You have applied to join the British section of the Fourth International. What led you to this decision?
For some time 1 have been convinced of the necessity for revolutionary political organization. I began to think in this way when 1 studied the results of the agitation at the LSE and the attempts to convert the RSSF into an autonomous revolutionary student movement 1 increasingly came to conclude that the lim tations of spontaneism and movementism could only be overcome by organisation based on clear political ideas.
Obviously the wave of spontaneous social revolt that swept across the capitalist world in the Sixties was immensely positive: it helped to break the impasse of organised left politics by bringing new forces and new tactics into play. It exposed in a dramatic manner many new or forgotten contradictions and antaponisms in capitalist society and this led to the discovery or re-discovery of valuable methods of agitation and struggle, For large numbers of young people the political tormulas which had guided the social democratic and Communist parties were thoroughly discredited. But it is absolutely clear now that these movements did not throw up the orpunisation or program necessary for a revolutionary assault on capitalist society. Too often they had no perspective for uniting the different oppressed and exploited groups which capitalist society divides and sets against one another. Too often they ignored or denied the central role which the direct producers-the working class- would have to play in creating any new set of social relations.
This also meant that they tended to abstract the question of revolutionary violence from the building of new institutions of proletarian power fully representing all sections of the exploited and the oppressed. As for myself I came to realise that faith in spontaneous revolt and denial of the necessity for revolutionary organisation and institutions of dual power really amounted to faith in the sponLa well-destruction of capitalist society omary process 1 became convinced that both the Lenin of What is to be done? and the Lenin of State and Revolution were indispensable starting points for building a revolutionary movement. But clearly the last thing that a commitment to Leninism requires is a refusal of the great opportunities for the strengthening of revolutionary practice made possible by the experience of the various movements of social revolt which have sprung up in the last few years.
Both in its theory and in its practice the Fourth International has shown the ability to take Marxism in Our Time, by Isaac Deutscher (Cape, £2.95)
This is an attractive and well-produced book covering a series of Isaac Deutscher's writings and lectures from 1943 to 1967.
The range of the articles both in terms of time and subject underlines an unsatisfac tory aspect of the book-there is no rational for its contents nor an underlying concep tion uniting them. Yet in some ways, this can be said to reflect a reality rather than a weakness of the theme of the book. Deutscher was a man who had great talents but whose thought and actions suffered from his isolation from political practice. This is reflected in the book, which combines Deutscher's writings at their most lucid and at Incu most mistaken.
Deutscher's immense talents are amply demonstrated, His erudition is apparent in everything he writes. His ability to explain in simple and lucid language basic Marxist concepts (not without gaps, of course) is shown in "Trotsky in Our Time". His gift of being able to present complex social phenomena in broad historical perspective is illustrated in several of the articles, notably, "On Socialist Man". The book is interesting arid rewarding reading.
A topic which comes up on several occasions is Deutscher's attitude towards the Fourth International. As is well-known, Deutscher took a strong position against the formation of the Fourth International -the two Polish delegates at the Founding Conference voted against its establishment; justifying their posiup and develop the new possibilities of revolutionary practice and integrate them within the perspective of scientific socialism and a worker" revolution. The sharpening of the class struggle in Britain and the new openness to revolutionary ideas among political militants makes building the nucleus of a revolutionary party in this country both a practical and an argent task. The framework of the International enables this to be done drawing on the lessons of the struggle for socialism in other countries and open to the scrutiny of revolutionary militants who have an experience which is needed to complement our own. I think this is essential if we are to break with the narrowness and backwardness of Marxist politics in Britain; the hold of Labourism on the working class can only be broken if the revolutionary left rids itself of its traditional insularity and economism. Part of the reason for my decision to apply for membership of the Fourth International is that I have seen its sections in operation in such different contexts as Eastern Europe and Latin America as well as in Britain. 1 know that if the socialist movement in the advanced capitalist countries is not based on full solidarity with the fight against imperialism in the third world and the struggle against the bureaucratic usurpation of workers power in the non-capitalist sector of the world, then this can only undermine the force and integrity of its own struggles.
