newly independent states of black Africa. With a variety of qualifications every one of them was labelled as developing in a socialist direction. The writings and speeches of Figures as diverse as Senghor (Senegal), Mboya (Kenya), Lumumba (the Congo) and above all Nkrumah (Ghana), were lauded as embodying a new and specifically African socialist Ideology. On the international plane the policy of 'non-alignment" with either of the power blocs and positive neutralism' were heralded as constituting a breakthrough for world peace. Such ideas were particularly prevalent amongst activists in that early manifestation of the British youth radicalisation The stain on this generally optimistic canvas was of course the continued existence of the white racist power bloc in Southern Africa. But even here there were hopes that a unity would be found amongst the states of black Africa sufficient to ensure the rapid destruction of this relic of the colonial period." MILITARY COUPS Some ten or more years later the picture has radically altered. Military coups swept virtually all the states of West and Central Africa in the African government succeeded in dampening down all internal resistance for a lengrhy period from the carly 60%. Above all, the crucial factor of massive and oo-ordinated assistanice in the liberation of the white. enclaves was absent.
But if the 1960s saw Africa temporarily lapsing into the role of the forgotten Continent, we can safely say that the future now threatens to see the re-emergence of significant mass struggles on the Continent. The independent" states dramatically illustrate the truth of Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution: that in the cra of imperialism there is no way forward for the masses of the exploited coun tries except through the socialist revolution. All over Africa the ruling groups are increasingaround the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, ly revealed as the agents of external imperinlism, dependent in the last analysis on their masters in London, Paris, Washington, Bonn, etc. The Nigerian civil war which saw both sides equally dependent on rival imperialisms was clear confirmation of this. All over Africa there has been a failure to achieve sufficient economic development to satisfy even partially the rising expectations of a fast expanding population.
The contradiction is seen most acutely in those countries like Kenya and Nigeria where imperialist struggle on the continent. Africa amongst black workers at the beginning of this year, demonstruting the failure to create a permanently quiescent labour force for exploitation by the fast expanding industrial economy. The rebirth of mass struggle inside this bastion of imperialism's influence in Africa adds a new dimension to the whole antiClearly it is this battle against the naked racism and oppression inside the white enclaves warm encouragement to European capital, and a two-ycar wage restraint which would, in the present inflationary situation, mean further cuts in real wages. The first aim of all this, Peron said in his weekend speeches, is to restore the confidence of investors-which is why he is also bent on wiping out the guerrilla movement. Within the organised Peronist movement there Is already a deep split between the left of the Peronist Youth and the leadership, including the CGT bureaucrats led by Jose Rucci. It became apparent even before Campora's accession, when the Youth declared in favour of popular militias, and their leader, Galimberti, was at once replaced on Peron's orders. The Ezeiza airport massacre in June was the most dramatic episode of all: while the masave crowd was assembling to welcome Peron, the CGT gungsters controlling the platforn mounted inflation. The CNT union leadership now a series of provocations against the youth and the left-wing guerrillas, culminating in the Peron's witch-bunt against Trotskyism and the ERP guerrillas has failed to close the ranks of the Peronists. Sections of the Youth continue to denounce the MoCarthyite campeign and the CGT leaders. Peron had to take over the Presidency to outflank the left and prevent the bureaucracy from losing its grip on the unions. The announcement of Campora's resignation was preceded by ten days of campaigning by the trade union bureaucracy on the slogan "Peron to power". The decifion came in time to prevent the campaign from unleashing mass mobilisations, the first of which had been Peron's manoeuvre shows the danger of the illusion-mongering of the Peronist left. The Peronist guerrilla groups (FAR, FAI, Montoneros) declared a month ago that if they could not gel their demands satisfied by Campora, they would turn to Peron. Peron has Jane Frazer 'remain intact. workers" movement. The comrades of the Fourth International see the development of revolutionary theory and organisation. in Africa as a central task of the coming period, without which the revolutionary process is certain to be aborted at an carly stage. The present series of articles will examine the situation in a representative sample of states of black Africa and the white South, with the intention of making a contribution to that process in however modest a way