in Italy, in which six people died and many more were borribly mutilated, there aren't many Italian workers who believe that fascists can be stopped by allowing free speech. And after five years of fascist bombings, for which so few fascists have been prosecuted, there can't be many who believe that the capitalist police can be depended on to break them up.
But such simple truths seem too difficult for the National Union of Students Executive to grasp, as it goes ahead with its proposal to exclude disruption of ultra-right mectings, in the implementation of its anti-fascist and anti-racist policy.
Perhaps these people don't believe that violence against their opponents is necessary for the growth of fascist organisutions, and that the fascists and their activities play a rignificant role in the class struggle, despite their small forces? Let us examine the record, not of Hitler and Mussolini forty years ago, but of Western Europe now.
In 1969 four bombs exploded in tbe Bank of Agriculture in Milan, Italy, killing 16 people, Several anarchists were arrested and held Tor over four years withour trial. Today even the bourgeois press says that these bombs were actually planted by the neo-fascists.
The object of these outrages was discovered from captured docu-