Intensify Machingura announced ZIPA's plans to intensify the armed struggle so as to create the necessary conditions for lan Smith and the imperialist powers that back him to unconditionally surrender power to the Zimbabwe people.' British socialists are duty-bound to oppose the Labour Government's projected conference on Zimbabwe.
British has
business convening a conference to work out the political future Zimbabwe. That is a matter for the people of Zimbabwe - and no-one else — to determine.
Nor does Britain (or the United States) have any right to foist a two-year 'transition period' on the Zimbabwean people. The black majority has the right to run its own country now.
The British-sponsored conference no of Party failed to challenge the manoeuvres delegates with Crosland to support Committee Statement on and Zimbabwe, the conference also (Com capability'; British deep support with South Africa.' These Knutsford THE BRUTAL REPRESSION of workers and students in South Africa was exposed at a press conference on Monday by three student leaders from Soweto.
According to Tsietsi Mashinini, the President of the Soweto Student Representative Council, 353 blacks were killed by the racist Vorster regime in three days in June. Tsietsi went on to explain how peaceful demonstrations were viciously attacked; how any group of more than three people would be shot as 'agitators'; how a price of 500 Rands had been put on his head; how since he went on the run his family have been continually harassed; how other student and black leaders have been detained; how when in prison they were beaten and tortured, then Torced to sign statements or contession.
While not commenting on the situation in Namibia Tsietsi insisted that they in Soweto would only settle for immediate majority rule. At the bargo including all equipment that enhances its (South Africa's) military trom for a mandatory United Nations arms embargo'; and 'an end to all forms of military collaboration explained resolution's mover, Alex Erwin of Constituency Labour Party, were prompted by the disclosures earlier this year that millions anar doal Zimhahwean ANC leade South Africa.
The three student leaders replied: "No, only in Britain.' of pounds of military hardware had been legally exported to South Africa Britain despite the Labour Government's much-touted ban'. In fact, Labour's "ban' is more like a sieve — with such wide holes that even sophisticated military communications systems, aero-engines and Centurion tanks have been legally exported to the apartheid regime.
Several dozen categories of military equipment can be exported to Wish Abel Muzorewa was greeted bv a same time he spoke of British complicity in supporting the racists of the Vorster regime - how it was British firms who supplied the weapons; how British parts were shipped out and made up in South Africa; and how British Leyland Landrovers were used in Soweto. Tsietsi went on to say that the black people had begun to identify British and world imperialism as being at the root of the attacks they suffered, because that imperial. ist system has vital economic interests to defend in were certain that the struggle would continue. As Tsietsi said: There are thousands more Tsietsi Mashinini.' They were forced to flee South Africa and upon arriving in Britain found themselves in the custody of the police for two days. Tsietsi, upon being asked if he had been imprisoned, South Africa without even the formality of an export licence under the 1970 Customs and Excise Export of Goods (Control) Order.
Composite 44 also noted that 'the Labour Government has so far failed to take decisive steps to reduce British investment in and trade with South Africa'. The resolution went on to call for 'an immediate freeze on all new investment in South Africa'; 'no Government financed trade missions and an end to export credit guarantees; withdrawal of all nationalised or Government controlled industries operating in South Africa'; and "withdrawal of British banks operating in South Africa.' Together, these measures would strike a hard blow against the apartheid regime. At present, over 500 British companies have associates or subsidiaries in South Africa; and British investment in South Africa accounts for over half of the imperialist countries' f4,000m of investments there.
But the Labour Government has consistently placed the interests of British multinational companies over those of the oppressed black population of South Africa. A striking illustration of Government attitudes was given on 18 September when British Petroleum (in which the Brithas a majority share-holding) announced a f250m investment programme in South AfThe Labour Government's record shows clearly that Callaghan and Crosland will seek to evade the clear commitments in Composite 44. Militants in the Labour Party and trade unions should respond by mounting a mass campaign to demand the immediate implementation of the conference's decisions. End all collaboration with the white racists in southern Africa NOW!
FREEDOM MARCH on SOUTH AFRICA HOUSE
WE HAVE HAD some real VIP visitors from Britain in Belfast recently. Not that they were given Army escorts or downed sherry in crystal glasses at Stormont Castle — these VIPs were memTroops Out Movement and the National Union of Students.
Such delegations have a very important role to assisting the struggle of the Irish people for self-determination. They can see at first hand the repressive role of the British Army and the Royal Ulster Constabulary; they can talk to local people and make on-the-spot assessments of where the responsibility lies. Such meetings go a long way to debunking many of the myths that are rampant amongst British workers and students. It soon becomes clear that the violence in the north of Ireland is not some tribal or religious war but the product of British imperialist rule.
JOHN MAGEE reports from Belfast play in Such delegations also have the opportunity to see just how widespread the misery of British Imperialist domination tually is. or course, extends beyond meetings with the anti-imperialist and Catholic organisations.
Ireland. It is well known [and attention has been drawn in this column] that the Republican and left organisations have a very bad record in recognising the specific oppression and needs of women, and they spokespersons for them. that the British working class will take a stand against British Involvement in Ireland as a matter of principle. But we do not for a minute expect it to dot all the Is and cross all the 't's of our analysis. We accept that many workers will themseives want to investigate the role played by trade unions in the Six Counties, the position of Protestant workers.
In doing so, they movement in Ireland. We know that the bankruptcy of the trade union leadership is self-evident; we know that the Loyalist paramilitaries are incapable of covering over their reactionary character. We fully recognise that if we are serious about winning the support of the British working class in our struggle, then we cannot afford to place any obstacles in the way of it gaining the widest knowledge possible of the situation in our country.
Ireland took this approach. The National Labour Movement delegation not only did not meet any Loyalists, but on a tour of Belfast avoided all Protestant districts. Furthermore, it had no to do that requires a programme that Take the situation of women in the North of therefore are not best placed to act as But this is only one aspect. Irish revolutionaries do expect pose no threat to the revolutionary Regrettably, neither of the delegations that have just visited meeting with the official trade union movement, despite the fact that the recent TUC Congress gave overwhelming support to the ? - never mind the British working class.
forces operating in Ireland basis for opening movement than that of the TOM delegation won at all.
future issue. "Better Life for All' campaign. Even within the Republican community the delegation met a very narrow section of opinion Much of this was not the fault of the delegation. It is no use avoiding the naming of names. The Communist Party in both Britain and Ireland pulled out all the stops to prevent the delegation from meeting such bodies as the Official Republican movement and Belfast Trades Council. But at the same time the delegation organisers seemed to have a blinkered approach Paddy Prendiville, the delegation's press officer, told a press conference that the delegation was not meeting any Loyalists because the latter had no contribution to make to Irish self-determination. Now Paddy is undoubtedly confident in holding that position, but it is hardly true of the whole of the delegation The NUS delegation, however, will return to Britain with the credibility of having met a wide cross-section of the political - including the Movement for a Socialist Republic [Irish section of the Fourth International] and the Northern Ireland Gay Rights Organisation, as well as the peace movement and the UDA. The jaundiced politics of the Broad Left notwithstanding, its report should serve as a better up a debate within the British socialists should be clear that support which will crumble at the first contact with Loyalism has not really been The views expressed above on the delegations are those of our Belfast correspondent. Red Weekly's views on the delegations were reported in last week's paper and will be expanded on in a