shattering of the Loyalist North, reviews events since 1972.
On 24 March 1972, the then Tory Prime Minister Edward Heath announced that the Stormont Parliament and Northern Government was being suspended and direct rule from Westminster was being restored to the British occupied counties of Ireland after almost fifty-one years of government by the Ulster Unionist Party.
In the first few months after taking omnice wunclaw releasco 550 internees, closed one of the internment camps al Magungan County Derry and announced an amnesty or nose who nad Dar ticipated in illegal marches. According to British politicians and their "green' imitators in Ireland, this was solid evidence that John Bull did not approve of the sectarian, repressive regime maintained by the Stormont Parliament and its paramilitary bully-boys of the Royal Ulster Constabulary.
Nothing is further from the truth. in every decade since Enc establishment of the Northern state. the Stormont regime had introduced internment against the Catholic minoritv. Not only did these draconian measures fail to "democratic minster. but these same MPs praised the Stormont Government for its firm and skilful suppresSIOR OF FESIStanCe Not surprisingly, five years after the introduction of direct rule the internment powers remain on the statute books and although there are no more 'internees', internment continues unhmited detentions of Republicans, trumped-up charges wnien atre arel dropped - after the victims have spent months on remand in the very same camps which housed the internees proper.
Nor has direct rule prevented the Special Branch 'godfathers' of the RUC from indulging in the technique of torture highlighted by the BBC Tonight programme just a few weeks ago. It doesn't really matter either that the musicians of the Miami Showband were gunned down by members of Ulster Defence Regiment/Ulster Volunteer Force under the democratic control of the British Army and Her Majesty's Government.
BLUNDERED Why then was Stormont pended. his regime wnich nau served the British capitalist class faithfully for HOTe decades was no longer capable of providing a stable prop for muperialist rule. It had blundered in its handling of the civil rights agitation of the late '60s, failed to buy it off. and saw it turn into an armed offensive against the very existence of the Northern state; failed with its batons, machine-guns, oured cars, CS gas, rubber-bullets, the RUC, B-Specials and then the British Army and UDR to stop this resistance growing.
Most importantly it failed to smash Ine mass oppositon Stormont when Britain gave it the go-ahead to unleash naked terror IMG Notes shout Canne on Sectem Surenot The monolith dominated the north of Ireland ever since the creation against the entire Catholic minority with the introduction of internment in August 1971 and the murder by British paratroopers of 14 camonc civmans in Derry or what has become six known as 'Bloody Sunday" in January 1972.
Far from smashing the opposition these measures unleashed a nood or popular resistance con tring on demand for abolition of Stormont, and it was the scope of this resistance with up to 50.000 taking to the streets in demonstrations, the general strike and burning of the British embassy in Dublin, the swell of international support for the Irish struggie, which torced heats govem ment to step resignation or raulkners govern ment.
EFFECTIVE The fall of Stormont was the single most effective blow struck land since the end of the War of main bulwarks of imperialist rule elicit a miraper of prist femand pad to be done it ly al west temporarily, result would be to lay the basis for tragmentanon or ine monontio bloc which had dominated the Protestant pariament and ror estant state.
The loyalist monolith has fragmented into half-a-dozen or more parties witn a money concchon of policies. They rabicy Vicious and to one achic.
or another committed to a restored ascchaancy appear totally divided as to how this can be achieved. Some indeed seem to regard a return to Stor mont as little more than a ritual echo of a distant past. For them it least said about Stormont better.' Thus we had the entertaining charade acted out by the Ulster Unionist Westminster MPs during the recent crisis of the Labour Government. Loud warnes WCEC given in the backwoods of Porta& sympathisers. details to follow next week. to note date tor keeino tree. wware! this space for further details.
National TGWU Fraction: Sunday 17 which had universally in and force the down of the terribl would befall any UUUC MP tha failed to support the no-confidence motion tabled by the Tory Party No support was to be given to the Labour Government unless implemented Report. A three-line Whit imposed. The Labour Government refused to implement the Conven Independence in 1921. One of the tion Report and limitea "security"
inevitably consideration of more seats for the UUC at Westminster. •Despite Enoch Powell, Harold McCusker and John Carson (all UUUC MPs) abstained on the Tory motion, and Luce enter reported that no taken against still remain according to their Though Paisley's Democratic (sic)
Unionist Party has demanded that but they these errant MPs be brought to book, there is little reason to think that Powell & Co. will be deprived of their seats. would appear to be a case of the DISARRAY ENC itselt brought the anti-imperialist struggle. Comnationalist minority to submit to DUCE WILL any traditional 6-Counties' tution it has provided a breathing Part of the 15000 crowd that den onstrated in Derry on St. Patrick's Day to demand Troops Out Now' National Student Fraction: 25-24 ADM Mangnester. comrades Balance inner sine Seren The face of Loyalism - 'rabidly vicious' but "totally divided".
fate that space reorganise Convention Was held and to turn alist rule.
three-line Jon Moryncaux action would be which Is MPs who VOLCU conscience.
