Inside: Programme of Bengali NLF IRELAND: Solidarity with the IRA White Terror in Bolivia Ernest Mandel The Dollar Crisis COMBAT REDUNDANCIES: Plesseys/Storeys/BAC/GEC/TUC Congress
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Trial of Rouge For over a hundred years Marxists have defined the police as a band of armed men in the service of the capitalist class. This autumn, Rowe, weekly paper of the Communist League, French section of the Fourth International, goes on trial for having demonstrated this simple truth to too many people. But on trial is more than Rouge or any other revoIntionary paper. If is the freedom of the press that is on trial in France, and British revolutionaries must draw the lessons from the struggle.
Charles Michaloux, editor of Rouge, is indicted on five counts for injuries and defamation of the police and public administration". The five articles concerned are all accounts of police brutility towards demonstrators or innocent bystanders, of police collusion with the fascist thugs of the New Order, of false evidence given by police, etc.
The trial is part of a planned attack of Marcellin, Minister of the Interior, aguinst the revolutionary press -the trials of the Maoist papers. L Idios International and La Cause du Peuple, the arrest of Sartre, the beating of the journalist Jaubert, etc. The immediate object in attacking Rouge is clear: Marcellin hopes for a fine large enough to prevent the paper from appearing. The stakes are high, for the Communist League is the largest and most important revolutionary Marxist group in France.
The League have set up a special subscription of support for Rouge, as well as collecting hundreds of names of French notables condemning "the gradual installation of a police state in France" and offering to witness at the trial in Rouge's defence. More importantly, the League intends to use the trial to accuse the accusers, to denounce "the repression that Marcellin and his police direct against revolu tionary militants and workers and against a press which they want to totally control", The postponement of the trial until this autumn is a big victory because the trial can become a major issue when the universities open.
British revolutionaries should be aware of the possible repercussions of this trial, and an unfree French press, in Britain. The OZ trial is no joke, but rather a premonition of worse to come. In particular, the section of the Industrial Relations Bill that outlaws press support of unofficial strikes could, if enforced, prevent any coverage of most industrial stroggles-or at the least could prevent revolution ay pupers from taking sides!!
Wither freedom of the prem nor other bourgeois freedome are above the overall relations of class forces. When bourgeois society finds it difficult to maritain law and order and the economic and political climate deteriorates. the ruling class does not hesitate to sacrifice even the oldest and "most cherished" of her historic gains. The attempted suppression of the Pentagon papers in the U.S., the OZ trial, the trial of Rouge - militants would be unforgivably bort-sighted to think that "it can't happca bere". Readers of The Red Mole willing to give thei signatures and/or their money for the defence of Rouge should contact the following address:
ROUGE DEFENCE, 182 Pentonville Road, London N.I.
Crisis in Race Relations Industry The capitalist strategy towards black workers is based on two principle and complementary components-repression and the race relations industry. The first is typified in the blatant racialism of the Immigration Bill and in police brutality. It is underpinned by press build-ups for muscular Aryan heroes like P.C. Pulley of Notting Hill and with orgasmic thriller stories about the hunt for illegal immigrants. The second strund is the race relations industry organised around the Race Relations Board, the Community Restines Cornision and the Institute of Race Relations These two components, like twin bookends, balance each other in confining and attempting to control the Black communities. To counterbalance repression and pure force, the Race Relations Industry artempts to integrate the Blacks into capitalist society, to emasculate and buy over sections of the Black leadership and to channel the response of the Blacks to racism into reformism. The militancy of the working class coonomic offensive and the growing political awareness of the Blacks has disturbed the equilibrium between the hard and the soft cop. It is the soft cop of the Race Relations Industry who is showing the strain. The Newham Cornmumity Relations Officer, Jerry Westall, got into trouble when he reported Maudling to the Race Relarions Board for publishing the Immigratien Ball. He was finally sacked for alleging that the National Front was attacking Blacks in Stepney. A further crisis occurred in the industry when Robin Jenkins was sacked for criticising the Institute of Race Relations in a paper delivered to the British Sociological Association. The paper and an analysis of the response to it have been published as a pamphlet, The Production of Kuowleder at the institute of Race Relations.