STATEMENT BY I.M.G. POLITICAL The Political Committee of the IMG has recently accepted applications for membership from Robin Blackburn and Quintin Hoare. After detailed political discussion it was clear that these comrades were in fundamental agreement with the programme of the Fourth International and the work of its British section. Both Robin Blackburn and Quintin Hoare are members of the editorial committee of New Left Review. Since NLR is an independent journal of Marxist discussion and analysis, the PC of the IMG welcomes their continued participation in The revolutionary movement can only benefit from free and open debate on the issues which confront it.
The reason that the Fourth International has played such a significant role in fostering international solidarity is that it is able to understand the political relation between these struggles in the light of Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution and his scientific insight into the nature of the Soviet Union. Those who have rejected or abandoned these perspectives have been unable to respond adequately to the development of revolution in Cuba ton in terms of arguments developed by Deutscher.
But the mistake he made about the formation of the Fourth International was not an isolated one. It becomes apparent that he did not fully hold the Marxist concept of the unity (but not identity) of theory and practice as praxis. In the article "Marxism in Our Time he writes. "Practice is sometimes the enemy of thought; thought sometimes suffers from contact with practice. Here is the dialectic in its crystalline form; basically thought can exist only through contact with practice: prac tice cannot in the long run ignore theory.
Nevertheless there are these temporary transitional periods of unresolved tensions between theory and practice..."
The significance of this approach emerges in this article as he seeks to locate the cause of what he calls "vulgar Marxism" (a term which in his usage covers "European social-democrats, reformists, Stalinists, Khrushchevites, and their like"*) solely in practice. He explains the vulgarisation of Marxist theory in terms of the reflection of the requirements of the labour movement and of the revolutions that were coming under the banner of Marxism".
Thus, according to Deutscher, it is the "all-round scarcity" which is the "basic, decisive, and determining factor" in the rise of "vulgar Marxism", ie., the Stalinist perversion of Marxism, in the Soviet Union. This is, of course, a one-sided explanation. It is true that the all-round scarcity lays the basis for the rise of a phenomenon like Stalinism and made possible (but not inevitable) its victory in the Soviet Union. But Stalinist "vulgar Marxism" also embodies the needs and position of a social stratum-the Soviet bureaucracy-and a rationalisation of its social position-something Deutscher only partially the contradictory, dual nature of the Soviet Union which has consistently sought to dampen down or crush revolutionary initiatives where it can, but at the same time is forced to provide vital material sustenance to Vietnam and Cuba because of its objectively antagonistic relation to the capitalist world, Denial of one or another of these aspects leads either to violations of the need for solidarity against imperialism or to the disasters, betrayals and apologetics which result from accepting the line of the Soviet leadership.
At one time the Chinese criticism of the Soviet Union and the experience of the cultural revolution seemed to provide an implicit criticism of stalinist structures and politics. But the events of the last year have underlined that this is not the case: the manner of the successive changes in the Chinese leadership demonstrate the absence of revolutionary democracy in the Party and State and the attempt to represent the Soviet Union as a capitalist power has been used to justify deficient solidarity with the Vietnamese revolution and cynical violations of internationalism in Bengal, Ceylon and the Sudan. I believe that the Fourth International is a rallying point for all revolutionary militants who understand the importance of internationalism. -Have your views on the Labour Party changed over the last year or so?
The discussion which followed my article Let it Bleed has certainy led to a development and modification of my view on this question. In my article I underestimated the significance of the Labour Party's institutional links with the Trade Unions. I think was right to insist that the Labour Party did not furnish the political organisation of the working class in the traditional manner but l failed to make the distinction between the Labour Party as an organisation and Labourism as an ideology. The position of the former within the working class has weakened very much more than the position of the latter. At a time when the trade unions become by far the most important vehicles of workers struggle, recognising the continuing strength of social democratic ideology is of great importance.
-What role in the revolutionary movement do you believe is played by a journal such as New Left Review?
During the ten years or so in which I have been an editor of the NLR its aim has become, with increasing clarity, that of encouraging the development of Marxism in Britain and the other British speaking areas it reaches. Given the traditional weakness and isolation of Marxist thought in this milieu we knew that it was essential for us to insist on the richness and scope of Marxism and its relevance to every aspect of building a revolutionary movement. We translated the writings of Gramsci, the young Lukacs, and Debray; we carried discussions of new developments in psychoanalysis and anthropology; we published original built into his analysis. Deutscher's position leads him to predict in "Marxism in Our Time' that "The social systems" (of the workers states) "will force the leaders into internationalism even if they are the most chauvinistic idiots under the sun; they will push and drive them aside.."
