I often read your paper and fied your industrial coverage and comment particularly accurale in forging a way towards socialism.
Your perspectives on the miners pay claim were in my opinion excellent (you rightly exposo limitations of the Communist Party). But 1 am disappointed by the way Red Weekly, (and the IMG), present the Iroubles in Ireland. Admittedly you point out to terrorists (here is no shorl cut to socialism, but by heck you stil! remain under the illasion that the IR A are an asset to the sucialist cause As a revolutionary socialist l'en shit scared of approaching protestant workers to even discuss socialist theory, because in doing so Em not only likely to.be violently dealt with by the reactionary right of the UDA, UVE elc, but also by those so called revolutionaries' of the IRA Let me put it to you another way. Leaving borhs in places used by working people (the very working people we must influence to change (he system), is not going to win them over to the struggle for socialism, As you have rightly puinted out before, the only people who stand to gain are the Tories and the system of capitalism they uphold, But such actons (no matter what the ideological basc) render the IRA a reactionary force, contrary to the image you paint Because of the iow political outlook of tertorists noe of these "prospective revolutiunaries of both sides run protection rackets round the local shopkeepers, "pay up or else", and it's not just something that goes on behind the scenes, it's in the foreground. The young lads of the 'green tartan" gangs, just like their "orange' counterparts are about as revolutionary as Calin Jordan and Marlin Wehster rolled into оле.
The least socialist republicans should do is to rethink their whole strutegy, rather than trying to blow protestants into a umiled Ireland, The real socialist should put at the top of his list the need for propaganda aimed specifically towards the protestant working class Hecause they have a reactionary background doesn't mean we should leave them aside. A united Ireland would not be achieved withour their support, BEP, Londonderry.
Bob Purdie replies:
It is necessary to begin by strongly denying one asertion of comrade BEP, It is simply not true to say that revolutionary Marxists face pltysical danger frum the Proviaional IRA if they engage in Soclalist propaganda in the North of Ireland, as the expereace of both the Peoples Democracy and the Revalo ticnary Mars ist Group verifies.
Having said dat, the atticude of Marxists to IRA volunteers during an operation national liheration movements should not depend on how sympathetic such movements are to socialism. The Mau-Mau in Kenya and Al Fatah in the Arab Enst have had less in common with socialism than the Provisionals, But Marxists, who are not neutral on the national strugale, have correcdy supported them against imperialism.
In chose councries where the esential cnsks of the national revolution, which prepare the way for a socialist transformation of society, bave not heen achieved, we support tose who fight to ascomplish these tasks, even though we might criticise their ideology, and insist that the national scruggle can only he successful as an integral element in strigale far workers power.
LETTERS This is particularly important in the case of Ireland, because the failure to complete the national revolution in the "20% has meant dest the working elass, although potentally powertul, is davided and held back from a sociist struggle by partition, and its adjunct, sectarianisn.
Cde BEP is mistaken in thinking that sociatist propaganda by ilsell can overcome chis divisicen, aur win profestait workers over to socialism andiot support for a united reland. Propaganda can win individuals, or small groups, to socialist ideas, bur I CAnNOL mUe 1L233 Only by understanding this can we make any sense of developments in the North of Ireland uver the last few years Superficially it would seom that since 1968 protestant workers have heen driven to the right hy the resurgence of the catholic minority Tendencies in the revolutionary left like the supporters of Militant, who never rise beyond abstract propaganda view this with alarm. They demand that the clock be lamed hack, and that actions which alienate protestant workers he stopped, wfille they atrempt to win them over through propaganda.
To justdy theit position they usually gloes over certain important facts, and unfortunadely cde BEP dends to do the sămo thing.
It is a legitimate point of view to disagree with, or lo condemn the IRA bombing campaign, but it is gude wrong to talk abcur mnem leaviny ocos t places usod by working people'; the policy of the IRA is to destroy property, and cause disruption through their bomhing campaign, but to ler to arold civiliar cosualres. Obviously oriscakes and even serious erners have happened. The Oxford Street Bus Station in a case in point, They shoeld have realised that, at that time, the security forces were likely to engineer large scole civilian cosualties for political purposes. Nevertheless their campaign bears no resentilener to die bombing campnign of the extreme Krant ornbatoc, who wscamz bumb pubs, homes and churches, without warning to kill catholics, This factual confosion covers a political confusion: naibely the iden that protestant and catholic workers have been polarised by the IRA bombing campaign. In fact the polarisation has its roots in the mid-sixties and the O'Neill reforms. As the Civit Righis Moremeat discorered, reforma challenged the protestant ascendancy, and hrought out the violent opposition of the Loy alists, Despite the deepened political gulf between protes rant and entbofie workers, the strupale over the last five years has brought nearer the achierment of. densIne WorkuE ciassuneEylo arciano, l bunct ward! unity for the common political tasks which face Irish workers, and which include the smashing of partition and the hold of British imperialism on CHE-ISIHTAESR TR SRIUn HERLEAPASTRIEI have maintained the status quo over the last fifty Years have heen seriousy weakened. The old Stront Pariament has gone, the Unionist Party has split, and a political division betweeo the profestaot ascendancy politics into unprecodented criais and fragmentation, Protestant, cutholic working class unity is nearer beeause some of the harmiert ire been amashei.
This situaton w'ould not hme arisen had it nor been for the military campaign of the IR.A. It was this which revived the mass movement which had been driven off the streets by the pogroms of August 1969, and sice then milcrary and ehal resistance have been dosely linked Thene are of course manty negatie aspects of tee Republican Movement. The leadership has not always been successful in excluding petly racketeers. and their is a tendency for 'up the provies" to he taken up on the same level as a soccer sogn. But cde BEP CaJol seriously believe that tie 'Gieen Tartans" repres-nt the mainstream of Republicanism.
Revolutionaty Marxists nsust point our the inadego acy of Republicanism when faced with the task of leading a struggle which integrates working class us well as national tasks. But we cannot do so effectivel! unless me solidarise with their struggle and honestly admit their achiesements over the last tive Fears In a period of crisis such as the present, the utmost discussion and clarification of ideas is needed in order to chart the way forward for the workers' movement towards the overthrow of capitalism. We are therefore anxious to hear from our readers on all aspects of the class stroggle. Letters should be sent te reach us by the first post on Monday of the week of issue. We reserve the right to shorten letters for publication where necessary.