The most striking thing in the pamphlet is the list of council mombers of the IRR and their interests. Out of twenty council members, only seven are social scientists. They are easily cutweighed by the eight members who have Business interests in Africa-more particularly South Africa. There are four members who belong to the Africa Private Enterprise Group, including the organiser of APEG, Corporate subseribers to the IRR include Barclays Bank, Anglo-American Corporation of South Afries Ltd., Pilkingtons and the Rhodes Trust. Oppenheimer sits on the council IParentine To Raor Can In ama The money to finance the IRR comes from these companies as well as from the Ford Foundation and the Gulbenkian Trust which is controlled by the Portuguese Government.
The IRR has for the past six years carried out research into race relations in Britain. So far the major work to emeree from the IRR has been a bulky tome called Colour and Cirizenship by Rose and Deakin. Jenkins argues that this scudy and the others like are it are not scientific works but the manufacturing of bourgeois ideology. Deakin explicitly attacks Marxism for "nihilism" as he prefers to call it) and states that "the present difficulties can be resolved without compromising either the cultural integrity of our society or the values that animate it." The other major assumption is that British society is dominated by a surge towards equality which is steadily troding differences in wealth. Of course, there are certain preconditions for the sustaining of this happy state of affairs, as Deakin goes on -to point out: "First, for the economy to work effectively in the short run, it must have a degree of slack, made up partly of physical capacity and partly of human capacity." After stating this well-known scientific fact, he continues: "To the extent that this slack is made up of immigrants. it will not be made up of the home population." With liberal "friends" like this, the Blacks don't need enemies, Jenkins then deals with the work of the IRR on prejudice. Deakin has dealt with this topic. He starts off by explaining that in Britain there is an ethic of faimess and embedded in our culture and system of law". This extraordinary proposition is then bolstered up with an arbitrary and dishonest division of the research sample into foor types -tolerant, tolerant-inclined, prejudiced inclined and prejudiced. Those in the sample who felt that the "authorities should refuse housing to coloured tenants even if they had heen on the waiting list the required time" are placed in the category "tolerant inclined". By blatant tricks like this and more refined conjuring with hivariate analyses and spurious correlations, we are left with a rump of 10% who are prejudiced. This small minority are obviously irrational deviants with "undermined personalities". By a creative leap imperialist ideology, bad housing. unemployment, the need of neo-capitalism for a sub-proletariat, etc. are declared Irrelevancies. The way has been cleared for a real attack on racism by means of factor analysis on the breastfeeding undermined personalities syndrome.
Robin Jenkins does not metely accuse the IRR of producing bourgeois ideological rubbish. He sees an important role for the IRR in acting is a watchdog and spy on the Blacks, so that capitalism can more effectively manipulate them. Jenkins ends his pamphlet with the following adrice: * Immigrant communities will have to form their own organisations to protect their own interests. In order to do this they will have to wrap their communities in a protective secrecy that makes them inaccessible to manipulation and control. When researchers for the IRR come knocking on their doors for information they will be well advised to tell them to fuck off"
-Julian Atkinson UCS: YCL-SL Debate Those who called for the DCS work-in to become a sit-in strike, for the extension of the strugele outside the yards, and for the necesity of a General Strike, had a "patronising. paternalistic, and contemptuous approach to the working cass, " said Young Communist League speakers at a debate with the Spartacus League in London on Friday 3rd September.
THE Y.C.L. CASE: CAPITULATION TO REFORMISM Tony McNally and Brian Filling based this on the contertion that the consciousness of the working class is reformist and that in McNally's words. "We move behind the working class." The demands which the Trotskyists were putting forward would lead to the isolation of the UCS workers and would alienate the support of the trade union buresueracy. Brian Filling saw this last as particularly important, since in his view the reactionary nature of the hureaucracy hai nothing to do with their social position but was simply a political reflection of the reformism of the working class.
The YCE sother main contention was that "the yards can be made viable within the framewark of caprtalism." A General Strike might conceivably be on the cards eventually, but the stroggle could be won before then, The answer lay in forcing the Government to change its policy -for this reason Brian Filling atracked The Red Mole's Clydeside broadsheet for its emphasis on the options open to the working class rather than an the demands that should be made to the rung class.
