• What is the present military situation in Angola?
Following the Alvor agreements in February 1975, the FNLA centred its main propaganda on its military strength. The walls of Luanda are still covered with posters glorifying the ENLA (armed wing of the FNLA). But in July it attempted a coup in Luanda for the tourtn ume and ran up against unexpected resistance from the MPLA, followed by a vast counter-offensive which is still being pursued.
ironov backee ov une vooulation or ane mus. seques (slums), the FAPLAs (armed wing of the MPLA) nave now completely rid Luanda of the FLA and UNITA, and have continued their offensive in the East. They have recaptured in succession Dala Tando, Malange, Luso and Enrique de Carvalho, throwing back the FLA towards the north where the front has stabilised around Caxito, 30 miles from the capital. The FLA, heavily supported by Mobutu's tanks, holds the town; and according to a prisoner there are twerve Chinese instructors working there. The FLA appears to be preparing a counterottensive Throughout August the MPLA launched a vast ottensive to capture ine coastarregion extending from Luanda to Mocamedes, and is today in complete control of it. According to the latest information, it has launched an offensive from the south coast eastwards, and has occupied the Windhoek road. The fighting also continues in the highlands, and especially in Nova Lisboa.' Nevertheless one should not be too optimistic. From the strictly military point of view the balance of strength is largely in favour of the FNLA, which alone possesses heavy armaments. Since July, Soviet aid to the MPLA has increased, but it has arrived lar gely in the form of Kalashnikov AK-47s, machine guns and bazookas. his lack or neavy equipment, while not vital in guerilla warfare, can be sorely missed in the Tec as at caxio Furthermore, the geo-political situation is very bad Hammed in between Mobutu's Zaire and south Atrici, Ine Angolan iberation torces cannot count on any friendly frontier. This geographical isolation accounts fór the priority given by the MPLA to contro or une coasta zone.
• Have the FAPLAs' offensives strengthened the mass movement? What is the extent of the urban population's mobilisation and self-defence? How are their relations with the MPLA?
When the July offensive began there were already several kinds of mass organisations in the MPLA's zones (mainly in Luanda). First of all there were the 'neighbourhood councils', elected by the population with the task of solving the immediate local needs (food, literacv classes, medical care. For example, in Luanda where the road sweepers stopped work a month ago, each neighbourhood organises its own garbage removal. This presents an astonishing contrast - a city where the slums are impeccable and were tae nen waite neichsournooes are swamoed in garbage!
Unese councils are linked together by a co-ordinating body whose members are elected and recalled by mass meetings. There are also councils of action organised directly by the MPLA, and factory councils brought together in UNTA (National Union of Angolan Workers).
The war has seen these organisations develop, even if - as some MPLA spokesmen admit - it also makes it difficult to consolidate popular power. In the face of imperialist aggression, the MPLA could only relv on the masses. Weapons were freely distributed among the population: not only to the FAPLAs, our aiso to une councis or ooouiar ceence or coun cils of vigilance) created at that time.
These councils, made up of sections of the population and stiffened by the FAPLAs, were the decisive factor in the July battles. Despite an evident lack of discipiine ane orcanisation most die not know now to load a bazooka or a Kalashnikov), it was these combatants, often very young, who gained the victory The MPLA expects a lengthy war, and training of the future combatants of the FAPLAs begins at an' early age. From eight years on they are 'pioneers' and given political education, physical training and discipline. At 15, they join the 'youngsters' to receive Until 18 they will undergo an intensive training which will take them to the FAPLAs training camps in the heart of the forest, where they will be taught everything from guerilla warfare to anu aircart mire The young militants, amongst whom one finds as many girls as boys, are all volunteers. This greatly facilitates discipline within the camp. While male chauvinism remains rampant in daily life, it disapDears totaily in struccle. women nave une same responsibilities, training and discipline as tne men. If, during an exercise in assembling and dismantling a Kalashnikov, a voung militant is unable to carrv out the exercise as fast as her comrades, the instructor will start her again until she achieves it - without any chuckling from those present.
