For too long the struggle against British imperial- with British imperialism. This economic proism has been confined to the North. The incidents gramme was an open admission that Irish in Ballyshannon where Gardai and Free State troops were used to break up demonstrating crowds after three IRA volunteers were arrested gives an opportunity to develop the fight on a 32 county basis. The lessons of Ballyshannon must be assimilated quickly: Fianna Fail, the Unionist Party, and the Tories, despite episodic differences in the last analysis, represent the same interests, British capital. The legitimate struggle of the Northern Catholic minority threatens British imperialism and as that struggle intensifies these three forces will draw together and work more closely.
Fianna Fail The people of Ballyshannon have torn the republican mask of Fianna Fail and exposed the face of British imperialism. This new face has emerged not merely because the traditional spirit of Fianna Fail is dying, as Kevin Boland and his friends would have it, but because of profound economic and social changes. Fianna Fail has existed for many years as a coalition of various interests: the small or national employers, the small farmers, and the rural and urban workers. Most of Fianna Fail's support came from these three sections and it was towards these three sections that initially its policies were directed. On coming to power the new party initiated a three-pronged attack designed to consolidate its base. Firstly in the interests of the national employers (which was its main concern) it adopted a protective policy to shelter weak industry from foreign take-overs and competition. Secondly, as a sop to the small farmers it liquidated the land annuities to Britain (which amounted to £112,000,000) and fought a protracted economic war toward this end. And finally to placate the workers it began a major clean up of the city slums and offered various social securities. In this period De Valera could still evoke the name of Connolly and the respectable press could in turn condemn the "Jacobin" policies of "Ireland's Lenin". What has happened to change Fianna Fail's role so radically? The answer is that its policy of protection failed miserably. This was officially recognised in the 50's with the repeal of the Manufactures Act. Then after its return to power in 1959 it launched the First Programme for Economic expansion. Thus Fianna Fail embarked on a new policy of direct collaboration given a systematic and cohesive form by the The Red Mole Jan. 10 1972 Pace 10 industry could not expand from its own resources and would have to depend on capital injections from Britain. Thus from 1959 to 1969 more than 80% of the E109,000,000 invested in Irish industry came from Britain. These new developments not unnaturally precipated a break up of the class coalition upon which Fianna Fail was founded. the new comprador elements under Lemass and his lieutenants Lynch and Colley gained the upperhand. It is easy to see how under this new leadership the unity of the party would eventually collapse. The comprador faction could progress only through collaboration with British imperialism, which meant the elimination of the small employers, as is happening under the Free Trade Agreement, a running down of the force. Not suuprisingly the class contradictions within Fianna Fail suddenly sharpened and the first major crack in the monolith appeared after the "Arms Scandal" with the Amtach Eireann split. The process of disintegration is by no means over and it is no secret that Haughey, far from capitulating to Lynch, is quietly gathering his forces and preparing for an assault at the most opportune moment (which may be soon).
The above outline we hope explains the scab role which Fianna Fail is playing in the present Northern crisis. We also hope that it serves as a warning against any illusions in Boland Blaney or Haughey they are, when all is said and done, only a chip off the old block.
How to Develop the Struggle As it stands the struggle in the North is in a political cul-de-sac. The two sections of the community have been polarised and although the please for unity and reconciliation continue. their hollowness is becoming more apparent. Obviously this slogan as it has been put forward today has had little effect and certainly the tactics flowing from it have had a retarding influence.
The Northern statelet grew out of the direct exploitation and oppression of the Catholic population, and the Protestant toilers, rural and urban have always existed as a privileged layer. This exploitation and privilege has been Orange Order which holds state power through the Unionist Party. Not until this oppression and privilege are smashed, will it be possible to break the Protestant workers from its reactionary ideology and support for British imperialism. This leaves the revolutionary vanguard of the Catholic minority in a dilemma. Obviously the limited forces of the Catholic minority, heroic though they are inadequate for the task of smashing the Orange State machine. The only way to overcome this dilemma is to broaden the struggle and take in the south as well. The Possibility for Struggle in the South The incidents in Ballyshannon show that this perspective is not utopian. In fact a proper evaulation of the situation shows that it is the only reasonable perspective.
Economic developments since the Second World War, the emergence of comprador capitalism in the South and the decline of traditional heavy rural sector and various exploitation of the labour industry in the North has sent the employers and their political agents scurrying cap in hand to Westminster seeking closer unity. The 'Federal Solution". which is now in vogue, is British imperialism's answer and indeed a very acceptable answer as far as Southern capitalism is concerned. The longer the struggle in the North continues, the further away the "Federal Solution" remains, the more difficulties Southern industry faces. Southern capitalism under the guidance of Fianna Fail has therefore a vested interest in a quick imperialist victory in the North and will seek to aid such a victory, not merely through patrolling the border, but more concretely by introducing internment or at least highly repressive legislation in the South. Such a policy will undoubtedly unleash a degree of anti-imperialist sentiment in the Free State (as indeed it has already done) and if this opportunity is seized progress can be made. The major element in a programme for the national struggle as far as we in Dublin are concerned therefore must be: SMASH STORMONT! LINK THE STRUGGLE NORTH AND SOUTH. From this all our other slogns and demands will flow.
- Brendan Kelly Dublin 20.12.71