THE SPARTACUS LEAGUE REPLY In reply, Dave Bailey and Alan Freeman of the Spartacus League pointed out the essentially euphoric approach of the YCL speakers, which contained no real analysis of the situatin. One had to start by looking at tiCS in the context of the general crisis of British capitalism and examining the Tory strategy in this tight. In the context of the decline of the British economy land particularly such industries as shipbuilding) in face of increased competition in the world market, and the resultant need for the ruling case to restore is profits by smasting the militancy of the working caes and cutting their reat wages, it is clear that the yards cannor be vishle under capitalism-and to claun that the problem is one of management, that the workers could run the yards ata prefit, in hishly fallacious angument which creates — The news in brief The SL comrades dealt at some length with the Tory strategy, which he as as being two-pronged. First, they are quite content to allow the work-in to continue for the moment, becrse although it is having a big propopanda effect on the woricing class it otherwise runs directly parallel to the interests of the liquidator and the bosses--who ntust be delighted at the massive increases in productivity sance the work in started! The Tories realise that what can only he a protest action is being presented by the C.P. as a strategy; the stewards are now having to devote all their energies to keeping the work-in going because they have no alternative strategy to offer the workers. The UCS leaders refuse to take any action which would involve mactions against the ruling class, such as a sit-in strike, because they still look to that class for a solution. Thas they open up the waytor demoralisacion among the workers (which can already be seen in the numbers volunteering for redundancies), followed by negotiations, followed by a sell out. Bailey also analysed the Tories' use of the trade union bureaucrucy in the struggle, noting how it is Feather and McCarvey rather than the UCS workers who are now doing most of the negotiating with the Government. The lack of any long-term strategy bad allowed the locus of power to shift away from the workers. He pointed to Trotsky's analysis of how the union bureaucracy is used by the ruling class. The Communist Party, because it regards the union bureaucracy as a sepping stone into the Left wing of Social Democracy, leaves the way open for them to take over the initiatise from the mass of the working class. The task of revolutionary Marxists must always be to pose to the working class what is recesory to win their strugglebecause otberwise they will be defeated wirhour know ing why and will hase no basis for continuing the struggle by The debare was undoubtedly a success in providing a real clarification for Spartacus League members of the difference hetween a revolutionary and a reformist approach to politics. Unfortunately the sane cannot he said for YCL members since hardly any turned up to the meeting. A precondition for any such further mectings must he the attendance of rank-and-file members of both organisations, which can only he ensured by adequate internal and external publicity BAC Redundancies For some time now, the British Aircraft Corporation (BAC) has been in trouble. Its commercial planes, designed and baile in the 1960s, are only being sold at a trickle in the world market. This is due to both fierce American competition and the deepening crisis of British capitalism. While BAC 111s are still being construcred, the VCEO is no longer being built. In this sicantion it was only Concorde that could save BAC's commercial division, which consists of Filton (Bristol) and Weybridge, The latter town has already experienced redundancies and today resembles more and more a whost town. The future of Filton is wedded firmis to that of the Concorde. The survival of Concorde depends an now long tae tonica tank a is poacany seru, our they are aho determined that as little money as possible is spent on an unprofitable project. That is why they lave demanded that the BAC commercial division sack 1,200 men. BAC is so deeply committed to the Concorde project that It has no plans at the moment for soy future aircraft There is only vague talk of a "short take-off" commercial REDUNDANCIES AND THE UNIONS On Sept. Isr BAC announced 1,200 redundancies in its commercial division, to come into effect by the end of October. 557 men are to be made redundant at Flton, out of a toral of 7,000. The inajority of these ate white-collar staff workers The unions at Filton have reacted to this announcement by initiating a campaign of lightning strikes and demonstrations. Already there have been three walk-outs, one lending to 1,000 workers besieging the Engineering Employers Association offices where the bosses were meeting the unions The object of the campaign is twofok. First to fight the redundancies themselves and secondly to force the bosses to recognise the joint works-sraff redundancy committee made up of abop stewards from each department, which war given an overwhelming vote of confidence by n mass meeting of ahout 3,000 workers the day afler redundancies were annoticed. There has ulso been an overtime ban since the end of July when the wons were first told that BAC was in NO REAL CLARITY ON HOW TO FIGHT REDUNDANCIES But the redundancy committee has not yet taken a clear stand on the redundancies-the committee has been instructed to seek ways of avoiding sackings or demanding more generous compensation payments. it was left to individual militants, including n DATA shopsteward, to streas that redundancies ure nor negotiable and that the committee must fight redundancies uncompromisingly. The setting up of a jount works-staff redundancy committoe la a step forward in the fight, especially as the company deeds to use the old divide and rule tactic to push these redundancies However there are problems. Less than 50% of the staff are unionised and it has to be involved in the fight against thexe redundancies as tbey are undoubtedly only the flost sep before further sackings which will definitely he announced in the near future. Already the overtime han is hitting the Concorde programme. It must be strengthened by worksharing, introducing a shorter working week, ete The struggle itself must be deepened by involving all 7.000 workers at Filton, through regular mass meetings exercising democratic control over the redumdency committee.