Democracy is practised at all levels in the FAPLAs. Crucism and seit-criticism are everyday matters, and is nor unusual to see a commancer tune on v exis ting rank in the armed forces) called into question ov one or several or nis. soldiers The situation is different within the MPLA itself. Sorely tried before 25 April by serious internal crises (with factions led by Chipenda and Mario de Andrade), today the movement appears to have formed one unit behind Agostinho Neto. That's not to say that the internal differences have disappeared; but faced with the total warfare declared by the FLA, a kind of nOIV union nas seen estaousnee getween me curer ent tendencies making up the MPLA.
In the areas controlled by the MPLA, and in all its dependent oodles a creat deal or rosacanod is made about the revolutionary leaders, especially about the 'comrade president'. This propaganda, which is aimed at the Angolan masses rather than at the MPLA militants, occasionally takes Maoist overtones (badges and posters denictino resident Netor. itants in the movement it's not a question of a personality cult. It is more an effort, through the MPLA and its leaders, to create a national conscience in the -popular masses ane avoid a return to umodisin OT course tois is not une onv orovacanda out out by the MPLA. Even if at present the war makes military organisation of the masses a priority, the MPLA has undertaken another battle - that for production. In the regions under its control it organises the distribLUTIOn OF DaSIC TOOdStUTTS.
The interview below, with two comrades who recently returned from Angola after spending three weeks in the zones controlled by the MPLA, first appeared in our French sister paper Rouge.
ZAIRE LUANDA NAMIBIA For example at Dala Tando, where the FNLA have just been driven out, the neighbourhood councils have requisitioned a large shop in order to turn it into a cooperative tor distnourion. inev are ar oresent try e to create a co-operative to harvest coffee. Militants visit ine villages, einer to explain tne useruiness or a day nursery or an agricultural co-operative, or to give courses in political education, as in Catete. • What about UNITA and the FLA - their function, their support etc?
Owing to its geographical situation and its mineral weain, Angold is orkey importance for imperians strategy. To prevent the country from falling into the 'socialist bloc and creating a revolutionary barrier against South Africa with Mozambique (only separated from Angola by Zambia), the US has for a long time placed its hopes on the FNLA. Using Zaire and its President Mobutu (who is the brother-in-law of FNLA leader Holden Roberto), and with the help of Chinese instructors, it has made of this liberation movement' the best equipped army in Angola.
Roberto is also supported by poor whites and Portuguese officers of upper rank, who handed over the Carmona air base to the FNLA on 4 August Planes from Zaire, the US and South Africa now use it in transit. But despite its military superiority, ELNA has suffered some important reverses in the last few months. The reason is simple: created on a racialist and tribalist (Bakongo) basis, the FNLA is made up largery or carrean mercenaries, togetner with peasants who have been pressed into service without conviction, benaving for the most part like an army of occupation.
A circular from the FLA headquarters is quite explici on tne danger. ro possess a weapon is not a permit to capture, mistreat and attack the civilian population. ne cavA sorcers our is to cerene the population, because he is the representative of the the armed people, and not a highwayman.
The July coup having failed, imperialism has two options. It can either raise the stakes (for example South African intervention, delivery of Mirage jets to the FLA) or change course and fall back on a less compromised movement such as UNITA. Under Jonas Savimbi, a charismatic and fundamentally opportunist leader. one aboears to nave secomi (since 25 April) the trump card of Franco-German interests in Angola.
In spite of this, UNITA cannot be classified as easily as the FNLA. Unlike the latter, it enjoys an sive to the MPLA's achievements. UNITA members who nave been taken prisoner by the mr LA are wel treated and receive political education. A good number join the FAPLAs. The contradictions between the existing leadership in UNITA and its radicalised base are increasingly evident. The MPLA is aware of this and is attempting to attract the progressive sec inda, and what is the role of FLEC? At the moment the situation is perfectiv calm. The importance of the guerilla war led by the MPLA before 25 April, and its long-standing implantation in the peasant masses, assures it absolute control over this enclave. Faced with this, the FLA and UNITA carry no weight, which is why imperialism has decided to play its 'autonomy' card.
