The workers" first taste of struggic was not log delayed. In February 1973 the multi-nstiona! bosses dec Ided to victimise this new leadership before its influence could spread. Imagine their horror when the workers responded by launching an immediate Occupanon SAC led by an elected strike committee res ponsible to muss meetings of the workers. Within a week, the bosses crambled.
The value of workers democracy had been well and truly shown. But another lesson for the future had also been learned. In the general strike of 1960-61, the workers had simply walked out, leaving the furnaces to cool. As a result management was able to lay them off for six months on the pretext of repairing the machinery.
ALTERNÁTIVE This time the workers hit on an alternative-to carry on production, but to produce glass of non-standard speci fications which would therefore be unsaleable. The first steps towards workers control had been taken.
The experience of this briet occupation strike was soon to bear rich fruits. The glassworkers began to pre pare for their 1974 pay claim. Once again the bosses tried to get in first by sacking a militant at the Multipane factory This time the response was absolutely electrifying. More than ten factor ies were occupied in carty May. mostly with their own strike committees: and for the first time in Belgium since 1932 a regional strike committee, chaired by Andre Henry, was established to co-ordinate the workers offensive. After three weeks of struggle the bosses once more had no alternative hut to give way on all the strikers' demands:
So when BSN announced massive redundancies at its Glaverhel factories in November-as part of a general scheme to rationalise its glass trasing activities, also involving closures in Germany, France and Iraiy -the workers were in a good position to aunch their own counter-attack.
A control committee elected at che the Gilly plant rapidly produced facts and figures for an 'open letter' to BSNPron, we will have opened up a whole Claverbel exposing the multi-national's Ianoeuvres lor all to see. They revealed how rather than reinvesting its proin the last year alone.
to wage a united fight around this force had been allowed to drop by 14.2% in less than three years, while the work-rate had been increased to such an extent that the average prod uctivity per worker had risen by 30%.
As a result the control committee were able to show how the Glaverbel redundancies were closely connected with BSN's closure of glass-making fact- ilated soctions be convened at once ories in other countries, and the need question. They also projected that BSN might well be aiming to divest itself of its whole glass-making sector now, and hinted that the British firm Pilkington's might be possible buyers Armed with this information, the Glaverbel workers began the campaign to save theis jobs. Their first success was to win the agreement of the CharJeroi area leadership of the General Fedcration of Belgian Workers (FGTBGilly workers discuss the next step in their struggle: workers' democracy in action Hardly had the impending closure ers. been announced than an occupation committee was set up to make sure that the bosses didn't get up to any tricks like sabotaging che machinery Then the shop stewards went to see the local leaders of the FGTB and de manded that an extraordinary arca conference of delegates from all altto discuss the strugele The bureaucrats agreed, the stewards reported back to a mass meeting and confident now of widespread local backing, the Gilly workers voted on 15 January for an all-out strike.
Their demands were the following: *No redundancies, no rationalisation *Enstallation of the flout glass process at Gilly to guarantee work not only in the factory but also for the 4,000 wurkess in manufacturing supplied by Gily *Nationalisation of Glaverbel under workIt is nearly 90 years now since the first initiative to co-ordinate glassworkers action on an international scale a conference of delegates from Britain, France, Belgium, Italy and the USAwas organised by the Knights of Labour, American exponents of industrial unionism. On that occasion trade union organisation was still weak, and the employers combined to smash it Today, however, the working class movement has never been stronger Hy their action the Gilly workers have laid the basis for an international fight in defence of jobs. Against the at tempts hy the capitalists to reinforce thei rule through such European wide institutions as the Common Market, the Belgian glass workers are now pos ing an alternative a workers' sclution to the capitalist crisis throagh co-ordinated internations| action