Stirling Ayrshire Kilmarnoc 201472710972 The Plessey Occupation At time of writing (September 9th) the struggle against redundancy at the Plessey electronics factory in Alexandria (Dunbartonshire) had reached a crucial stage. The 200 workers who had occupied the giant plant since September Jed were warned by the management. "If you don't allow our maintenance workers to come in we will take strong action. " The warning came after the workers had refused to allow the management to bring in outsiders to maintain machinery. They said they would oil and clean the machinery themselves. However they insisted that the firm's security fores should come into the plant.
Mr. Edward Metafferty, the convenor of the shop stewards, explained why: "This was to safeguard ourselves against allegations of machines being damaged by our men. But the management refused to allow this." The demand for the management's men to he allowed into the factory came at a meeting on September Sth, between the shop stewards and representatives of the firm. The convenor added, "The management again told us that we were trespas sing, and warned us that they would take strong action if we refined to let their worknes into the factory:
MANAGEMENT'S THREAT COUNTERED "CONFRONTATION"
A mass meeting today considered the ultimatum and the workers responded to the management's threat by starting a campaign to enlist support from former employees to assist them in the occupation. Announcing the workers' rejection of the ultimatum, Mr. MeLatferty said, "Any maintenance work carried out inside the factory will be done by us... this could lead to u confron tation."
The struggie against the closure started in carnest on Friduy, September 3rd, when the last of the 700-strong work-force received their pay-off notices, Shop stewards put into operation their threat to occupy. A meeting next day of 200 workers unanimously decided that traftic entering or leaving the factory would have to get permission from pickets. They also agreed to continue ta coatrol the gates and to refuse to let the company move the machinery out.
A management spokesman denied that there were any immediate plans to move machinery out. However, one Dr. Lan Martin from an outfit calling itself the 600 Group Metal Company claimed that the machinery was his personal property. He bad the audacity to ask the men's couperation in removing it.
Shop stowards from other factories in the area, including the nearby Burroughs computer workers, have organised support for the pickets. The workers hav received monetary support from local residents, inclading old age pensioners, and local traders have been supplying food. Faends and telates have browsht blankets and sleeping bags for the occupiers. It has been extimated that the complete closure of the plant would lead to a 15% rate of unemployment in the area. The main argument of the workers is that it is government policy and the rationalisation plans of the Plessey management which are responsible for the proposed closure. They clain: that Plessey bas sub-contracted enough work to keep the Alexandria factory in production for an indefinite period. Instead, the management prefers to transier this work to Plessey's four ford factories a typical example of the government-encouraged concept of concentrating production regardless of social consequences.
PROFITS BEFORE JOBS The factory used to be the Royal Navy Torpedo works. It was boucht by Plesses tor what leading Scottish newspapers have described as ha hargain price", after the failure of the Mark 24 torpedo. WEST-CENTRAL the creation of 1,000 jobs at least. However, the workers are convincod that Plessey never had any intention of developing production there. All evidence indicates that the firm sow instead an easy opportunity to buy modem equipment on the cheap.
The Alexandria shop stewards have contacted Plessey workers in other parts of the countryShop stewards at the ford factories declared any machinery from Alexandria black At the giant Plessey works in Beeston, Nottingham, shop stewards have passed a resolution aiso declaring the machinery black. This reaolution is to be circulated to all Plessey workers and calls fora national campaign of solidarity with the Alexandria occupiers. There is to be a combine meeting of shop stewards to consider chis campaign. Nottingham execative of the TGRU has instructed its memhers in road haulage not to take equipment from Alexandria- the resolation will be circulated to other branches of the POLITICAL FIGHT AGAINST REDUNDANCIES Attbough overshadowed by the UICS struggle, the fight by Plessey workers is an extemely important one and is in many ways on a higher political level. Some idea of the workers' atticude la given by the huge hanner they have put round the entrance to the works anch reads "Under New Management!" They have not been so gentlemanly as representatives of the UCS workers for instance they have insisted upon the right of pickets to search those management and staff cars which lave been allowed in and ast of the works, Their slogans have been much more political when taking part in demonstrations. a fact that has brought them into conflict with the UCS stewards who wanted to keep polities out of the fight against redundancies. " In general, they have done more to spread the struggle rather than freeze solidarity action at the level of coll ecting maney.
