After two years of the gravest world crisis since the CCOROHIO defeats of imperialism in Vietnam and the former Portuguese colonies in Africa, and the arrival of the revolutionary threat on the doorstep of advanced capitalism with the upheaval in Portugal, capitalism was in deep trouble. Revolutionary developments appeared to be engulfing South-east Asia, southern Africa and the Iberian peninsula. Even the central capitalist democracy of Italy had to be put down on the list of "uncertain' countries because of the effects the capitalist crisis was having.
On the economic front, some measure of relief for the advanced capitalist countries. The long-awaited 'upturn' began in earnest: industrial production started to move upwards by as much as 10 per cent or more in the principal capitalist countries, although more slowly in crisis-ridden Britain and Italy. The years of depression had relieved the pressure of mounting prices of imported from Third World countries, and . the major oil exporters, extra slice of the imperialist pie they were after, stabilised their demands. ingly there was a temporary easing of the problem of inflation, although the 'upturn was only achieved at ensuring a further inflationary boost this year.
But the capitalists were not in a position to sit back and bask in the warmth of this short summer: they knew that if they did so the cold winters of another downswing would soon be blowing every capitalist country had to seize upon the upturn to try to gain some permanent shift in the division of the economic cake in their favour.
Austerity measures and cuts in government spending -on the order of the day in the name of 'the fight against inflation', while productivity was boosted at the expense of employuntil, autumn, capitalist countries could boast more than 13 million unemployed world capitalism has thus meant a 'downturn' in the welfare of the working class In the Third World countries, economic developments have effect.. In countries without oil resources become disastrous. The rise in oil prices touched off balance of payments problems that all the foreign 'aid' schemes residue: big class: another 1976 brought masses of capitalist production, which prevail in these developments raw materials having got the Accordexpense of round them. In ruling class wage restrictions were advanced 'upturn' of had a contradictory increasingly and inflation increases in food prices which drove the impoverished masses of these countries into still further misery.
The oil exporters, needless to say. did better. But the overwhelming bulk of the benefits flowed into the pockets of the tiny capitalist elite that rules these countries in close cooperation with imperialism. great portion of the oil revenue flowed back into the imperialist countries in the form of long-term investments held by this major portion went to strengthen the military power of these states, aimed both at warding off threats from less fortunate neighbours and the internal threat of revolt by the oppressed That small portion that found its way into economic projects followed the laws and sought to take advantage of the low wage levels countries. Such as they are, strengthening the power of the working class in these countries - and along with it the need of the capitalist state to put down even more violently any signs independent working class organisation: a process typified by the bloody dictatorship of the Shah of Iran.
EXPLOSIVE On the political front, imperialism able to gain a few important edges. In a number of Asian and Latin countries reactionary, pro-imperialist regimes were either strengthened or brought into existence to stem the revolutionary tide. Despite its disengagement from active conflict in Indochina, military machine continues to grow to all-time heights and retains its capacity for counter-revolutionary pite the Watergate scandals and revela tions, the imperialist 'dirty tricks' ment of the CIA continues its evil work around the globe But things are far from secure for of contrary, was Chilean coup.
Americam the American intervention. Desdepartimperialism. In none of the decisive capitalist countries has the working class suffered a real political defeat. On the the continuing ravages capitalist crisis are becoming explosive in what have traditionally been some of the most stable imperialist centres. Even where defeats have been meted out to the working class they have not been accompanied by the sort of physical destruction of the mass movement which followed the The crisis of capitalism - on a world scale and in each corner of the globe remains in full force, and the revolutionary stirrings of the masses have not been extinguished. In short, we are still very much in an era of revolutionary possibilities. Undoubtedly 1977 will bring important developments - especially in areas like southern Africa. But only the conscious struggle of all those who have understood the bankruptcy of capitalism and the need for a new social order can ensure that the 1970s will enter the annals of history as a 'red decade'.
6 RED WEEKLY 6 J THE COMMON denominator of the economic policies of all the West European countries has stringent "austerity" measures aimed at making the okinE class Day ne cost or tie contume cass.
This has elicited an almost uniformly strong ponse from the workers movement. In France 100.000 marched against the austerity package of the new Prime Minister, Raymond Barre; in London 60,000 public sector workers demonstrated another round of social expenditure cuts; in Belgium and the Netherlands there has been strong opposition GOYCEHHEICHE attacks awards.
