oidered troops to take over the Uruguayan congress in Montevideo, His action signalled the final collapse of the crumbling facade of bourgeois democracy, which the Uruguayan bourgeuisie has held up as a model for the rest of Latin America throughout the century. The Parliamentary regimes of recent years have engaged in vicious repression of left-wing movements, especially the Tupamaro urban guerrillas. Our of a total population of 24 million, 80% of it concentrat- united around Bordaberry - and its previous ed in the capital, there are at lenst 250,000 unemployed workers, or one for every three of four of the labour force: Real wages are 70% down on 1968, Uruguayan workers immediately responded to Bordaberry's action with almost total strikes in transport, the industrial export sectors (tyres and textiles), newspapers, and uil refineries. Numerous plants were occupied, while students have occupled schools and universities. Wilbin three days, the national trade union federation (CNT) led by the Communist Party which had or first responded to the Governent's appeal for talks - was forced the CNT demands and support a new kind of to declare a general strike. The CNT demanded. the restoration of 'individual liberties" and the raising of real wages to the 1968 level, whereupon it was immediately banned by the The CP has nonetheless gone ahead with the formation of an 'upposition coordinating committee of the 'Broad Front' of CP, Socialists and Iberal bourgeois parties, together with the right-wing bourgeois National Purty. One of the declared aims of the Cf is to foster divisions within the army and support its propressive wing. But the army has for the moment opposition to him was in large part based un his "weakness".
Any regime of the Uruguayan army, however demagogic, would be bound to turn against the working class as has happened in Peru: though the CP in Uruguas, as in Britain, quotes the case of Peru approvingly. In commenting on the dissclution of Parliament. the CP paper in Monteviden, Il Popier, said, There are countries without this democratic institution which have nevertheless embarked on a process of Fundamental change This car only amount lo an offer to the army to renege on mitcary regrote. However much the hysterical middle classes of Santiago may hate him for his 'support for Popolar Unity - is a man of his class. He collihotates with the Popular Daity leaders in so far as they are able to turn back the mobilisation of the working class. In Allende's cabinet or out of it, the army chiefs and the Right Democrats are the most clear-sighted represenlatives af the bourgeoisic.
They on scarcely be dissatisfied with the Popular Einity leaders' artemptr to demoralise the working cliss On Friday night, bours after the army revolt, Allende was still exhorting the Chilean Defence Minister Jose Toli, eccompased by pro-gapermment troops Regiment and the fascist "Patria y Libertad' group was less than successful. As the provocation for the biggest crisis the Popular Unity government has yet faced, it has worked bril Jiantly for the ruling class.
But the "provocateurs' are the bourgeoisie. The Chilean working class has given a massive res ponse: but without'a leadership struggling against every betrayal of Allende and the Stalinists, they face grave dangers in the days and wooks ahead. The forces of reaction are choosing their moment, Red Weekly 6 July 1973 Page 7
From GERY LAWLESS The Tory plan for the pacification of Irelind is now in a shambles following the Assembly election. gration of the Catholics into unionist The composition of the new Assembly will allow the withering away of the Ascendancy, but on the more