The Plessey struggle takes place against a background of mounting redundancies and short-time working in the West of Scotland engineering Industry, One of the latest announcements affects 50 men out of a total workforce of 250 at the A P. Newall division of GN at Possilpark, Glasgow. On Monday, September 6, about 30 men at the Cumbernauld factory of Rubery Owen & Co. were put on short-time working. Cumbernauld, with an unemployment cate of over 10%, has already been severely hir by creeping redundancies al Hurroughs Machines Ltd. (cf. THE RED MOLE,27) and further sackings are in the octing Speaking to the GLASGOW HERAL Disep.6)
Mr Alex Ferry, Glasgow district secretary of the AUEW commented: * A company in Criasgow They got 340 applications. There are already wel over 1.000 skilled engineering workers on our books out of work and unable to got a job.
THE NEED FOR SUPPORT AND LEADERSHIP Developments like the Pleasey struggle whatever their final ourcome are very much to Do welcomed. All lough the CS struggle has been.
frozen at the level of the "workin", i has auge ested a new form of combating redundancies.
Workers have responded to planned closures of plants by the tactic of occupatien in a numher of cases. The big danger, however, is that these struggles will face defeat through bad leadership and lack of a national strategy. No iselated sections of workers, no matter how militant and heroit:
can defeat the bosses backed by the capitalist state in such struggles. Collections for US are pood hut infinitely more important is a political campaign to win the organised strength of the labour move.
ment in the fight apainst redundancies. The Pleasey struggle could be won if the strength of giant unions ike the ALEW and IGWU was used.
However, such a development would either force the employers to climb down or asocial struggle of fat-reaching consequences would be unions are scared it this prospect, which is why they diverty the struggle into harmless channels. such as sunday demon tangs On another front, the struggle against the consequences of unemployment is being waped by Climants Unions. They are playing an extremely important role in assisting the unemployed to ger their full social security entitlement and by actins as a focus for pressurising the trade-uncon mosethe unemployed. Revolutionary socialists, notably letten as "ours", and has issued lecters to all meat to take on its responsibility for organising aurants oi the lie sno te saartacu: Lopie are doing in essential job in assisting the format Ion of Claimants" Unions in lowns like Clydebank, Cumbernauld, Edinburgh and Falkark. This activity assists the wider struggle of mohiasing the labour movement in a general fight against unersployment.
Pat Jordan Women on Strike at Cleaton Moor URGENT _ INDUSTRIAL DISPUTE Workers at Brannans Lid. Cleator Moot, Cumberland, the majority of whom are women.
have been on strike for 14 weeks over a dsipute caused by manngement...
On Thursday 3ed June, AEUW members withdrew theit labour at the factory after management had selected certain wockers to go on monthly staff conditions while continuing to work with the tools of the trade alongside other workers doing the same work who had not received the same consideration. Managemeat have refused to discuss with Linion repre sentatives the position of workers who are put on staff. They have she ignored letters Fron our Union Official requesting meetings, to try to'end this dispute.
We are all of the opinion that this dispute 15 ultimately an attempt to end union negotiating rights in Brannans and it took a long time to get the anion established in this factory About eighteen months ago some of our members were diagnosed with mercury poison ing and the Factory Inspectorate gave Brannans three months to bring the factory up to a sel standard of safety. The Union is fighting chese cases. Both management and strikers recognise that without an active Union these sorts of Hun WiN continue to exist. we ate determined to force the management to capitulate We nicket the factory from morning until night thus preventing about 99f of the velicles entering the factory, otherwise, only "hucklep" LOCK OUT AT MINTERS, BLACKcontacted the Lalons of firms that deliver to and PRINCE ROAD, S.E.11 OFFICE. and "seab labour" get in. In addition, we have from Brannans in order to get goods blacked.
Strikers have been presented from claining socint security unless they declare the caselves.
unemployed, by management telling social security that production in the factory is normal. Therefore, our only source of income is strike pay. The press have refused to sign of an end to it. So we desperately need people to know what's going on, to help with publicising it, and offering their solidarity with uS.
Please send messyes of moral and financial support to.SISTER MURIEL HILLON, SHOP STEWARD. 34 GREYSTONE PLACE, CLEATOR MOOR.
CUMBERLAND.
