Protestant peasantry which was in a position to fill up the leading skilled ranks in industry.
In addition, their new advantage by comparison to the catholic population was reinforced by the factors wh0ha11wm 230 ora011ssure mn t Uhioniat bourgeois monolith — the nature of the Six County market.
While a significant layer of industry with skilled opportunities did spring up, the smaliness of its market base prevented widespread diversification and created intense competition for these positions. Sincr the Protestant workers were installed first, they have been able to use their advantage ot monopolise the various trades in the major industries. ne anonie workers on the other hand have been forced to occupy the unskilled positions and as there is too little scope in înis nelc or emoiovment inev naw wen sumecled to an abnormally high rate of unemployment and emigration.
he rrotestant working class nas thurerore, as Connolly pointed out, come to occupy a position quite similar to the old British labour aristocracy. But there is the additional feature, that a reactionary neasant locoioay, Uranmsm, ay teaoy to nano. dt the time or the rormation of tne rrotestant working. class which they used to solidify their ranks and defend their privileged position.
The Protestant working class is naturally hostile to the maves towards a federal solution and the economic tendencies of diversification which underpin it. Consequently they have mobolised as a seperate identifiable force and have thrown their weight in benina the extreme wing of the Unionist bourgeoisie This has accentuated the rift in the Unionist camp and reinforced the obstacles to Britain's strategy. The Protestant working class has in fact plaved a decisive role in the extreme Unionist mobilisation against the Initat to Is oriVileoca Dosition A DISEMBOWELLÈD GREEN PAPER It is unnecessary to recall here how all the factors we nave outlineo nave intervenec in ine asciew monens. In the South, the massive trade union upsurge after Bloody Sunday and the repeated mobilisations after Mac Stiofan's arrest and during the passing of the Offenses Against the State Amendment Act are clear enougn in tneir meaning.
On the opposite side, since the abolition of Stormont we have seen the consolidation of the extreme wing of Unionism, the Vanguard Movement led by Craig. and the rise of the Protestant working class through the Orange Order, the Lovalist Association of Workers (LAWI) and the Ulster Defence Association. It was obvious, even when the Green Paper was first published, that the proposals logically flowing from it could not possibly be implemented against such odds. But British imperialism still had a few cards left to play. In the South an all out effort to crush republicanism botn pnysically ana pointically was projected The main weapons in this drive were the Anti-IRA bill (O.S.A.A.) followed by the general elections. In the North the border poll was to be used as a lever to enhance the position of the moderate wing and put it in a position where it could compete with the extremists for hegemony over the Protestant workers. Both of these offensives failed. The Anti-1 RA Bill met with tremendous opposition from the Southern people. It was only with the help of a few bombs from British Intelligence that the legislation was forced through, and Ine government recooniseo is cereat ov notwicery using its new powers. In the general elections which followed, this defeat was confirmed. (The purpose of the elections was clearly to stabilise the situation for the White Paper, but none of the major pro-imperialist parties were able to raise the pertinent issues such as security, repression, colaboration etc. Instead the manoeuvre was reduced to a squabble over rates and prices etc.l In the North the border poll stunt produced equally ineffectual and dubious results. Although the extreme wing nad raised the ory or a unateral Declaration or Independence, a seperate nine county Ulster with independently negotiated relations with both the South and Britain etc., this was largely demagoguic hot air. When the crunch came the moderate wing found it had very little room to outflank the extremists. In fact the only interests which suffered were those of Britain who had her "Irish dimensions" kicked out the door. Unable to deal effectively with all these obstacles and suffering repeated deteats every time it tried to grapple with them, British imperialism has been forced to retreat retreat. The magnitude of this retreat can be judged by a comparison or the proposais in the white raper and those projected in the Green Paper.
The most glaring retreat in the light of such a comperison has been on the question of the "Irish Dimension" since this is central to the federal solution. (Whereas the question of power sharing is only a means to an end.)
Until quite recently, it was thought that the recognition of the "Irish dimension" in the form of a Council of treland which would give the Free State a veto over some affairs in the North would be a central feature of the White Paper. Aithough it was admitted as the deadline for the White Paper that nothing too bold would be ventured in this field, it certainly came as a surprise to all seaso ned commentators that no direct proposals on the Councif of Ireland were contained in it.
A careful examination of the White Paper commentary on this shows that the whole line of approach to Ine Counci of Ireland nas been changed. The Free State will first have to recognise the status of "Northern Ireland" and crush the Republican Movement before any kind of united council can be considered. In addition, the areas of work for such a council are limited in advance to "tourism, regional development, electricity and transport". This means pushing the Irish dimension right out of the picture again. The prospects of the Free State authorities being able to mobilise popular support for a constitutional change wnicn wouid recognise the rignt or britisn imperialism in Ireland and O.K. the extirpation of republicanism in return for a mess of pottage such as "co-operation" in tourism, electricity, transport etc, is to say the least unlikelv. The "regrets" expressed by Cosgrave are a hint to British imperialism and the Unionists about the awkward position their Southern collaborators are in The move towards Community Government was also halted, though not in such clear and decisive terms. Firstly the restored Stormont Assembly will not have even the limited power which the old regime had. Prior to this Stormont had no control over toregn policy, treaties or trade pacts, no control over currency. weights, measures, radio, air or sea navigation, taxation post office; no power to declare war or raise an army; in addition, any decision taken by the legislature could be annulled by the Queen's Government. Now the security and constitutional matters have been removed from the sphere of its competance. The new Stormont Assembly will in fact be nothing more than a glorified County Council.