Such an approach does not explain the phenomenon of the crisis of Stalinism getting worse as the productive forces in the Soviet Union develop. Far from the leaders being pushed towards internationalism, their theory becomes more "vulgar". It will not be the "social systems" alone that will "push and drive them aside" but a product of those social systems-a greatly enlarged and developed working class, with a conscious leadership.
It is one of the tragedies of the period we have IMG/SL FUSION CONFERENCE 27 28 29 MAY 1972 I am interested in attending the IMG/SL Fusion Conference as an Observer and would like further details:
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Post to: Conference Committee, 182 Pentonville Road, London, N.1. of women; and a series of studies in the Marxist interpretation of British history and society: we also published some forty accounts by workers of how they experienced their work situation; and there were articles on the background to revolution in Algeria and Cuba and books on the trade unions and the student revolt.
NLR also revealed unquestionable traces of a number of major deviations to be found on the left in the sixties, at different conjunctures: illusions in social-democracy or passivity towards Stalinism, uncritical Third Worldism or Sinophilism. These were generally sporadic or limited weaknesses, not ones which governed the main dynamic of the Review. More serious and persistant was over-estimation of the importance of purely theoretical work, divorced from the practice of class struggle. However, the development of the review through these various episodes was an evolution to the left-gradually away from centrist to revolutionary politics. The year 1968 was for us, as for many others, a turning point. Since then, NLR has taken clear and sharp stands on the great, decisive questions of international class struggle: the Tet offensive in Vietnam, the May Events in France, the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, the Polish workers' revolt, the Chinese counter-revolutionary intervention in Pakistan and Ceylon. The dynamic of the Review has thus been constantly leftward. There has been less eclecticism and more open confrontation of basic issues in the history and theory of Marxism. I think this can be seen in the assessments recently published on the Frankfurt School, Althusser and the young Lukacs, in the articles by Lucio Colletti and in the conclusion of the debates on Trotsky and the structure of contemporary imperialism. The Review has been and I hope will remain open to free discussion of any important development in revolutionary theory or the revolutionary movement; its aim remains the propagation of revolutionary ideas and culture unencumbered by the absurd notion that this merely consists in laying down the correct line.
I think it very important that this work should continue but at the same time I know that as far as I am concerned it is imperative to extend and deepen my political practice. A growing awareness of the deficiencies of Maoism and spontaneism has helped to decide what form this political committment should take. Whatever the value, or at times necessity, of isolated theoretical wark it certainly must always be enhanced by the lessons and experience of political practice whenever this is possible. I now hope to become in the fullest sense a militant of the Fourth International. In particular I hope to integrate my political and theoretical work and overcome the dangerous separation from which it has suffered. I am pleased to have found myself in agreement with the Fourth International in believing that this need in no way prevent me from continuing to contribute to the work of the NLR despite the fact that many of my comrades on the editorial committee have different perspectives and priorities from myself.
been through that a man like Deutscher, despite his contributions (thousands of people must have been introduced to Trotsky's thought by his writings), and material assistance to various movements, did not put his powers at the disposal of the only organised expression of the internationalist tradition of Marxism-the Fourth International. Deutscher was quite wrong to think that connection with the revolutionary movement inevitably leads to a situation where "thought... suffers from contact with practice", as many exam.
ples show. It is a further aspect of the tragedy that even Deutscher's contribution as an isolated but brilliant intellectual was distorted by his lack of contact with practice and that many potential revolutionaries were disoriented by his writings. -Pat Jordan
Dear Friends You refer to me, in your last issue, as passing an "Internal I.S." document to the Chairman of the I.S.C.
I would like to make the following two points:
1) That the document referred to was handed to me for my comments, not as an "LS. internal document", but as a discussion document that was circulated to many people working closely with I.S.
2) That I discussed the contents of this document with Matt Montgomery in good faith as an active socialist in Glasgow, working on the irish question, not in his capacity as chairman of Glasgow 1.S.C. which does not, in my opinion, have an existence independent of the I.M.G, Although Bob Purdie continually calls for a United Front, in the Glasgow area, of Republicans and Secialists his actions and the actions of LM.G. do little to promote this. The fact is that L.M.G, in Scotland, is doing precious little on the Irish question. Most of the work is being carried out by individual members of Clann Na H'Eireann and International Socialists.