But it is in southern Europe that working class action has continued to be strongest. The economic plan of the Andreotti Government in maly, designed as a hebelt to tne sinking nra, encountered a series of semi-spontaneous working class actions since its introduction in October. And in Spain the 12 November national strike signified the intention of the workers to make the Spanish version of the Social Contract unworkable. Despite the limited characier STrIKe. une envisaged by the Spanish capitalists and Government have proved unenforceable.
This slow but steady advance morkme class achon. particulariy in une souln or une continent, has been one of the factors in worsening the cuse or te bourgeois pontcal parues. un Haly, arel THE DRAMATIC new factor in the European political situation in 1976 has been the rise of the struggle against the bureaucracy in the workers states.
Soviet Union itself. the bureaucracy still appears in a powerful position. Despite the failure to resolve any of the central problems which led to Krushchev's downfall in 1964, the strengthening of the party apparatus, the halt of 'de-Stalinisation' and the ICDICOSIOn ot the opposition has maintain the stability of the regime. Not least, the continued passivity of removes the central threat to the interests of the bureaucracy.
10 an en0 partly through the ageing of present leadership but more importantly as a result or tne growing economic problems and the international crisis of Stalinism Its in rolano mar unis inemnatonai crsis has had its most striking effects.
lacy rebeated its attemots of 1970 to impose massive price rises class. Again in 1976 the workers used mass strike action and demonstrations freeze on prices.
This was portrayed by the Polish leadership and Stalinism internationally as a victory for intematonal sonicar rish anarchists, Noel and Marie acuon savec wo wom nangune u DUDHIE cance nearo in mei mar tor me snooting or a policeman was contessions ex tacted under torture. It was a great victory to Maroc a rairial with the cama DeeT Germany, similarly, resagainst victory only by default. index-linked pay SPAIN the level of Again, it is Spain has reaunaances Secondly, in independent Franco.
Cass. ism.
Brezhnev TOOTS served to CRITICISE working class But 'Brezhnevism' is coming Wing Class oooositon.
The bureaucthe workers states Polish the Western European to force a The Italian elections in Turne! avances ane iis Turner caceneraton into the politics C ass awakened by the PCI's electoral have been dampened by the tact that it is the gains of the Communist Party elections, the Christian Democracy finds itselt torn between a traditional and a technocratic wing. In West the alliance Christian Democrats (the CDU) and the Bavarian CSU has cracked under the strains of its unexpected electoral defeat. A large section of the French Gaullist establishment, led by former Prime Minister Chirac, has distanced itself from the ailing Giscard Government, while in Britain the Tories are heading for electoral where this crisis is most developed. The result of the recent referendum is probably only a temporary breathing space for the bourgeoisie's project of an orderly transition to a 'strong' democratic state on the West German model. The legalisation of political parties has a twofold intention. First it creates that semblance of democracy which will help to facilitate entry into the BEC.
and more importantly, it is designed to allow the formation of parties which can substitute for the role long played by the Bonapartist dictatorship of But no political current has yet which can act as the clear leader of the Spanish ruling the 'democratic' mechanisms of Polish socialIn fact the harsh repression faced by workers since dune mne cares mars succie began to challenge the bureaucracy at its very The new element in the strucale has been the unity between the working class and ression. It is clear that the struggle is far from The Polish events have had a global impact. Detente signals the increased readiness of the DOWe support MOSCOV bureaucracy in its fight against internal workStalinism, paeans to Polish democracy alternale win anal-neance cenacocic suDDor Tor the rights of certain opposition currents within The effects of this readiness on the part of CPs criticise the internal policies of the Stalinist bureaucracies has already had an effect in East Germany expulsion of the anti-bureaucratic poet WOIT Biermann has provoked a new wave of intellecregistered In November, LUM CIA [VI] collaboration.
not counted Nowhere, however, is this bourgeois political crisis as acute as the crisis of proletarian leadership. 1976 has seen disasters for the social democratic parties, above all in Sweden, where they lost office after 40 years as a direct result of their right-wing policies.
Even where social democracy has had its greatest apparent success, in Britain, it has no bright future Far from being the 'natural party of government, the working class has demonstrated in the elections that it will not retain a Labour Government which continues to act as the policeman of the ruling CaSS economic measures Moreover. People' have not proved a credible instrument for solving the ruling class crisis in Ireland, despite their lionisation by social democrats all over Europe.
