Already Mozambique is governed by the FRELIMO liberation movement and is well on the road to independence. Frantic manoeuvres are taking place in Angola to protect imperialist interests the o, but even the most die-hard reactionaries realise this can only be done by making concessions to the black nationalist movements TREMORS The tremors are beginning to reach the bastions of white power' -South Africa and Rhodesia. Rhodesian Prime Minister lan Smith has started to complain about FRELIMO support for bberation movement guerrillas in Rhodesia, and South Africa is now frantically tossing political crumbs to the black African states.
Immediately after the Lusaka agr cement anal set up ine rAeLInO Government in Mozambique, promises of continued collaboration and co-op eration" flowed from the mouths of South African spokesmen, A number of key cconomic factors lay behind this attitude.
About 50% of South Africa's trade is done through the port of Lourenco Marques, which is the nearest outlet for the Republic's industrial heartland. Moreover, the gold mines of South Africa are now almost totally dependent on imported labour from surrounding countries. For the mine managements this is superior because they come for limited periods of time maximum of 12 months- and do not bring their lames. This reduces the threat of trades unionisation and strikes, and the management undoubtedly exploits the ethnic and language differences between different groups in the work force.
The result is that mine wages are depressed way helow the average for blacks in South Africa which enables, for instance, the working of seams whose equivalent in mineral content were closed closed down as uneconomic in the USA 30 years ago.
Of this contract labour, 100,000 per annum or approximately 25% of the labour force comes from Mozambique. In a situation where Malawi, the source of another 28%, has cut off further recruitment, it is vital for the mining industry that the Mozambique quota be maintained, if not increased, in the future, relations with black states to the North Red Weekly 5 December 1974 of South Africa at the tip of the continent, through to Mozambique in the east— lay firmly in the hands of colonialism and white racism.
But now, before the year is even out, the scene has changed dram- bouring territories, and there have atically. The collapse of the old dictatorship in Portugal - brought about in large measure by the "bottomless pit' of Portugal's African wars has brought the liberation forces important new gains.
Finally, the Cabora Bassa dam project on the Zambesi River in Mozambique is nearing completion of its first stage. The massive hydro-electric station is linked by overhead cables with the Transvaal, to which it is planned the overwhelming majority of power produced will be exported.
These three factors explain the attitudes taken up by the South AftIcan Government, the acid test of which came when white racists in Lourenco Marques staged their protest against the Lusaka agreement, resuiting in bloody clashes in the streets. The obligatory "horror stories" were published in the South African press, but South Africa's Foreign Minister, Hilgard Muller, took a very cool attitude towards the rebels. He announced that South African mercenaries would not be allowed into Mozambique under any circumstunces, that South Africa would not interfere in the situation, and even offered co-operation with the Mozambique authorities. ian Smith-described by Jonannesburg Star as 'embarrassing bit of surplus baggage'.
HYPOCRISY This jumble of hypocrisy and offerings of goodwill was clearly designed for consumption by the FRELIMO leadership and the people of Mozambique, is well as the lead. ership of certain other black African states, The success of these manoeuvres is far from certain, but there are some Racist justice in Ahodesian court-major obstacle to 'normalisation" of South Africa's secret clauses in the Lusaka pact guarantee the continuation of the rant labour, and the sale of electric ion. The Vorster Government has never been a fervent supporter of Smith's positions because Rhodesia has no economic importance for South Africa. Indeed it is actually an economic burden, because South Africa must make up for many of Rhodesia. For example, many of Rhodesia's imports and exports (e.g chrome) have to pass through South Africa in order to appear as such on shipping documentation and "bust' the sanctions. This places ortation system. Should the new Mozambique Government cut the crucial rail link with the port of Beira which carries 80% of Rhodpressed rail network would become intolerable.
BOTTOMLESS PIT war against the ZANU guerrillas in Rhodesia has perhaps provided Vorster's police with some valuable training, bul the renewed upsurge in termi this war would be a bottomless pit for South African men, military resources and finance. Finally, there uction to normalisation of South to the north.
this has been advocated in the press.
for instance, declared black rule in lozambique makes the Rhodesig:
strategically. Economically she is have plenty of our own crosses to that Britain, which generally leaves us alone there, has criticised South tons against Rhodesia.. we suggest must spell out that the fantasy of Smited tenure indeed...
ibia, the former German coiony of the League of Nations in 1919. This has long been a bone of contention between South Africa, which continues to assert her "rights" in the territory, and the United Nations (which inherited responsibility from Ute League of Nations).