Thus the question of power sharing is avoided altogether by depriving the Assembly of any effective DOWeE. HOInE WOrOs, Ine neW AssemDIy WI USt.Di в more паксс torm or avecr rure In this form, the Assembly cannot act as a stabiliser. While it strips the Unionists of power it does not give the Catholic middle class (led by the SDLP) any additional power. The SD LP, while it may be prepared to accept this temporarily in the hope of better things to come, will not embrace it as a definitive solution. That is why they have shown such little interest in the prop osed structures for power sharing, Of course, apart from any question of the Assembly having real power, the proposed method of power sharing are transparantly ineffectual for the simple reason that the Six Counties by its very nature is a sectarian apartheid state and can only be genuinely reformed in an all-Ireland context. No matter whether the seats are increased from 52 to 80 or 800, no matter whether the straight vote or proportional representation is in operation, the Unionist and Protestant population will still have a substantial permanent majority. Accordingly, it doesn't matter whether the Cabinet is chosen by the Secretary of State (who will undo ubtedy 8iways doooint a coupie or casue camnolesi- une ministers, whether they be Protestant or Catholic will have to submit to a Unionist majority. Moreover these Ministers, if they operate in accordance with the procedures recommended in the White Paper will have to bring their lecislation throuch departmental committees which will be elected on a PR basis which will guarantee that they are unionist dominated. sc even at this preliminary stage any Catholic or nonUnionist minister would have his hands tied by a Unionist majority.
No wonder Mr. Faulkner could boast that the "epoch making" proposals of the White Paper were onlv a souped up version of the proposals made by the UnionIsT rar as CarV asu WHAT NEXT?
The implications of this failure are becoming more obvious every day. The only way out of the complex impasse in the North will be a major defeat for one of the sectors opposing the British solution. Having changed the balance of forces through a decisive military interventon, it may ten be possible tor britain to implement some of its proposals.
There are two important opposition groups-the Catholic masses and the extreme unionists. Ine quest ion is : which of these will the British opt to defeat? It is unlikely that imperialism will make a major offensive against is tormer ames. Not tor any sentimental reasons of course, but because of the dangerous consequences this could have.
Any atempo to crush ine organisations like vanguard LAW, the UDA as has already been proved would generate a whole series of pogrom attacks against the Catholic ghettos. The security forces would then find Enernseives takino on Dorn sectors at tne same time Even if such a situation did not occur there are deeper ooliticai consecuencas whicn must pe consicered. The taming of the "Loyalists" would indeed change the balance of forces but not specifically in the direction of British imperialism. The position of the Catholic masses would be would be strengthened as a result, and witnout the extremist wing of unionism. to act as a buffer their struggle could not be easily contained In thể long run, the stragegy of defeating the Loyalists would not be the most profitable one for Britain.
NORTHERN IRELAND On the other hand an offensive against the Catholic minority would have many side effects. The most important effect would be to put the moderate wing of Unionism in a position to compete with the extreme wing of Unionism for leadership of the Protestant working class. A heavy defeat for the Catholic masses would undoubtedly placate large sections of the Protestant workers and reconcile them to Britain's new plans.It is likely therefore that the failure of the White Paper will result in an escalation of the brutality against the Catholic community.
The tasks of revolutionaries and their supporters are two-fold. The first task is to expose any illusion that the White Paper micht work, (Such an illusion leads to colaboration with imperialism and disarms the people against the inevitable attack.
The second task is to link the struggle North and South soutn. only the mobilisation or the soutnern workers can prevent the defeat of the Catholic ghettos in the North. In this respect the tendency among socialists and Republicans to think that the main line of offence against imperialism is along the economic tront is very erroneous and dangerous.
The practical tasks of the socialist and republican movement necessary dres 1. To explain how and why the White Paper is a failUre. 2. To expose the dangers of colaboration. 3. To prepare for mass mobilisations among the Catholic people. 4. To win support in the South for the minority in the North as the first stage in the mobilisagion against amoeriansm un me sout James Conway The above detailed analysis of the background to the recent White Paper on Ireland is taken from this months issue of The Plough, the paper of the Revolutionary Marxist Group (Irish supporters of the Fourth International).
Copies of The Plough, price 5p can be obtained from the RMG, 5, Parnell Road, Harold's Cross Bridge, Dublin 6, or from The Red Mole.
from going forwards on this question we are inevitably, as capitalism develops, going back-
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NORTHERN IRELAND S CONSTITUTIONAL PROPOSAI