British imperialism.
movement allies into the The disarray of Loyalism has in certain benefits the refusal List ghettoes ever since. lational NA elitist News on the republic.
Scans have class'.
TEST for the resistance to The fact that the Loyalists have made any decisive advance despite the 1974 Ulster Workers Council stoppage and despite their massive election victories has left the initiative in the hands of the anti-imperialist population. It has • be recorded that the leadership the remoral not me anti-imperialist tovement vagué promises of renewed vigour has consistently failed since 1972 been found to be sorely wanting ir Inative MITCO a strategy and tacucs renewed offensive against imperilast ycar has But the Republican leadership of the struggle were unable to grasp this fact. Their perspective was still blinkered by the formal distinction that they draw between that part of proportions occupied British soldiers and that part which is nela by native collaborators tol To have gone forward the mass which took to inevitably streets and brought down Stor mont would have had to be armed with a 32-Counties strategy aimed at drawing in the entire Irish working class and its potential memoration anti-imperialist struggle. But it was not offered so the anti-imperialist masses were left to the slick politicking of th and Democratic Labou Party, Conor Cruise O'Brien and the myriad of 'peace' movements which have scarred the anti-union Wrong Come or detai Sunday 17 April i Get retor detail Saturday 2 That the Republicans were unable to offer such a 32-Counties" strategy is also related to their methods of struggle. •rOr them the military exploits of the kept IRA were the real struggle and there was only a supportive role to be played by a mass movement in the 26-Counties, just as the mass struggle in the North was viewed as auxiliary to the armed struggle The Kepublican message remainec essentially - Labour must wait!
There are of course Republicans who would dispute the above criticisms. They would point te debate in the pages of Republican need for Peoples Assemblies. They would point to cratic organs of struggle in Tur the repeated declarations by Pro- Lodge, where people have been left visional spokespersons that the aimlessly debating whether or not aim of the struggle was a socialist their barricades should be made They would argue as Republican News columnist "Solon' put it in the 26 March issue, that Republi always sougnt te elevation of the working class as opposed to the miacie and uppe But the real test of leadership lies not in the words which we put in papers and pamphlets but in the programme which we offer those militants engaged in the everyday struggle for democratic rights, in defence of political status and for of the British Army and here ine sepuoncans nave There can be no doubt that the witnessed a new resurgence in the militancy of the anti-unionist resistance and that this resurgence has shown potential of developing into mass Since March when the Secretary of State, Merlyn Rees, removed political they are in or out of uniform. We status from the Republican prisoners of war, the protests of the Relatives Action Committee have ITILU against the British Army is Was HOs marked in the establishment of barricades August last year around the comthe internment anniversary and the recent campaign of harassment undertaken people of Turf Lodge carried against the crack soldiers of the British Army's Parachute Regi But rather than intervening to build solidarity with the struggle in Turf Lodge, to link up the forces der alism Health Commission. Saturday 30 Apri at National Centre mobilised both there and by the co-ordinate and generalise these struggles, the Provisionals have them rigidly distinct and directed their energies into pointless exemplary and punitive cam paigns against prison warders and AIMLESS Nor, despite all the talk "Peoples' Assemblies" in Republi can News, have the Provisionals taken one specific initiative pro moting the development of demo permanent.
Again, when one looks at the response of the Provisional leadership to the savage effects imperialist rule on the Catholic workers in terms of rocketing unem DIoymCHE welfare cuts, housing slashbacks, we are confronted with the same arrogance and folly, Nowhere have Provisionals attempted to mobilise opposition on these issues, where have they challenged the empty rhetoric of the Communist Party and the Officials,nowhere have they exposed the hypocrisy of the trade union "Better Life for All' campaign.
Instead the IRA has launched a camnaign of assassination against invidual capitalists and bosses with the naive motivation that individual members of the exploiting class are "less expendable' to that class than the ordinary British tommies the time to weep tears for the unfortunate representatives of British 1976 imperialism who meet a sudden and violent end in Ireland, whether reject totally unc orchestrated wailings of British politicians, press and the CBI.
MOBLISATION But we stand firm in the knowiente alism will not be driven out of that British imperiof attrition relate wal out dedicated and committed Republicans against individual capitalists. Only through the mobilisation of the Irish working class, organised in its own independent organisations and un La revolutionary leadership which bases itself on the mas struggle, generalises and gives conscious expression to that strug gle, but positively refrains from substituting its own activity for the activity of the masses will victory over imperialism be possible While the Provisionals fail to recognise this fundamental requirement they are incapable of providing effective leadership to the struggle against imperialism ir Their dedication and commitment to achieving national liberation, the many heroic actions militants demand the unconditional support of socialists in Britain and Ireland in their struggle against British imperi But their programmatic weaknessess, their foolish methods of struggle demand also that from this position of support we do no hesitate to advance criticism whe necessary JOHN MAGEE St). Furth Is see Party Builder or
WEEKLY
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It is just five years since the fall of the Stormont 'Orange Parliament'. Its downfall brought about the
of the 6 County state. JOHN MAGEE, who is a regular correspondent to Red Weekly from the