It is Clann's Policy not to countenance the sectarian demands of the L.M.G. but to work closely with those individuals and organisations who are genuinely intesested in building a mass movement in support Youn Gerry Doherty Clann Na HEireann Dear Comrades:
May I be allowed to reply to Bob Purdie's article, "IS Hypocrisy in Glasgow"?
Contrary to what he implies, Glasgow IS is completely in favour of the unity of left and republican organisations in a campuign to "End Internment" and "Withdraw British Troops".
That is why we called the initial meeting last August that formed the Organising Committee for the October anti-internment march That is why we worked actively in the Committee for Fre Speech on Ireland until we were told by the Treasur at the Decrmber meeting that all the fines had been paid. And that is why we are still deeply involved in work on Inland. Bob'y article does: 1 nadette Des ng 0900 amendingi, an E. McCame etings in the alk, joint literature sales and kafetting to build a Glasgow A.I. L. with Clann na H Eireann and again jointly with Clann, the first of a series of 'Join the A.I.L. " public meetings (50)? And why did we not attend a meeting to discuss united front work called by the IMG under the auspices of the "Glangos We've been working on our own or jnindly with Cham show, st are actually strong though to do so. But mor crucially, because of deep political differences we have with the IMG on the character and orientation of solidarity work in Glasgow.
Two pages before his attack on us in The Red Mole. Bob pledges the IMG to "renew our attempts to build a principled solidarity movement in Britain". And he then defines a "principled" movement as one that "does not hesitate to say: Victory to the IRA." Now as your readers will be well aware, IS's full programme on Ireland includes Unconditional but critical support for the IRA". "For a 32-County Socialist Workers" Republic", and "For the-Building of an Irish working-class Revolutionary Party". But in order to bring into activity on a proper united front basis as many people as possible we are willing to work around slogans that contain less than our maximum demands.
Thus, both IS and Clann in Glasgow prefer to build what Bob would probably describe as an "unprin'RANK AND FILE' CONFERENCE "EDUCATION IN CAPITALIST SOCIETY"
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Place of Work: cipled" movement around the minimum programme of demands to "End Internment" and "Withdraw the Troops". And IS feels that the wearing of berets and combat jackets, and the "principled" unfurling of the Tricolour by the IMG on the October demonstration does bear out my statement in a local discussion document quoted by Bob, that the IMG are *ready and willing to sacrifice it (the potential of a mass campaign in Britain) on the altar of sectarianism."
We are ready to discuss with the IMG if they are ready to leave aside their maximum programme in an attempt to create a united front, and we alsays have been. But we are not prepared to allow real joint work to be prejudiced by meeting under the umbrella of an "independent" ISC.
You see, Bob has mided your readers on this one. I know nothing at all about Coatbridge ISC, or any other ISC Branch for that matter, but the following is certainly true of the "Glasgow ISC":
When an "ISC delepate" to the October Organising Committee was asked to pay his organisation's affiliation, he stated that ISC did not actually exist in Glasgow and he would remain as an ING delegate: (2) Despite leafletting the Free Speech Committee's November Rally, "Glasgow ISC" was not affiliated to that Committee, not did any of its members ask IS or Clann whether we were willing to speak at their meetings before producing the leaflet with our names on it; (3) The only ISC members we came into contact with when we called a meeting to organise the February demonstration protesting at Bloody Sunday were IMG comrades.
Thus the problem poses itself sharply: Would solidarity work on Ireland in Glasgow benefit by the formation of a new united front campaign that would spend the greater part of its energies in an interminable (on past experience of three attempts) debate on whether to add to the two agreed immediate demands, others like "Self-determination" and" Victory to the IRA"? Or, as the IMG does not seem prepared in the interests of unity to drop its maximum programme, would it not be better to agree to differ and to test the differences in practice?
This is why we are now working alongside Glasgow Class nu H'Eireann to build the grass-toots support in Glasgow's Irish community that will make the formation of an active A.I.L. Branch a mal possibility in the near future. And 1 would urge all your readers in Glasgow who are interested in working in a non-sectarian manner for the A.l.L. demands to get in touch with us or the Clann.
Steve Jefferys, Secretary.
Glasgow Area Committee, Infernational Socialists.
