Loyalist strike.
monopoly Loyalist rule.
Their first campaign, 'end direct rule', fell flat on its face. second attempt was an even bigger Tarce. Back in September they set unp tley collection of ce Special and RUC Reservists who were supposed to replace the British Army in operating road blocks and check paints.
No more than a couple of or the first day of 'drilling" und fo a while no more was heard of them. But a lew months later reports began to filter through of a Tew of these individuals on lonciy roads late at 'night in County Armagh and County Antrim.
The only people to take serious notice ol these reports were the SDLP who always look for ways of taking people's minds off the more serious matters, and for ways of showing a disgruntled membership that despite appearances they could still extract concessions from the British. Roy Mason duly obliged and 35 USC members were picked up and charged under an 1851 statute for 'unlawfully and wilfully Interrupting tree passage of trattic"
On essembled in protest outside the court bouse in Portadown where five of the arrested USC sapposed to be on trial. The case was adjourned until 5 May. it was almost exactly a year ago that Emesi Baird's United Ulster Unionist Movement and lan Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party set up the United Action Committee which has called the latest The UAC's demand was to Implement the Loyalist 1975 Convention Report - a return to the old days of Stormont and MIKE PINTER and GEOFF BELL explaln.
The Loyalist paramilitaries anTheir nounced their support for the Action Committee and on 26 April an advertisement appeared in the Belfast Newsletter warning Mason that he had seven days in which to Cange socuEny poncy an0 stare Implementing the Convention Report, The SDLP demanded imme diate action by Britain in the event of such a strike, and if not, withdrawal, Mason announced contingency plans had been drawn up.
COALITION
Such are the events which led to a coalition of Loyalist attempting a repcat of 19:4 when Ulster Workers Council-led strike toppled the power-sharing Thin time things different. In 1974 the aim of the strike war relatively simple bringing down of a power-sharing government which had little support anyway. Now the alms are more abstract and are casier for Britain to resist. But it is possible that a lot more is ar stake than either side is prepared to admit: the Trish Times, for speculated that the Loyalists are put were to set up a provisional governmenr.
As with most other events over the last mine years the Unionists are strike.
Loyalist leaders, Plan Paisley, is isolating through his threats and deadlines sions wuch have Unionism since 1968.
The upper PrOteStanS. hardliners liners do.
are consequences, classes.
example, has workers have 'Catholic agitation" divided on the advisability of the Al one level it h a clash of the cach of whom wants to be the undisputed bead of the Orange cause, Harry West, for examplc, believea that bis chief contender for the Loyalist crown bimsel!
But it is not simply an issue of political dog-lights between the vanous bigots who make up the Loyalist leadership, In many ways the clash represents the same diviexisted within and middle class shile hankering for the 'old days' as much as the hardaccept thar the type of sustained challenge to British policy which Paisley and Baird are mounting could have the moit damaging Britain's cconomic control of the North of Ireland makes the game Paisley and friends are playing i very dangerous one for those in Ireland who benefit most by the imperialist relationship - the Protestant upper and middle For their part the Protestant lesa to lose challenging British policy, and reativeiy much more lo lose by any reforms Britain gives to the Catho lic workers. Any attempt at reforming' the North or at allowing the continue directly threatens the only privileges the Protestant workers have - the have been given in comparison with Catholics as a reward for supporting Unionist Behind all chis lies the steady re assertion of the anti-Unionists reof masses which has been responsible for forcing wid British open the cracks in the Unionist camp, and the divisions among the Unionists and Britain on wether to zo for i 'bearts and minds" solution cal dangers The tensions have increased lately because the revolt is now stronger SIBUSIS SC Turf Lodge Cacholic shetto has bearea for followed Britain, and literally tens of chousands have taken to the streels in the last lew months to demand both las: gangrai striKe.
the nature of they lold allempl to possible. * THE UNIONS are this time.
withdrawal and politica! status for Republican prisoners.
For ils part Brilain would like to crush the revolt as much as Paisley. but it recognises the massive politidranging in the South, a massive international soliarty campaign with the Pros C the type of drast measures Paisley is demanding arc Bur one thing is certain. The North of treland represen a thr beina flown to the IT WAS IN MAY 1974 whan the Ulster Workers Concil called the Thon it was succeseful in achiering ils stated downfall of little power-sharing Exscutive and the scrapping ol pians for a Council of MaTEE AaR EnON aLOMEBEE l were leamt from that strike about the Irish situation.
The British Army, despile orders from Harold Wilson to break the strike, refused allowed Loyalist gangs to erect barricade Wilson that It 'wasn possible" for them to work in the power stations, and they made no ed.
prevent wide sprand harassmeni which af leaat at the start of the strike made lt The Irish Congress of Trede Unions and Trades Union Congress were biltorly opposed lo the strike, as they Len Murray even tried to lead a 'back to work' manch almed at smashing strike. Less than 200 people lumed up. The strike showed the complete greater threat the Carnolac masses than to the Protestnts. The last cight years in the North of Ireland have shown time und time again thar it is Catholics who are shot down bs the British Anny Bloody Sundays, it is Republicans who are tortured by the army and polioc The Brilish troops huve nothing to offer the anti-Unionists masses, just as Britain has nothing to offer the Irish people as a whole. Not aow, not ever.
Protestant workers * THE PROTESTANTS — As with the latest attempt al strike action the UWC strike began with very support from the Unionis politicians. Il was only after lt bacame clear inst it had a chance f succeeding thai they jumpeo c IC Banaau THE STRIKE WEAPON - The UWC strike wae the only successful general strike in the history o Britian and reland. But It was lo completely rescilonary alma. with this ilme tha lesson le that simply because workere are or strike, It does not mean that that should be aulomalicaily supportREFORMS sharing Executive wes an allamp lo 'reform' the North of Ireland.
hopelessnesa of such olution was clearly expose oyallata showed their determin tion lo reject any moves lo give Catholics a shore in govemmani.
In 1974 and both since, the majority of Protestant to 'reform' the northam state will aCL InaN HEC