STALINISM For all this, the leaders of the Socialist International can look back on 1976 with a certain feeling of satisfaction. In Portugal the Socialist Party has presided over a counter-revolution which is regarded with ad• miration by the capitalists of Europe. In France the "left' face of Mitterrand continues to win ground from the CP. Even the pathetic PSOE in Spain, emulating the antics of Soares' party, has made some gains thanks to the thousands of pounds poured in by the European social democrats (the British Labour Party among them).
Ine crisis or leadersmip nas been most apparent In the Stalinist parties. The. Berlin summit in consummated the turn of the Western CPs to 'Euro communism'. This represents no fundamental break with the interests of the Moscow bureaucracy. whic continues to be the main justification for the existence CrS separate from the social democrati parties. Far from constituting a distinct national line, Eurocommunism is a uniform tactic of the CPs. But it does represent a further stage in the international crisis of Stalinism under the democracy and the rise of the workers vanguard in In Italy the process of open collaboration with the bourgeoisie is most advanced. The austerity measures only got through parliament because of the abstention of CP where prefers the elections to active opposition to the austerity plan. In Spain the entire strategy of the CP remains subor dinated to its alliance with the 'progressive bourgeoisie' grouped in the Democratic Coordination. Any let face is little more than pique at the obstinate refusal of me covernment to legause the party tual opposition, accompanied by stirrings of the workers movement. It is ironic that the stimulus for people like Biermann, left critics of the bureaucracy, Eurocommunism. It is no coincidence that the European Stalinist summit this year was held in East Berlin.
The Fourth International places no trust in THE LONG slumber of the North American working class did not end in 1976. The most striking event in American pollucs was the long and insignificant US presidential campaign. Long because that is the way tney seem to uke these things. Insigniticant because despite the phenomenal rise of backwoods millionaire Jimmy carter there were no issues at stake in the contest.
The campaign centred on trivia - Ford's blunder on Eastern Europe and Carter's indiscreet Playboy Where. it mattered -workers' living standards, women's and black rights - there was no detectable difference between the two candidates. Usually there is a certain clash of interests between sections of the US ruling class, but not this year. In an election wnere nai te volers aostainea the only apparent reason for Carter's success was his , 154 Basque militants of the opanisn sympathising imolement d0 section of the Fourth International] were arrested in the course of an emment ind ine response Basque working class. Within a week al attacks on Szczecin and Gdansk.
recent bythe, 'Peace Part and parcel of this COmmISSIOnS trial stronghold of Barcelona.
BASQUE dual pressures of social mirrored in waiting -TOT the first Eurocommunists growing -BaS movement which regime of workers democracy The high abstention foreign policy, success of the une cecision oi ne roisn Government to per cent price rises on to drop the anc were cemonstrations ant | Communist Party offices. In This does not mean, however, that the CPs have lost •neir nole over signicant secuions or the workine class. Even in Italy, where the brazen treachery of the considerable rank-and-file opposition, the dominance orme saisiss nor versenousiy inreatened The same is largely true in Spain. The death of the old dictator Franco initiated a series of struggles aimed to give his regime the final push into oblivion. But it has proved more resilient than even its mosi optimistic champions can have hoped. Combining harsh repression with a modicum of democratic rhet oric, the second government of Juan Carlos still retains a certain margin of manoeuvre.
But the first wave of opposition has not died down. A crucial impact was made by the massacre of five workers in the Vitoria general strike in March. This was not simply another horror story. The Vitoria organisation and self-defence seen in recent years, and strike emposiea some or tre most advancea torns o series of strikes in the Basque country. Already nuncrees o nousanes o workers nave nadrer perience of workers councils which foreshadow the future organisation of the Iberian Socialist Republics process has been the phenomenal growth of the forces of the rourth International in the Spanish state. Since its fusion witl ETA(VI Assembly) in 1973, the LCR has multiplied its membership by six, with a sizeable implantation in the working class (particularly in the Basque country) and significant leadership positions in the Workers The LC ganisation of the Fl, has grown more modestly but not without important success, particularly in its indus The Spanish revolution still faces crucial problems, not least the increasing uneven development of the working class in the Basque country compared with the other areas of the Spanish state. The task of revolutionaries is to turn this unevenness advantage of the workers movement, by using the exemplary struggles of the Basque workers to forge a leadership capable of smashing the dictatorship and taking the working class beyond the reformist schema of the Stalinists to the formation of the first workers state in Western Europe. That is the very real Dossi bility which offers itself to the Fourth International and the workers movement in capitalist Europe the essentially right-wing critique made by the but tnis does represent contradiction within Stalinist can be exploited to benefit of the revolutionary opposition in the workers states, fighting for a political revolution to overthrow the bureaucracy and build a ability to capture the votes of the working class and minority groups, mainly through the good offices of the labour bureaucracy, which mounted a massive campaign on behalf of the Carter-Mondale ticket.