BOB PURDIE REPLIES:
Before replying to Gerry Doherty and Steve Jefferys I would like to make it clear that myarticle was written before I became aware of the fact that an Anti-internment League was to be formed in Glasgow, Had I known this, despite my political disagreements with the All, and with une memoos being usca to form it in calasgow, 1 would not have written the article. However, 1 stand by the political and methodological criticisms made in it.
In response to Comrade Doherty's points: 1 accept his statement about the nature of the document, however this has little bearing. My article was designed only to show the connection between the politics in the document, and IS's actions in Glasgow. I regret that I gave the imMontgomery in his capacity as ISC chairman.
NOTTING HILL RED CIRCLE Meets every Monday night at 7.45 p.m. in the Britannia pub meeling room, Clarendon Road I near Ladbroke Grove tubel. Buses 52.7,15.
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GLASGOW RED CIRCLE Weekly Discussion Group for Revolutionary Socialists - Thursdays at 7.30 p.m. Such an inference was not intended,l was merely trying to clarify for The Red Mole readers who Matt is. The claim that IMG in Scotland is doing precious little on the Irish question" is simply untrue. The only major initiatives on Ireland in which we have not been involved have been the Bermadette Devlin and Eamonn McCann meetings, which were IS recruiting rallies, and the current work in preparation for a Glasgow AIL. It is true that this work is being carried out by Clann and IS members, but since we have not been given information about it, or invited to participate, we have a certain difficulty. If we are given an opportunity to participate, and refuse, we will then be open to criticism.
However, this is not the full story. Despite the imitatioos imposed by the lack of any united front activity in Glasgow we have been very much involved in work in the colleges in Glasgow and Edinburgh, both through ISC, and in other united fronts. We are working in the AlL in Edinburgh and Fife, and a contingent of IMG and ISC members went down to the All demonstration in London on March 26th.
It is clear from what we are doing in Edinburgh and Fife that we do not demand that anyone should "countenance our sectarian demands" before we work with them; or does comrade Doherty mean that we have to accept his interpretation of the proper demands before he will work with us?
Steve Jefferys presents a series of reasons for IS's refusal to work with IMG, which consist of political disagreements, statements about ISC, and complaints about IMG's past actions. Not a single one is a serious barrier to united front action. It is true that IMG members carried a tricolour and wore berets on the October 16th demo. In the context of an Orange counter-demonstration this was a serious tactical mistake. It was not a breach of principle since we have always operated on the basis that individual organisations carry their own banners and slogans on united front demonstrations; IS, for example carried a banner "For a Socialist Workers Republic ", which was not an agreed sogn. However, this cannot be a barrier to unity. since IS co-operated with us twice after this demonstration, and on neither occasion did we repeat our mistake.
It is true that during the preparations for the October demo, ISC in Glasgow had gone out of existence, but then, so had Clann na hEireann, both organisations have been rebuilt since that time. It is true that ISC was not affiliated to the Free Speech Committee, this was because that Committee was composed of the organisations which had organised the October 16th demo. However one of the main speakers was Mike Maguire a (non-IMG) ISC member, who had been detained and interrogated in Betfast, this contributed in no small measure to the success of the rally, since there were no other Irish speakers. Mike's travelling expenses were met by London ISC. It is true that ISC distributed a leaflet, which due to a balls-up advertised speakers from Clann and IS without first having asked them. We have no excuse to offer for this piece of vicious sectanan wrecking.
It is true that IMG considers that a principled programme for a solidarity movement would include "Victory to the IRA" or some other formulation which unambiguously supports IRA action against British imperialism in Ireland, and which is for the defeat of the British Army. We totally reject comrade Jefferys" conceptions about "maximum" and "minimum" programmes, all of our work, and all of our demands are designed to win support for the right of the Irish people to self-determination, which we regard as being the proper principled stance for revolutionaries in Britain. Our demands are designca to concrets te question or sen-determinaNorth London Red Circle meets every Tuesday at 8.30 p.m. to discuss revolutionary politics. All welcome.
