Young or old-age is no barrier when it comes to support for loyalist reaction.
administration of Northern Ireland For the Repahlicans to accept such a proposal would mean giving up all they have fought for in the last five years. The pro-condition being laid down for talks is that they accept the continuation of the sectar an Northern Ireland state, which means also the tradicional subordinate place of the catholics within it. What the Loyalists are offering is not a rap prochement, hut ierms for a surreader.
Ine purpose of these proposals is clearer when we examine what the over Loyalin (published by the Loyalist "Ulster Defence Association" said on 6 June about the main electoml force amongst the catholics, the Social Democratic and Labour Party*The SDLP will have to make up its mind once and for all whether it is an anti-partitionist party or a party which will support the interests of the Catbolic community within the ity.
Conchat: internal affairs." Union... What is required now is a definite division between anti-partitionist politics and power sharing polities within the Catholic communSeen in this light the Loyalist initiatives appear not as steps towards reconciliation, but as an attempt to create a political split in the catholic community NATIONALISM Northern Ireland Secretary Merlyn Rees recent talk about Lister nation- article in the same issue of Combur aliam is well founded. Today the said: Lister Flag has almost supplanted the Union Jack in Belfast and the Loyalists are coming our with plenti ful supplies of anci-British rhetoric, like the following quotation from the Ulster Volunteer Force magusine The day is fast approaching thank God when the Englishman must be told is no uncertain manner that his era of lordship is over. The Scols and Welsh are demanding the right to be free nations and the Ulsterman is demanding the return of his "stolen" parliament. They are all demanding the right to determine their own destinies and administer their own But lest anyone think that this Ulster nationalism is compatible with the Irish nationalism of the Republicans Combat stresses that:
"Such nationalistic sentiments should it no way be construed as disloyal to the British Crown. The British Crown is not the exclusive property of the English people. On the contrary it is the property of the British people throughout the world and is the symbol of the ties that bind the people of the Commonwealth together.
"Ulster nationalism' is in fact a deciand ior less British interference in the North of Ireland, so that the province can return to the days before the destruction of Northerr Ireland's old Stormont Parliament.
Even some of the more radical departures in Loyalist thinking come hack to this starting point. Another The majority of Uister Protestants equate Gaelic and Irish culture with Roman Catholicism. The truth of the matter is that Uister Protestants have as much claim, if not more in some cases, to the Gaelie culture as the Roman Catholic population. Gaelic culture is clearly the most important strand of our Ulster cul ture. Even our Orange culture is a development of our Gaelie traditions..
Then comes the punch line:
"There is no contradiction in being British and at the same time Rishing to enjoy and preserve our own distinctive culture. Our Loyal Scottish bretbren find no difficulty in enjoying their national culture and at the same time still maintaining their loyalty and their Faith and British Citizenship.
Cearly the Loyalists are trying to grapple with new prublems, Successive British Governments have attempeed to force changes in the North of Ireland in order to protect British incerests. This threatens the
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