shows the disillusionment of many Americans with the capitalist two-party set-up. Another indication is the impact of the campaign run by the Socialist Workers Party, American sympath isers of the Fourth International, especially among many ortie ama minorty groups Following the SWP's lawsuit against hounding by the FBI, all the other left tendencies were forced to define their attitudes towards the election in terms of the SWP campaign. The gains of 1976 were relatively small, but there is little doubt that in 1980, after four years of a Carter adminstration, there will be further advances on the road to building an Annernatonacamoalen has beer mounter in cetence of Jose Paez DIc tured above] and Arturo Apaza, , militants the Argentiniar Fourth International, imprisoned by • Paez is a trade union leade under un threat of illegal execution. Apaza is a
independent working class party.
North America's other important election was in Quebec, where the nationalist Parti Quebecois swept. into power against the ruling Liberal Party. The PQ IS a bankrupt party, a capitalist party with nothing to offer the working class. But its victory represented the can result of a long development of the Quebec workers movement to defend its living standards and win the IN 1976 the brutal military dictatorships Brazil, Bolivia, Chile and Uruguay were joined Argentina, with one of the most powerful and longstanding working class movements on the one, and with it hopes of a rapid recovery in Latin America from the defeats of Bolivia and Chile are severely damaged.
The Argentinian military, in conjunction with right-wing terror squads, have dealt out bloody repression to the working class vanguard but they have not dared to repression to the working masses as a whole on the Chilean model. recovery of the mass movement from anything short of such total repression was shown in Bolivia, where, despite the bloody Banzer in 1971 and the repression that followed it, important struggles have taken place among the students, miners, and groups of industrial workers.
MOVEMENT One by-product of the defeat in has been the "breaking collaborationist ideology has served as an historical Argentinian working class possibility within remains very real and obstacle removed, In several less important countries struggles by a newly-emerging working class evident. This is especially true of Mexico and the countries of all of which forces playing an important part in the creation of a new workers movement.
In the Caribbean the crisis of imperialism has forced Jamaica and Guyana to critical stance towards the traditional mechanThe shan of ran's emore of rebression murderous 18030 political prisoners in Iran itself.
to limited where imperialism was faced June torees extend their The possibilities of coup of Argentina up OT Class and movement that dead-end for the Peronism. of a resurgence among the Argen the next few years still Peronist could rapidly assume prestige revolution will leadership.
Central America, in TOTSKVISH are adopt a more use Afrikaans language in black schools which BUl WOrKInG CIass ComInG right to self-determination.
he Po Covernment will do noming to dovane either of those ends, but it is likely that the electoral victory will be a stimulus to independent working class activity, and that before too long these bourgeois nationalists will stand exposed for what they are.
expect great steps frorward in the self-determination and an independent workers party in ine comine year isms of imperialist exploitation, ed the national bourgeoisies of these countries and imperialism, laying the seeds for a growing confrontation between the mass movement and of TeacHo!!
Peoples National Party in the Jamaican elec and violence by the right, determination of the masses to better their lot at the expense of imperialism.
But to go forward they must go beyond the middle class politicians like Manley and Burnham of Guyana and their half-hearted reformist policies. A crucial tactor will be me arude or the Cuban leadership, which enjoys immense These countries and particularly be TEs TOT they fail to revolutionary will have clearly passed into the Stalinist camp;
aSSiSEd evolutionary the isolation of the Cuban revolution could be rapidly ended and a Caribbean socialist federation created, which in turn would lay the basis for the emergence of a new revolutionary force on the American continent.
officia the spark Tolowed wrancie signalieu agamnst Chinese ATrICan According to official figures 172 key move was movement.
We relying on harsh fight for mounting, Gandhi dictatorship Illasses and to resort The victory of SnOWI the Arab bourgeoisies, tion which beginning Caribbean that of Jamaica Cuban the Palestinians strengthen Caribbean they leadership victory then its strategy of bourgeoisies death of Mao- Tse-tung has been VICIOuS inter-oureaucratic Involvine the senoration oran Gano or -our and now violence on thi streets of China But increasingly any section of the bureaucracy IN ASIA the main concern of imperialism has been to contain the effects of the Indochinese revolution. A coup in September, which unleashed a violent campaign of repression against the rising student and popular This fits in with an overall imperialist strategy of and bloody communist terror campaigns, such as are Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines and South Korea. But in all of these countries internal opposition is , fuelled by growing economic difficulties Many of them face growing anti-imperialist guerilla forces; indeed, one result of the Thai coup was a considerable stepping-up of guerilla activity.