N. B. After two weeks the sribert all recerved letter from management stating that if ther failed to refore to work they would be compdered to love left employment or the jactory.
Lancaster:
The Storeys Dispute LONDON S.E.11.
APPEAL TO ALL TRADE UNIONISTS!
The strite at Storeys, Lancaster, described in detail in the last issue, is now entering its twelfth week. The management are adopting -hard line, and making no concessions. At the end of the tenth week, the Strike Committee decided to test out the management by making a compromise offer which would let the management off the hook, it they wanled, without conceding the principle involved. They formally sent a letter stating that, while they considered that Mike had acted strictly in ccordance with Union procedure, they we prepared to agree that like had been suspende witbout pay during the period of the strike, as Jong as he could then relum to bis job and conven orship. Discussions &s to the cause of the strike could then take place.
A reply soon came from management Flatly rejecting this offer, and saying that even if the strike was settled, workers would only be reemployed "as soon as work was available'. In these sirrumstances the mass strike meeting . The Struggle Against Redundancies voted to stay out, it is with regret that we must report the con tinued lack of solidarity shown by fi102 Branchiin this dispute. In spite of the fact that 19 members of choir own Una are on orlerat strike, they are continuing to operate black machines, even when these break down and are repaired by foremen. The leadership of chi branch is a miserace to the wable wade wood movement, the management celers co men or workers putting its view stating that this was done in full consultation with the officials of the T&G Branch! Forcunately the rest of the Lancaster Trade Union Mosement of is a different stamp. The Lancaster Trades Council has now Joined the Trades Union Defence Committee in suppor ung ne scrise, ano toce two banners are on the picket line. 6/131 Branch 1&G, Ibe equivalent of 6/102 in the other big factory in the town, Lansils, have collected more than £150 for the strike fund, and other TRG Brnnches have g/sent generous donations, as have the Post Office workers, remembering the money the Scoreys craft trades collected for them when they were out earler This bear.
Another deselopment is the solidarity with strikers at the Cleator Mooe factory of Brannons, near Whitebaven, who are in their seventeenth week of dispute A group of storers worker spent the day picketing at Cleator Moor, and the Brannans strikers are joining our picket Ine next week.
All this has not won the dispute. There are two areas in wbich trade unionists can belp: 1. Blacking. If supplies of fuel oil, D.A.P. (a chemical used in production), or Corvic, an additive, could be stopped, the factory would have to close in a couple of days. We call on all Trade Unionists to black any products to or from Storeys, Lancaster. 2. Money, We must have cash to continue the strike. Representatives of the strike committee ure already travelling the country appealing for funds. We call upon all Trade Unionisca to take collectiona in their place of work. The issue is simple-an officint strike caused by the sacking of a Convenor carving out his normal duties a basic union principle is attacked. Send collections to the STRIKE FUND TREASURER, JACK PEEL, 61 CLARENCE STREET, LANCASTER -F. Martiadale, Chateman Strike Committee M. Lethweite, Consenor -V. Peel, Treasurer Strite Committee GIVE US YOUR SUPPORT The labourers on Stage 4 of the abore site have been locked out since August |1th 1971 after a dispute over the boous rates. After poing hoise on the 1Dth August and after clocking out one hour carly before the normal time, the men foond that when they reported for work the next day they were sacked.
Since then Minters have brought it lamp Inhour, paying them f7 each per day to do the lada work, hoping to leak their spirit. The T&GWU has made the dispute official and are blocking lorries on the joh. We ask fellow building workers and all trade unionists to help us defeat Minters and the lump labourers, steedixers, bricklayers who have moved onto the site This is intended to smash T.U. organisation and is part of an overall plan to smash our organisation in London.
HELP US TO DEFEAT THE LUMP HELP US TO MAINTAIN T.U. ORGANISATION HELP US ON THE PICKET And by gixing us moral support, financint support. Our fight is the fight of every building worker in London. All donations or help or 22 EDWARD HOUSE, NEWBURN STREET, Russian copy of The Revolution Berraved: facsimile of the original typed by Natalia Sedova and corrected in pencil by Loon Trotsky.
Limited print of 300 copies.
Price US$20.
Order from Red Books, 182 Pentonville Road, London N.I.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:
The photogapes of ireland in the fart issue were published by courtesy of the Irish weett. This Week. The cartooe was published by courtesy of the irish paper Hiberis.
The Struggle Against Redundancies
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publicise our case, only chat of Mr. Brennan. .. The strike has been long and there is no