MARTIN WALKER has writIn a book fine National Front, E1 Fontana) that will be attacked more vigorously by the anti-fascist left than by the fascists. Already one prominent anti-fasciat, Gerry Gable has demanded that his name be removed from the icanowiedgements page In disgust with the politics of the book.
Martin Walker is a clever and ambitious journalist. He in a personable young man who has the happy knack of establishing friendships with prominent fascists and antifascists. In all this there can be advantages.
The framework in which he examines the NF is simple: "there are kinds totalitarian and pluralist'. The totalitarians come in twotypes, fascists and communists: fascists want a series of national totalitarian states, while the more tidy minded communists want a world-wide totalitarian state. All good solid cold war ideology.
Walker sees a key feature system or two loose coalitions opposing one another. Its modern British expression 1 the great anti-aurhoritarian parties', Conservative and Labour which involve within them many clements who sympathise with totalitarian objectives but are kept in the mainstream of politics by the broadness of the two coalitions.
For Walker this admirable state of affairs is threatened by the growth of Fascists and Trotskyists. This outline is not new, although dragging the English Civil War into the camp or consensus politics deserves a mark for imagination, The crucial point is that also against the anti-fascist movement.
VIOLENCE One of the most glaring examples of Walker's two fronts' strategy is when he deals with the issue of vio lence. He allows that the NF makes violent statements, but gives only one example of the direct violence of the fascists, and this was a reprisal raid. The picture that emerges is one of Jews and lettists attacking fascists who occasionally detend selves.
Yer Walker is very well aware that the fascist groups have a long history of burnof ings, bombings, paramilitary groups, attacks on blacks, and aris caches.
Walker claims that 1962 Jordan and dale realised the productive nature of lence.
The point of Walker's exercise is to discredit the left and to protect the democratic fits of these einsis where they wish.
Yalker never clearly e lains whether he sees the N and National Party as fascist they are right wing parties dominated within which can be found some ex-Nazis, Partly this arises from the fact that Walker has no clear theory of fascism and appears at times o believe that it consists o wearing uniforms or culti vating funny moustaches.
In the final chapter Walker intempts to explain the signitrance and role or the NE. In order to do chis he has to gesture in the direction of a theoretical framework and outlines what he imagines to be Trotsky's theory of fasc IST.
According to his summary the preconditions for fascism are an economic crisis, revolutionary party of the working claw and a fascist party STOWing perry bourgeoisie. Once the capitalists discern a fascist movement then they encpurage it by all the means at their command.
Walker then goes on to argue that the events of early 1974 in Britain constituted the classical crisis in terms of Trotsky's theory of fascism". them- Bur the NF did not come to power, thus Trotsky's analysis has been proved wrong.
A few comments must be made. First, in spite of the fact that the early months of Tyn- *74 revealed a major crisis for the ruling class it was not a COULLE vio- revolutionary the situation had been more difficult for the ruling class, Trotsky has pointed out that the capitalists are loath to use the laccict wagnon durable. In earl working class, ex-Tories Heath used.
series of perceptive programme.
response PARTY note that Walker within the will primarily a fascism building up the crisis. Even if But NF class card and can go when the pain is unen ruling class had the option of using the Labour Party to carry out the attacks on the using more discreet methods than those Walker is able to make a comments on the loose organisational nature of the NF, the high turnover of membership and the low political level that means the rank and file often does not understand nature of the Front's The clectoral support for the NF is even more distant from the fascist cadre and reflects a confused protest vote or a simple racist In passing it is necessary to admits that one of the reasons for the inability of the Front to organise its electoral support is that the anti-fasc ists have not allowed it to operate as a normal party The failure of the NF to transform itself from being racist pressure group into a party of gorernment does not disprove Trotsky's theory of fascism.
The ruling class drew a very negative balance sheet of Germany. emphasis has swung cowards repressive organs (army, police, SPG) and harsh laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Acr, rather than relying on foroes mobilised by fascist advenracism can scill be useful to the ruling class. The can divide the working playing the racist be used as John Tyndall and Andrew Fountaine, leaders of the National Front, on the 23 April S1. George's Day demonstration Jong teren it may have an even more decisive role to play.
Bu Walker cannot grapple with this analysis since in nalues admittine thats and their allies that are playing the both spreading racist filth and in attacking the demo. walla robie arnho warbina
NI ISISM
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Walker is fighting on two fronts, against the NF, but