List wealth such as ICI, Courtaulds and so on.
the cconomy.
economy under workers control.
the base of the workers movement to implement it.
breaking the price code.
Ing safety regulations should be raised.
NOW A meeting beld in Birmingham to launch a campaign around the Working Women's Charter was attended by over 100 people.
June Cave, from Birminghant WLM opeaed the meeting and explained the importance of the Charter. Fiona Fredenburgh, a memIn the last issue of Red Weekly, an article on the Working Women's Charter campaign included a quotation from Irene Breugel (not Brody as reported), spokeswoman for the IS.
Due to last minute editing this was takea out of context It should have read that women in IS, or other political groups, should nut ake decisions on tbeir owen as to dow the —Pas 0% acte, but crat chose Red Weekly A major row is breaking out over the economic proposals put forward by Labour's Industry Minister Benn. The Confederation of British Industries and the press have launched an onslaught. It is reliably reported that Labour ministers Jenkins, Lever and Healey are altacking Benn inside the Government. Jenkins Parliamentary Private Secretary, a little known scab called Gwynoro Evans, has started a public attack on the proposals by declaring if is better to sacrifice a policy than to endanger national unity at a time like this It should come as no surprise to any reader of Red Weekly to find out that Benn's proposals are not a road to socialism. We analyse what is wrong with his plan on pages 4 and 5 of this week's issue. But socialists also have to understand that the effect of Benn's proposals on the working class is not necessarily going to be what their author intends. The employers want to blame the whole cconomic crisis on the trade unions, and the main bulk of the Labour leaders are spouting about the social contract". But Benn is forced, for his own reformist and opportunist reasans, to point an accusing finger (even if a shaky one) at the real centres of capitalNot only does this do real damage to the capitalist political offensive but it helps stimulate a very important discussion in the working class on vital questions of ownership and control of * Any economic programme which does not transfer the decisive sections of the economy - the 300 monopolies - into the nationalised sector cannot solve any real economic problems. The trade unions, which is where real power in the working class movement lies, must stop drawing up plans for running the capitalist economy, and instead draw up a plan for the nationalisation of the * Any economic policy which goes against the intérests of the employers will be met with sabotage and resistance. This sabotage cannot be met simply by Acts of Parliament, but only through mass action to gain workers control. The demand for workers control of the economy is not something to be introduced after the nationalisation of the economy, but is the only way of securing that nationalis* The capitalists books must be opened. One vital question which Benn does mise, in a reformist way, i the abolition of commerical secrecy. This must be taken further, and measures can be taken from • Nationalisation should be linked to the struggle agaiast inflation by demanding the nationalisation of the most notorious profiteers -in particular the oil companies, the food monopoles and all firins * Nationalisation must be taken up in the struggle against redundancy. The nationalisation of the building trade, where a hundred thousand workers will be redundant by the winter, and the nationalisation of the motor industry, where there will be tens of thousands of redundancies (and the almost certain bankruptey of British Leyland), are particularly urgent campaigns. But every redundancy must be mer with an occupation through which the demand for nationalisation of the whole firm or industry of which the company is a part can be ruised. Similarly the demand for the nationalisation of all firms breakber of AUEW (ASS described some of the activitier around tho Charter and the growth of the Charter groups throughout Britain.
What is important about the Charter is that it merges the traditional demands of the WLM with others previausly taken up hy working women inside the factory and in the unions. explained Fiona She said:"A real struggle around thea demands could provide the hasis for a Fusion of the ideas and forces of both the WIM and the lahour movemont.
It was agreed to set up an ad hoe organisine committee to coordinate Future activity and to make work in support 0l 00 101303 183 4330s BE immediate priority. By holding a series of public meetings and actively being involved in women's stru geles the Charter Group hoper to stronghen its base and support in the Birminghom arca.
Many of the people at the meetang were delegates from tride union branubes.
The WLM had sent out over 600 circulars to union branches with copies of the Charter. Now the important task is to build on that base and widen the support that the Charter is beginning to get in the anions.
decisions should be made by the increasing number of women workers involved in the campaign. The article gave the impression that women in IS do not take decisons on matters of political attiliation on their own.
The article stated that 15 made its first appearance af Chat moeting. Although the IS did not come to the first moctines they have heen attending moctings for the past noeth.