Enoch Powell's hopes of riding a reactionary loyalist charger into the flank of the British working class begin to take shape during the course of the last week.
In his election campaign, he has. stooped to grovelling and fawning before the worst sectanian conceit of the loyalist supporters, He talks about the six counties as this jewel and describes the sectarian actions of the loyalists as exhibiting 'shrewdness and wisdom. He promIses rapid fulfillment of the loyalises" sectarian dreamns. telling them, and the insurgent Republican minority "in a long low drawn out growl will slink away.
This is to he done through the implementation of the Ulster Unionist Manifesto, which he descrbes as a programme of peace and reconciliation'. crudely spells out the need to hand everything over to the loyalists: without that programme and its fulfillment, there cun be no peace and there can be no reconciliation'. In other words if the croppies won't he down before the loyalist steamroller, they will have to be beaten into submission, WELL RECEIVED Powell is being well received hy be on the up and up as the Labour out concessions, to exploit these concessions to wrench out even more. recent extension by the Labour Government of the police reserve. in response to the clamour from the loyalists for the return of the B-Specials, drew this from Powell: Very good. Much obliged. out of ten, But the pupil will have to do better next time To this the Labour Government has no answer. ceded the point of principle the existence of the Northern Irish state-the handing over of control of the state machine to the loyalists logically follows.
This accounts for the really pathetic failure by Merlyn Rees, Jand, to challenge Powell. Rees tries to play on the contradiction between Powell's advocacy of the loyalist cause and his support for economic policies which would produce unemployment.
Rees fails to face up to in the Tact that Powell actually has an answer of sorts to unemployment: make the nationalist minority pay.
Eleet me, he is kick them out of all the jobs land the protestants. This is what the history of the Orange state is all abou DANGEROUS to Powell, Rees actusly steadies This progranime the ladder which Powell 5 climbing.
Without the presence of British troops without the arming of the Joyalist vigilantes, neither the loy alists nor Powell would be anywhere failure of the Labour Party to ef fectively oppose Powell's forward match. perous situation for the British working class. intention of trying to use his sucthe loyalists, who feel themselves to cess in the six counties to split up.
disorganise and defeat the British Government falls over itself to hand working class. Powell proposes Powell is already using chis cleclion as a platform to begin that Thus the that the Irish in Britain be registered as aliens, taking the first step towards using the irish as a political war-cry in the same way that be has already used black immigrants in One this country.
Unfortunately, sentiment for this policy already exists inside the Brilish working class.
Having con way to combat this is to build a movement toside the working class in this country which is in support DEBATE Minister of State for Northern Ire But what Cover.
council housesjand reserve them for For all his attempted challenges Kees only indicates the general This is an extremely dan For Powell has every For example, he has demanded The only of the trish people and their right to scit determination, class.
Powell himself has every hope cr winning forces inside the heart of the working class, This is in fact vital for him in order chat he can implentent his strategy of strong state action against the working class But Powell hasn't got his own org anised force. Instead a whole suricty of right wing groups, spearheaded by the fascist National Front, are organising under Powell's In its election campaigo the Natjonal Front has made one of its main planks the isue of Ireland The N.F. plays up the issues which Powell-reaching out to win forces inside the heart of the working class political imputence of the English working class, despite its orgen isation. This is the ta mous letter to Meyer and Vost of 9 Apr P1870, in which Mark says how the working class in every industrial city in England i divided nta two hostie camps. English Proletarians and Irish proletarians. Today you must add black proletarians to the this sirletion Marx insisted that the duty of the International, not merely for land and Ireland in the foreground, and everywhere to side openly with Ireland"
Why is the IMG not supporting ICRA, the one organisation that is standing up Alan Jones hes turned Marx upsid down. Ho tries to browbeat the Irish into giving up teei owe campain on 1e gourd that it is the strungle of the Brie ish working class which is the only patential ally the lash peope have The cro the israer. 15, The WRP all say the same:
Ever since 1968 these English groups have been selling Irish worken to.. wait Wait for the British working class. Wait for the British to solse Ireland's troubles But the British working class has boen so helpal all. You must face the facts, the British working class is racist and chauvinist, Name ana single action that even a tiny minority of British workers have taken since 1968 to heip the leish.
The Irish are complete y right to rely on themselves, and to use the coming ele cher to puld up their own strengA In Britain. Heal Marxists would help them, -nat make their mask more ornican.
Powell raises and attempts to make them count inside the working A vital part of the fight against Powel is therefore the fight against the National Front. H we can prevent the Front from organising militant action on the streets, and connect the reactionary ideas which Powell raises with the fascistie nature of the Nacional Front, we can hegin to neutralise the reactionary sentiments inside the working claw which Powell wants to explost and strike a blow at his whole strategy. But we can unly do this if we make Ireland central to our fight against the N.F BRIAN GROGAN If it was not for ICAA, Irsland would not even be an issue in this eection. Al ter six veers of imparielist butchary in in land, the sat dority movement of the Eng lish left is in a sorry mess if trish workers decide to go it alone, the English left has only itself to blame.
Nothing suersone like success A. Teague RED WEEKLY REPLIES: We weicome comrade Teague's letter. While we disssee with its central point in support of The ICRA campaign it does provide us with an opportmity to clarify our pos hans on the tasks of Britich socialists in regard to freiand, and the related ivene of traland aid the initish election.
But fist, a briet aside on comrade Teague's amusing amoigam berween us and the isington Powellite, Devanaid Lewis. Wher on sarth is the comrade Ty te prover or were opponed to the Sunningdale agreement. The Pow Witz were opposed to Sunningdale, the hope convade Teague was opposed to Sunoingcale./ Were we therefore aNd wrong on Sunrianglu?
We agree with comrade Teague about the Labour Party's record on beland, and about the need to put the condica between England and Ireland in the foreground". We have made many similar polete in our press and other publica troos. Airay in our Biecton can 2i0e it eve intervened ingorily at Labour Party mersinge aginst Moison and his ask on this very quesrion. How over we cart company with convade Teague when he argues that supporters of the frish strogne should therefore
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the Irish but the English workers themsel wes, was to put the confice between Eng