Two FLECs (Liberation Front for the Cabinda Enclave) have appeared in close succession. There is one in Gulf Oil, whose government sits in Kinshasa; and another at Elf-Erap, installed in the Congo. For the moment the two movements represent only a few families from the big bourgeoisie living outside the country, but the Cabinda problem is there and could conceivably become a danger to Angolan The return to tribalism, always brought into play in Africa by imperialism, is the main danger facing Angola. The sloaan most often heard in Cabinda is: 'One people, one nation from Cabinda to Cunene' (in the extreme south). The MPLA, conscious of this serious problem, is endeavouring to forge a national consciousness in the whole country.
MPLA CONTROLLED FNLA CONTROLLED FNLA - UNITA CONTROLLED WOMIN WORKERS CONFERENCE: Sat 4 Oct., 9.30 onwards in ter Campaign, NAC, MCAPP, Women sAid, Gingerbread. Recreation nidy Tote nar Speakers from Working Women's Char Ground theatre group. Creche. Observers 40p BIG FLAME public meeting on Ireland, Saturdav 4 October. 7.30 in the Rugby lavern. Hugby st, off Lambs Conduit st, London WO Aiso Big riame pamphiet on ireland: freiano- Kising in the worth from 79c Annerley Road, London SE20 GEMAC CLOSING DOWN SOLSt chance to apt noctere nan stall', at the AN International Bazaar on Sat 4 October, from 11ar to 4pm in Holborn Assembly Hall, Johns Mews, Holborn, WC1.
WEST LONDON NAC: meeting Tues 7 Oct, 7pm, in Acklam H klam Road, W10, Speakers include a trade unionist, a member of NAG steering committee, and a hospital worker.
ANNIVERSARY of Mosley's deleat-meeting with Putuse Appolu Althea Lecointe and local militants, Film. treedom songs, sat 4 Ud All Nations Club z Martello street hackney. E.o VEST MIDDLESEX NAC Working Conference, Saturday 4 Oct.
Speakers from NAC Steering Committee, MCAPP, and local labou movement. Nursery provided. For details contact Eve at 132 Cowles Road, Uxbridge (tel. Uxbridge 30358)
FUND-RAISING DISCO for the Working Women's Charter Can 12.30pm. Admission 50p. Men welcom VICTOR GRAYSON-public meeting Tuesdav 7 October at 7.30pm conway nail, ned Lion square, VC2. Admission Tree. Heg Grove walks doout his new book on te ute and mysterious disappearanc or victor brayson, tre revolutionary socialist Nir, ine strange Cas of Victor Grayson (E2) published by Pluto Press, Unit 10 Spence LONDON SOCIALIST FORUM: The Benn Manifesto An Alterna tive for the Labour Party? Tues 7 Oct, 7.30pm, Conway Hall.
NEW NAC HEADQUARTERS: now at 30 Camden Road, Londor NW-(tel. 485 4303.
NAC CONFERENCE: 1819 October at Imperial College, Londo Registration Ll (50p tor students, claimants, one parent tamilies etc . Write to above address for registration forms VEW NEWSPAPER published by NAC now available-price 10p ea A WOMAN• HIGHE FO CHoUsE/rree Abortion on Demand bac ges available trom yi Caledonian Moad, London NiTUp each plu s.a.e. bulk reductions on reques MERSEYSIDE Association of Trades Councils Internationa Women's Year Committee conference: Women's Struggle in Chil Portugal, Ireland and Vietnam'. Speakers include Carmen Castillo (Chile), Carmen Miranda (PWCC), Ann Speed (Dublin shop steward : woman. Sunday 5 Oct, 10,30am -4pm. Creche NEWCAS ILE EACH IN on Abortion, saturday 4 Uct. Shipier Baths Community Centre, Raby Gate, Byker Wall, 2-5pm. Speake Wendy Forest of NAC plus local NAC member. Creche provided GAY WORKERS CONFERENCE: saturday 11 October, 10am bom at Conway hall, ned Lion square, vot. Furtner detans tron Gay worker, o caledonian noad, London w.w. please enciose s.a.e.
TO DIE IN MADRID: Leeds IMG public showing of film on Spar ish Civil War, Thurs 9 Oct., 7.30pm at the Students Unior
red weekiy 2 october 1975
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ZAMBIA BOTSWANA ON