The pro-imperialist Government of Indira Gandhi responded to the devastating effects of the imperialist crisis in India by establishing an outright dictatorship and terrorising all forms of opposition. While physical repression has not assumed a mass scope, the betrayal of the pro-Moscow Stalinists - who support and bankruptcy pro-Peking Stalinist forces have allowed imperialism to impose a serious defeat on the suffering Indian However, a few miles across the water in Ceylon the workers movement, which suffered a similar defeat with the State of Emergency declared in 1971, has started to re-emerge. The launching of a one-day general strike against government repression of the student movement, largely initiated by the Trotskyistled Ceylon Mercantile Union (CMU), once again the chinese siate wich nas consistenty dournedal movement in the Middle East. The project of begun but not com pleted in Jordan in 1970, was the elimination of the Palestinian resistance as a force within the internal politics of the Arab states. The chosen terrain for this confrontation was Lebanon The emasculation of the Palestinian Liberawas could be completed Lebanese rightists unaided By cal was a period military gains for the PLO and the leftist forces The decisive factor was the svrian ostensibly as a peace-keeping force, to break The military strength of the Syrians was overwhelming , but the crucial ele ment in the defeat was the line of the The PLO, dominated by Fatah, an attance STRE against Israel and interterence in ine attairs or ine Arao states But it was precisely this which left it incapable or mobilising the ales wno could nave beer Under the auspices waders numerous committed against the Lebanese the battle for faith in last besieced despite ite nerost of the defenders, the with no water camo overcome especially Thailand in leadership is present.
are reflected in Japan.
life, antiwaged in ers, however.
elections.
In after and trade union leadership Asia The death of but eninese sTainism aroune me wore countries.
from the italian against the intervention, not forces of the Fourth International in entire Arab world, had an impact by their principled quiesce in the Syrian invasion and invasion for a class programme ruling classes.
PLO The situation in maintained the part of the masses.
'non•InE HOTEL Palestinian people Syrian -in- Africa black crimes nave -beer Palactinian and Decisive Tel al camp ana bombarded Ior TW For medicine serves to show that such defeats can be rapidly if a clear revolutionary The crises of political leadership in Western Europ Lockheed scanda implicating the highest figures in Japanese politica has had a masive impact on the bourgeoi parties. The ruling LDP lost votes and changed leac and an alternative bourgeois Clean Government' party made considerable gains in the recent elections. The social democratic and Stalinist opposi once again showed themselves capable of taking advantage of this crisis of the capitalist parties and actually lost ground in the the fall of the Whitlam Government in 1975, there was a year of bitter struggles to maintain working class living standards against the attacks on wages and services by the Fraser Government. The struggle against the reduction of the Medibank facilities and the Fairfax print strike show the willingness of Australian workers to take militant action as well as the continued betrayal by the Labour The political bankruptcy of Maoism throughou is itself a reflection of the political crisis continent me sentinen celcaus a ser ever-rightward course in its foreign policy, culmina ting in its support of counter-revolution in Angola Mao has touched off a big internal struggle in which no real alternative nas yet emergeo which has further disoriented the adulators of decisive in defeating the plans of the Arab bourgeoisie - the mass movement in the Arab The Syrian invasion also threw the Stalinists into crisis. The Lebanese CP was forced to seek and French CPs while •their Syrian comrades supported the role played by Assad regime and Moscow studiously avoided taking any position at all. In sharp contrast, the Leanor though still small Terusal le their fight agains I the Arab one of severe repression and detensive swuggies This defeat can only be which involves the Arab masses in struggle in support self-determination and against their own Under the "Kissinger plan' for southern around a table in Geneva discussing the neo-colonia rule ir Zim- ne realitv in ambaowe is ta While the conterence was I Rhodesian troops invaded lozambique to massacre the inhabitant
THE AFRICAN continent is potentially one of the most crucial for imperialism in the coming decade. It Isandlcd that still offers great scope for further penetration of imperialist capital; where the national bourgeoisie is traditionally weakest; the economic and political hold of imperialism strongest; and where the struggles of the masses have been historically most successfully contained by neo-colonialism.
