once again the deep crisis into which this country's capitalist political system has fallen.
Since the end of the last war, two parties have posed as alternative administrators of British capitalism: the Tories and Labour. But British capitalism is in trouble, and neither of these parties is abic to offer viable solutions to the myriad of problems with which this crisis confronts the mass of the electorate. This is especially true of Scotland and Wales, where the intense reponal impact of the social crisis is coupled with the rise of nationalist politics and the veritable destruc tion of the working class social fubric on which the Labour Party's strength has traditionally rested. Despite widespread press predictions that the Liberal resurgence was a spent force, they did well in the elections, winning a narrow victery one former Tory seat. Berwick. In Hove, one of the safest Tory seats in the country, the Liberals reduced Red Weekly 16 November 1973 Page 8 the total, and left the Lahour candidate trailing far behind.
In the two Scotlish contests the Liherals did poorly became of the presence of the Scottish Nationalist Parly. But the traditional parties were badly hattered: the SP won the safe Labour seat of Govan, and both Labour and Tory had their poll cut in halt in Edinburgh North (which the Tories did hold, however). The Liherals emerged from their last confereace with a coherent electoral stralegy: they were out to win disgruntled Labour supporters. With this aim in mind, they pose as the party of honest reform" - the party which puls forward the types of policies characteristic of Labour in the 50g and 60s. but reuff? means it. They thus aim to attract both voters who may be leery of Labour's tentativ tum to left-wing rhetoric, and those who are disillusioned with Labour's abysmal governmental record. They have thus been able to make gains not only among middle-class Labour supporters, but ako in working class constituencies like Chester-le-Street and Manchester Exchange.
Labour can respond in two ways. They can decide to move away from left-wing rhetoric and back to centrestage, where they can slug it out with the Liberals and the Nationalists. They have the advantage here of a sironger party machine and the ability to poso as a serious contender for government. But they will have to carry the tremendous burden of the disillusionment its past record has inspired in many voters.
The other road would be to take a more clear-cut left turn, in order to inspire working class voters with the image of a Purly commitled to a decisive anti-capitalist solution to the ills of British capitalism. This must seem like an immense gamble to the Party Icadership, for it is Inrecly unfamiliar walers for them, It however, proubly the only way that Lahour could ever again form a government. Either way, Labour will have to decide which way it is going very quickly at the moment it is geiling the worst of both worlds. David Tettadoro
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