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IMG PUBLICATIONS Red Pamphlets; Series "Theory"
Capital; A Readable Introduction. 40 p Nim Ireland Unfree-Bob Purdie 30 p The Leninist Theory of Organisation - Ernest Mandel 15 p The Lessons of May 1968Ernest Mandel 15 p Red Pamphlets; Series "The struggle goes on"
Theories of Workers ControlR. Davies 8 p The Industrial Relations BillPeter Hampton 5 p 3. The Post Office StrikeJohn Weal 8 p Unemployment-Peter Hampton 5 p S. After the Miners StrikeAlan Jones 10 p Red Pamphlets; Series Polemics"
The Mystifications of State Capitalism 8 p tion, ie., we demand that British troops be with drawn, and internment be ended because we reject the right of British imperialism to intervene in Ireland, and it is this concept that we try to communicate in our political work. Both of these demands can only be temporary, and related to the immediate situation, for if internment were ended, and the troops withdrawn, the need for solidarity need not necessarily be any the less, the Irish people could be oppressed in just as cruel, if different ways. Because of the need to relate slogans to the changing situation, after internment we adopted the slogan of "Victory to the IRA". This was intended to relate to the fact that a major part of the struggle in Ireland was the armed struggle against the British army carried out by the IRA. A solidarity movement which ignores such a major aspect of the struggle can hardly adequately support the Irish people. And it cannot tackle the problem which press propaganda about the IRA constitutes without an unambiguous position of explaining why armed struggle is necessary. In other words we concretise the demand for self-determination by taking a position on the armed struggle. Because we have this analysis of the nature of a solidarity movement, which is radically different from that of most other organisations, we seek to build the ISC as an independent united front organisation, composed of all those who agree with a programme of demands which are based on the principle of self-determination. We cannot agree with those who, like comrade Jefferys, have only one criterion for a solidarity programme, i.e., the number of people who will support it, and who therefore tack on, or chop off, slogans without any consideration of the political significance of what they are doing. However, Comrade Jefferys knows quite well that we have never insisted on acceptance of our "maximum" programme, as he puts it, as the sole basis for unity. In fact we have carried out a number of united front actions with IS and other forces in Glasgow in the past, on the basis of the slogans; "Self-determination for Ireland". "Withdraw Troops" and "End Interment". The meeting to which IS were invited by ISC, proposed a united front on the basis of these same three slogans. It did not propose "Victory to the IRA" since we knew in advance that we could not get agreement on this. Nor did ISC demand that IS work under its "umbrella", the proposal was for the same kind of united front which IS had supported in the past.
None of Steve's "reasons" is a logical explanation of why IS should now switch its policy with regard to united front action; that is why I stand by my opinion that their main motivation is, as stated in the document, to convince Irish workers of the "need while in Britain to join IS". Since Clann has gained considerable support amongst such workers in Glasgow, IS is ea ger to work with them. To work with other forces would introduce political competition. This is underlined when we note that Steve has not attempted to justify the exclusion of the Glasgow group of the Communist Federation of Britain (M-L), against whom he has made no complaints.
But IS and Clann intend to form an AlL in Glasgow. Good. We will support it; we have no intention of counterposing our Irish work to any attempt to achieve unity in action. Since Steve has issued an invitation to The Red Mole readers to work for the AlL demands I-hereby apply on behalf of the Glascow IMG. When do we start Steve? When can we affiliate? At the same time we have no intention of withdrawing from our work to build a movement on a principled solidarity basis, and while we will not advocate that its activities cut across those of the AlL we will continue to support and build the ISC. We will also make our opinions on the question of a programme clear within the AlL, while avoiding doing so in a way which would aggravate the present strained relations between ourselves and IS Bob Purdie Red Pamphlets; Series "Classics"
The Reorganisation of the PartyLenin 10 p The Conditions for Admission to the Communist International 10 p 3. On the Murder of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht-Trotsky 8 p Red Mole Pamphlets Organised Labour vs the Capitalist Offensive -Pat Jordan 2 p Manifesto of the Revolutionary Socalsis onczechoslovaki 4 p The struggle in Bengal and the Fourth International 10 p The Statutes of the Fourth International 10 p Socialist Woman Pamphlets The Nightcleaners campaign 15 p Booklist for Women's Liberation 10 P Women Workers in BritainA Handbook 25 p The IMG also publishes a theoretical journal International 15 p 4ll the above obtainable from: IMG Publications, 182 Pentonville Road, London, N.1.
they say, as bloody an echo of the Great War al Officer who examined him. It was only
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lona Community Centre, 214 Clyde Str. Please put me in touch with IMG militants in my area.