Yet it is on the African continent that imperialism has had its most unsuccessful year in 1976. There have always been two weak links imperialist stranglehold on Africa, cracks that were not filled in by the neo-colonial set-up that was erected after the aas war une surviva or colomalsmin mne roruguese territories, and the white racist regimes of southern Airca. In the snort term cach or tese was a strong point of support for the imperialist system; but in the long term iney unreatenea to blow up in une race or tac imperialist masters. 1975 and 1976 were the years of the explosion.
The victories the anti-imperialist forces in Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique were a foregone conclusion once the coup in Lisbon had undermined the capacity of the Portuguese armv to ware an effective colonial war. The only debate was over the terms of the settlement.
But in Angola imperialism had much greater hopes of keeping a tight rein, playing on the divisions in the liberation movements and the existence of groupings clear neo-colonialst s mDa nes. backed bi reactionary black states like Zaire or white racist Souln ArICa But in the event imperialism and its supporters lost out, with the victory of the MPLA in the civil war This victory was in large measure due to the support given to the MPLA bv the workers states. particular the Cuban military back-up, which in turn was made possible bv the widespread support for the MPLA amongst a series of black African states, influenced both by their own opportunist motives and the pressure of mass sympathy for the Angolan people's struggle.
The victory of the MPLA was thus a victory for the anti-imperialist movement across the continent, and a sign of how deep opposition to imperialism in Africa is, despite the failure of the MPLA leadership (and their counterparts in FRELIMO and the PAIGC) to propose a clear alternative to neo-colonial dependency.
The victories in the former Portuguese colonies were a big boost to the popular movement across the continent, especially in white racist southern Africa. The strengthening and radicalisation of the guerilla movement in Zimbabwe, now aided by a cooperative FRELIMO regime in Mozambique, brought this outpost of white racism to the edge of the precipice. In an attempt to save as much as possible of imperialist interests, both the racist South African Republic and US imperialism in the guise of Henry Kissinger set out to negotiate a solution which would dump white racism in Zimbabwe but replace it with a servile, black neo-colonia ism and underwrite continued white racist rule in South Africa.
But this ploy broke apart on the twin rocks of the intransigence of the Rhodesian racists and the upsurge Oene Anca masse.e mu CHuc was 0 prepared to give enough ground to make a sell-out by une black neo-colonialists acceptable to a black population inspired by the victories of armed struggle and their own growing strength. lo top it all, thé efforts of South Africa to pose as an 'honest broker' fell apart when the long-suffering South African masses themselves went into struggle, first in Soweto and then across the country, and the Vorster regime had to appear publicly with black blood dripping from its lily-white hands. Then in Namibia the South Africans had to appear as the ruthless oppressors of a popular struggle for liberation.
No solution has emerged to the intractable problen o1 soutnern Airca, despie te errors neo-colonialists and imperialism - now led principally by British imperialism, which is prepared to 'assume its responsibilities" in order to engineer a sell-out of the black masses.
Nor is there any long term solution which can avoid deepening the political crisis of imperialism in Africa Any concessions to the black masses in Zimbabwe will touch off a powerful mass movement whose demands will deepen the anti-imperialist struggle anc stimulate the determined fight of the black workers of South Africa against apartheid. This in turn will bring onto the stage the most poweful working class most economically developed COUBY of Africa, destroying the imperialist dream of using it as a springboard for the more thoroughgoing exploitation of the continent, and opening up the possibility of a real alternative to imperialism and neo-colonialısm - a united socialist Africa.
It is this perspective which is already casting its shadow over the African continent, far more poweful in the long run than all the imperialists delaying tactics in ceneva, inel manoeuvres with repressive regimes like those of Zaire and Kenya, and the bloody repression being unleashed at their urging by the Ethiopian military dictatorship against the powerful Ethiopian mass movement and the Eritrean liberation struggle.
The struggle in southern Africa is rapidly becoming a political touchstone across the continent — separatine mne neo-co omanss. oven ana aszuisca, Iron those seeking to defeat imperialism; drawing a dividing mne oerween tnose wno nave a stralegy for a viu tory won by the African masses themselves, and those who still retain illusions that someone else will do tho job. It can make the African continent into the crucial front for world imperialism in the mid-1970s that Indochina was for the preceding decade. It must equally become the focus of solidarity by the international WOLACES THUYCICHE
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For the world capitalist system, 1976 was a year in which to lick its wounds from the previous years' defeats and use whatever tricks it could to 'hold the line'.
mass mobilisations against them. But even these restrained moves have frighten-