Luis Vitale, one of the leaders of the Chilean section of the Fourth International, has finally been released from prison. On 28 November the junta allowed him to leave the country for Ger many, where a job had been offered him as professor in the social science faculty at Frankfurt University.
At the time of his arest, Vitale was profesor of history and geography at the Univenity of Concepcion.
Vitale's reirase followed a campaig on his behalf that was launched more than a year ago, At its congress in Febmary 1974 the Fourth International named him its honorary chairman as a symbol of the revolutionary victims of on around the world.
Vitale was arrested in Santiago shor Dy after the September 1973 coop that overthrow the Allende regime. For long weeks he was held in the National Stadium of that city. He was severery tort wed. Later he was transferred to a concentration camp. For some time his life hung in the balance an a result of the brutal treatment to which he had been subjected.
The author of several books and essays, Vitale's best-known work is his history of Chile, Interpretacion Marxista only been partially pablished prior to the 1973 coup.
Vitale holds dual Argentine and Chican citizenship. He was born in ArgentInn in 1927 but had lived in Chile for two decades. He married a Chilean and has a daughter who was born in Santiago.
He has a long record of activity in the Chilean labour movement. In the WHIS 1959-62. Vitale was & national Irarer of the Central Unica de Trabaj adores (CUT -United Federation of Workers). He helped draft the resolutsons prosented to ene airst and second national congresses of the CUT, particularly those sections dealing with agrarand industrial developmeat in Chile.
The GIM (Gruppe Internationale Marxisten International Marxist Group, the German section of the Fourth International) has announoed a speaking tour for Vitale through the Federal Republic of Germany. on her behalf, Is there a political explanation for the death of Miguel Enriquez and the arrest in the course of the last few weeks of several of your leading members?
EDGARDO ENRIQUEZ: There are two main explanations for the death of Miguel Enriquez: the MIR'S refusal to do a deal with the SIFA (army intelligence); and the slowness with which the Chilean left has moved towards united action.
Towards the end of August the Junta reached the conclusion that the MIR the only party with a policy of open struggle against it -was becoming a real danger. They realised that the MIR could in the medium term become a catalyst which would allow the left as a whole to break out of its isolation The problem for the generals is not so much the MiR itself as the resistance committees it has been setting up. The action of these committees shows that militants at the base are working more and more closcly together despite their different party affiliations. How would you describe the role played by the MIR in the opposition?
EDGARDO ENRIQUEZ: Several of the parties of the left are waiting for a hardening of opposition by the democratic bourgeoisie, The MIR doesn't think that this is at all sufficient; on the contrary, it thinks that active struggle, based on the working class and peasants, is the key element In the opposition to the junta.
The MIR has had to take on alone the responsibility for this open struggle, and to bear alone the costs of this undertaking. Miguel fell at a time when the MIR was carrying a responsibility which it did not wish to carry and Goes not wish to continue carrying alone. The only way to avoid further such victims is to bring about united action by the left.
On 5 October the general secretary of the Chilean MIR (Movement of the Revolutionary Left), His murder was followed by considerable press speculation that the MIR would be unable to continue functioning as an effective organisation inside Chile after this blow.
Le Monde by Edgardo Enriquez, brother of Miguel and the MIR's chief spokesperson abroad, and Carmen Castillo, Miguel's companion, who was injured in the same gun battle, arrested by the junta, and then subsequently released after an international campaign had been mounted the masses" standard of livine. action.
MIR is comrade Andres Pascal. He had been nommated hy the political commission is Miguel's suocessor should anything like this happen.
It is important to give the lie to certain stories in the press about One of the most forceful pieces of evidence of the particip ation of US military personnel in the coup in Chile has rec ently heen released by United Press International (OPD. The These doubts are countered in the interview below, recently given to the French daily paper The MIR has always pursued this objective from the day of the coup. It even published in January 1974 an appeal to which until now there has been no reply. This document, catitled "The basis for uniting our forces, proposed: the unif- conditional support. ication of the left against the junta;
organisation of a popular resistance movement; the restoration of democratic liberties; and the defence of Miguel Enriquer —killed because of the MIR's refusal to do a deal with Chilean army intelligence, and as a result of the failure of the Chilean left to come together in united The new general secretary of the The puccillas attacked, rescued tbeir dvine friend and killed the "Junta" soldiers. The closer inspection of the man without insignia revealed a man between 36 nod a yean of dissensions inside the MIR following Miguel's death. There is nu dissension: the new general secretary has the backing of all the militants, of all the members of the political commission, us well as my own un It's been reported that a great many of your militants have sought refuge in the Italian Embassy in Santiago, including Humberto Sotomayor, who was described as an eventual successor to Miguel Enriquez. What have you to say about this? EDGARDO ENRIQUEZ: Humberto Sotomayor was a member of the political commission. He has been expelled from the MiR, by a decision taken by the political comma member of our central committee. She was arrested on 21 September. The same day, at 7pm, the police raided the flat of her companion. Sergio Perez Molina, and took away their 5-yeur-old son. They kept this child prisoner for 20 days until the Catholic relief organisation Pro Praz succeeded in obtaining his release. The same organisation also put forward a habeas corpur demand for Lumi herself, which showa quite clearly that she had neither found refuge in an embassy nor was about to do so. Lumi died by strangling. Her son had been tortured in front of her.
I would also like to talk about the case of Laura Allende, the sister of President Allende and the mother of the MIR's general secr etary, Apdres Pascal. She was arrested on 2 November along with her daughter Marie-Anne, who is aged about 30, Since then we've had no news at all of them.
Laura has heen a Socialist Party MP. She is suffering from a cancer disease which requires continuous cobalt treatment. The Mexican Gov ernment has offered to take her in but has received no reply. Her Jawyer has put in a habeas corput demand which has been rejected. She is 62.
She is not and never has been a militant of the MiR, but before and after the coup her bebaviour can only be described as admirable. She has never sought asylum. T would hope that there will be an international campaign for her as there was for me, which proved to be very effective.
What are your party's perspectives for action?
EDGARDO ENRIQUEZ: We will continue on the political line mapped out by Miguel Enriquez. There is no question of a retreat by the MIR, hut nor will it get involved in desperate actions. We will not allow ourselves to full into the trap of localised armed controntations.
The MiR will continue with the same tactics even if Mr Kissinger is trying to teach agreement with the Christian Democrats, and ex-President Frei in particular, to replace Pinochet. Our tactics can be summed up in a very few worda: we seek to develop the mass popular resistance without waiting until the contradictions inside the bourgeoisie get worse SERVICIO INTELICENCIA MILITAR