Economic crisis, the misery of a people paying a larger price than ever for the coup of 11 September 1973, repression, the manoeuvres of a bourgeois opposition which is coming together in the Christian Democrats The left doesn't seem to figure much in the outline of the Chilean situation we have described in the previous two articles (see Red Weekly, 3 and 10 July).
In fact, despite the numerous declarations made abroad by 'leaders' or 'representatives of the parties which made up Popular Unity, there is unfortunately little doubt that with the exception of the Communist Party these parties are too weak'and are too divided to play any role in the present context.
The Christian Left (IC), the Radical Party (PR), and the two sections of the MAPU all find themselves in more or less the same situation, with isolated militants who still describe themselves as members in individual discussions or clandestine meetings. Though plans to reorganise are sketched out through fleeting contacts, often lost through the repression, they have yet to produce any very concrete results.
The situation is somewhat different with the Socialist Party, although not qualitatively so. Firstly, those who regard themselves as members are clearly more numerous than in the IC, MAPU or PR. That of course only reflects the situation in Popular Unity before the coup, where the Socialist Party was a mass party able to mobilise infinitely greater forces than these other groups.
Sectarian
Today, however, its situation also reflects in a sharper and even sectarian form the incredible variety of political positions which found a home in the SP before the coup. advanced form of centralisation adopted by a section of SP militants inside the country is a co-ordinating committee' of several regional leaderships - but a co-ordinating committee which lacks any common political perspective.
Things are very different in the Communist Party, although it is very much weakened, and its forces are much reduced in comparison with two years ago. Despite the death or disPart Three of an eye-witness account of the situation in Chile appearance of many of its middle cadre, it has been able to re-establish a functioning hational structure - as seen in its monthly publication, Which although duplicated and not very widely distributed is the best source of information on the concrete situation of the working class in a whole number of factories throughout the Furthermore, despite its weaknesses, its influence and its audience remain large thanks to the daily broadcasts of Radio Moscow - the station with the most listeners in Chile, and the means by which the exiled leaders of the CP are regularly heard.
What lessons have these organisations drawn from the historic events in which they have been both the protagonists and the victims? None, basically. its line with perfect consistency