Namibia is important to South Africu as a source of labour for her mines, a source of valuable mineral wealth (especially diamonda), and as a 'buffer to protect South African is aise strong opposition to South African rule inside Namibia. The South West African People's Organisation (SWAPO) was able to organise ominous signs, Mozambique's Prime: Minister, Joaquim Chissano, has sev. cral times affirmed his Government's desire for collaboration with all neighbeen unconfirmed press reports that Cabora Bassa agreement. This is burne out by a recent speech of South Afr ican Prime Minister Vorster, when he referred to 'cerlain guarantees' he bad received from Mozambique concerning access to its ports, the supply of mig South Africa's line towards Rhodesia has headed in the opposite directthe shortages produced by the international cconomic sanctions against a big strain on South African's transpesia's trade, the pressure on the hard system.
South Africa's involvement in the the fighting is a signal chat in the long have been clear signs that the issue of Rhodesia is the biggest current obstrAfrica's relations with the black states So far there bus been no decision to end support for Rhodesia, although The Johanneshurg Star of 18 October, rite butter" less importan, to u larpely a burden. And politically ac bear without that embarsassing bit of surplus baggage to the north. At the United Nations we have heen having our roughest ride yet: and on top of Africa in unusually specific terms as the chief breaker of oconomic sanctMr. Vorster use his position of unique influence with Mr. Smith to force the pace of constructive change there. He indefinite white supremacy has a very Another area where South African policy has undergone change is Nam- to South Africa South West Africa, which was handed over to South Africa to administer by with black Africa. borders from hustle forces. But there ZAIRE ANGOLA ZAMBIA 6 (OUTINEST ARAKE)
BOTSWANA LESOTHO SOUTH AFRICA an effective boycott of the 1973 eleclions held to set up a phony puppet government", and Namibian workers particularly in the key area of Oramboland -have organised militant opposition to the migrant labour Vorster has recently been saying that the people of Namibia should be pivea an opportunity to decide their own future. Namibia is adjacent to Angula, which (whatever the current manocuvres of the Portuguese and imperialise), threatens to become itdependent in the not too distant future. Ovamboland itseif straddles the border and the continual two-way movement of population poses a threat to the security of racist rule therc. Vorster is obviously thinking abuut nading hiniself of this potenbally troublesome and continually embarrassing possession in order to be able to concentrate his defences in the heartland of South Alrica. Zambian President, Kenneth Kaundahails Vorster's "voice of reason"
His aim will be to try to produce a solution which would bow to the notion of formal independence but keep the area in reality totally tied One aim of these changes in policy may be to consolidate the white rac ist stronghold on a smaller and more defensible basis around the heartland of the South African state. But Vorster's otber goal (at least of equal Importance) is to "normalise' relations As the most economically developed power on the continent, South Africa sees itself as the potential creator of a 'sub-imperialism" with interests and influence extending far to borders, its north. Steps in this direction have already been taken, particularly through the close relationships built up with Malawi and the Ivory Coast. But Vorster is after much bieger fish and on 26 October it looked as if he had indeed caught the higeest one of all.
TANZANIA
MALAWI RHODESIA - SWAZILAND In a speech on that day Kenneth Kaunda, President of Zambia, bad this to say about Vorster's speech:
"He declared his faith in the future and expressed bis optimism about future developments in southern Africa. This is the voice of reason for which the world has waited for many years'. Setting out his conditions for improved relations Kaunda said, "Rhodesia and Namibia, after the and of the war in Mozambique are the major obstacies to peace and co-operation belween the people of South Africa and the people of the rest of Alrica, Unless these obstacle: are removed than the hasic causes of condict will remain REVOLUTION It is noteworthy that until Rhod esta's closure of the border in January 1973 Zambia had done a very extensive trade with Soutl Africa, while half of is copper mines remained up until this year under the managoment of Oppenheimer's Anglo American Corporation, rhich still holds 49% of the shares in the major copper munes.
But above and beyond such considerations the desire of the leaders of black Africa to normalise relationships with South Africa has even deeper roots. The cruption of the revolution of the black South African masses against the apartheid system will be entirely different from any other liberation struggle which has taken place on the continent. In this industrially developed country all the key imperialist states are fast increasing their stake in the profits to be derived from the cheap labour force guaranteed by the racist laws, and the country has a large black working class. The revolution which ultimately arises against this system cannot fril to pose from its earlies stages the socialist tasks of totally destroying the imperialist stake and South African capitalism. The effects of such a development wauld not stop at the borders of South Africa but would send ripples thr oughout the continent to shake the foundations of regimes as seemingly solidly entrenched as thar of Kaunda and other leaders of independent states thut continue to allow imperjalist interests to operate within their If Vorster's present moves are being welcomed as opening the way to a new order in Southern Africa it is because the governments of "neo-colonial" Africa have just as much interest in the preservation of "stability and the present set up.