th NIGERIAN LABOUR PARTY: Founded in 1964 during a General Strike that created a brief dual powel StuaTion. Ar mass raulles the soikers demanded a working class its People fary of had estated eNground till then. Also elected to the Central Committee wer u one memers orune boucar owreat or tre revor lonary socius cabow Party. whose tendershin wer tried in court after the collapse of the strike for plot stitute the vanguard elements on the left M.A.O. IMOUDU: The father of West African trade unionism. was a foremost leader or the nationals movement who brought the working class into the nti-colonialist struggle by organising the General Strik f 1945. Exiled and jailed by the British several time no real evidence is available suspicion centres on, Is at present leader of the industrial country-wide unon ton -cavour unty aront charman org banned Nigerian Labour Party. A Marxist-Leninist fighter.
NIGERIAN REVOLUTIONARY GROUP: Ar amorphous collection of cadres of the Nigerian Labe Party, Communist Party of Nigeria (Maoist), Commu nist Party of Kano, revolutionary elements from th peasantry, Trotskyists, Guevarists and those on the extreme left of the Action Group.
Northern Elements PROGRESSIVE UNION banned mass peasant movement whose leaders are now to be found in six provincial state government:
Northern Nigeria and whose leader Aminu Kano is member of the Feudal Military Government. The Un at its peak had a good record of combatting feudalis ACTION GROUP: middle-class based social-demo cratic party whose leader Chief Awolowo is the Dep Chairman of the Federal Government's Executive counc however me group nor some tenwie ele ments a million times to the left of British left socia democrats like Foot, Heffer, Newens, etc.
SOCIALIST WORKERS AND FARMERS PARTY: Tiny middle-class party known popularly Correct. Its : who is based or the British programme with dualtions for ramona democratic revomnion yare berore we mor on to socialsm friated to then ta. 5 Lamera collegeration o NIGERIAN TRADES UNION CONGRESS:
tHree to are wire una meerm to the soci workers ane warmers rarty surorised went orran with Tul-time cares LABOUR UNITY FRONT: Led by Imoudu;
united nation-wide industrial unions: communication mines, docks, railways, etc WORKERS UNITY COMMITTEE: This unites cures, shop stewares una muebergenty Bare secre tartes wrom the cornens or cavour mat Donnicised t General strike of 1y04 Attemnis to nreak the contr of the Fronts, to organise a rank and file movemen based on workers' assemblies anD the he refor is organ of the Moscow part, NIGERIAN SOCIALIST: Described as an "Orga TOr RevOluTIOnary ACTOn coltorm hoard comno many places NS revolutionary cadres and new militants. YOUNG TOILERS BRIGADE: founded by th vouln wine or the banned cabow Party Noted for it *liberation tactics such as liberating peasants from debtors by encouraging the burning of moneylenders NIGERIAN YOUTH SOLIDARITY COUNCIL Let by youre trade umorsis. uniles voung peasant: ana workers on an anthimperianst programme. Non studenT THE NEO-COLONIALIST CLASS: An amalgam or various sections or the ruine class namer Giant Monopolies. The Directors of imperialist enterprises in the counti of the ruling class in Nigeria . Politically and economically props up (i) The Feudal Class. Chieftains, Emirs, landowner who are putting then pole enterprises i the cites who are The Compradors. The bourgeoisie; a merchant on imperialist enterprise and politic suppos and cottage plauserie vests surplus value gained from city impla embezzle money from public funds by legal means an resent oreeu or poncans gon cuu am munary a ecruited rom This cas