of this analysis, we construct a programme of demands that defend both the immediate interests of the working class and direct its struggle towards the overthrow of the capitalist system —a transitional programme.
Al any particular phase of the class struggle certain of these demands ase most central. The most crucial aspecis of our transitional programme, our action programme, around which we try to build united action at the present time, are:
*No to any form of incomes policy under capitalism; smash the social *For automatie compensation against inflation of wages and all forms of social expenditure, including pensions, student grants and unemployment and social security benefits.
*For the right to work: nationalisation without compensation to save jobs; work-sharing with no loss of pay in firms creating short-time working and redundancies.
*For the defence of democratic rights: abolition of Jenkins' so-callled Prevention of Terrorism' Act; defence of the right to picker and abolition of the crime of conspiracy; an end to joint police-army manoeuvres and the use of troops to break strikes, and the disbundment of the police Special Patrol Group; for workers' self-defence.
*For the immediate withdrawal of British troops from Ireland - self. determination for the whole of the irish people.
*For withdrawal from the Common Market and NATO; for the United Socialist States of Europe.
free 24-hour community-controlled state nurseries " Against all forms of racism; for the abolition of all immigration laws; no platform for fascists.
2. The task of revolutionary tactics is to unite the maximum social forces in strugple around these demands concretely centred at present against the attacks and betrayals of the Labour Government. The fight for such united action is dicrated by the need to advance the class struggle and is something for which the IMG has to fight even where the present weakness of revolutionary socialists, in relation to the bureaucracy of the workers' movement, means that on many iss ues we will not succeed in creating united action. But it is through the struggie for united action of the mass organisations of the working class around such a political line that the ING will succeed in propelling into action and winning the most politically advanced sections of the working class, against the political line of their bureaucratic leaders.
3. There already exists Inside the working class a vanguard which is breaking with the idea that the Labour Party can be turned into a force to light for socialism and that socialRed Weekly 27 March 1976 *For equal pay for women; free abortion and contraception on demand:
isa can be achieved through Parliament and the capitalist state. However, this vanguard consists only of some tens of thousands, whereas millions of workers will be enpaged in various struggles against the Wilson Govern ment. While taking up all issues of the class struggle, inchiding those on which at present the masses will bot wage a struagle, the central problem for this vanguard, the problem we must give the answers to, is low la influence the course of these far larg er struggles which will determine the relation of forces under this Govern ment.
Propaganda for a socialist solution to the crisis and the spreading of the lessons of politically advanced strugeles is very important, but will only have a limited impact in the vanguard itself. The vast majority of the working class remnuins under the political domination of the Labour Party. that i of social democratic ideas. More specifically, left social democracy controls politically the most militant sections of the working class Even the Communist Party can only lead actions of a significant weight if it succeeds in gaining an allЗалос тон воса целостасу- 11 this relation of forces, therefore, in order to play a role in influencing the course of the decisive clashes between the classes, revolutionaries must aim to achieve unity in action with sections of left social democracy. particularly at the base of the trade Furthernore, al the present time it is increasingly possible to gain such united action. For while only a small section of the working class has broke politically from the Tabout Party: far larger numbers have broken organ sationaily from the hold of Labour and are prepared to act outside and against the policies of the Labour leadership. This has given rise to large left social democratic currents CRISIS IN BUREAUCRACY 4. For the IMG the main problem confronting us in politically developing the workers in these Jeft social democratic currents towards revulutionary politics is the way these curtcats interact with a crisis within the burcaucracy of the warkers move ment itself.
Caught between the upsurge of the working class which is deepening the crisis of capitalism, and the resultant necessity for the ruling class to implement a decisive defcar and a strong state oit the working class. sections of the bureaucracy take a "lett turn in order to maintain their base. This is the signiticance of figures like Arthur Scarpill within the trade union bureaucracy, and Tony Benn in the Labour Parly.
While the manocusnes undertaken UNITY IN ACTION by the bureaucrats have the effect ol raixing a number of political quest are posed. Firstly, a policy of unicy sons within the working class, never toeless their development makes the probleis of hreaking the working class from reformism far snore com plex than under the last Labour GorIn 1964-70, except during the struape spainst the anti-union legisiation (e liace of Strife), Jeft social denocracy was a retreating force with declining credibility in the workers movemeat. Between the policies of the Wilson Government and the polcles of the revolutionary lett Inere wis no cicar alternative pole of attraction to workers disillusioned with the experience of the Labour Under the present Gorpriment, however, forces moving to the left under the inspact of the treacherous policies of Wilson find a potential pole of attraction in left social democrity. The problen for revolutionaries is how to break ap the bioc ber ween the bare of these ieft social democratic currents, shich are gersinely looking for roclist answers. to the crisis, and their burencratic Leaderships.
5. To do this two interlinked tasks bin action with lett social democratic currents on any issues in which chey come into contact with the immedlate interests of the ruling class. For example, when workers under the influence of teft social democracy take up the campaigo against the Common Market, we consciously seck united action with them on this basic When workers faced with red undancy, demand that Benn nationalises their fitm, or workers under the in fluence of left social democracy in the future fight against statutory incomes policy, even when their original position may be based on politically wrong conceptions like "detend the social contract" we are in lavour of united action with them It is only by ruthlessly pursuing a policy of unity in action that we can hope to begin to break these workers front their buresucratic musleaders. Thus the counterpart of unity in action is, for the IMG the clearest possibie poiltical diff crentiation of our positions on there isewer This second task is fulfilled by our transitional demands.
These demands start from the need to defend the interests of the working class, and are not a manoe unre designed to create a differentiation with the bureaucracy. Neverpurwap wo uncuoge aa 10j wale
заров prena poe si aut jo sopesrunase Sragdı попорцио з шашюм pun uossasddo 8е рит яриттар паці доз зу8у 01 ap si de punore sumederes Sut TpIen оци іншом Ас решеш оце ем 11/ Dlui QuR furinu sunl casuntadysur
THIS SATURDAY, 29 Murch, the Bertrand Rumell Peace Foundation has called for a day of action against the inprisonment and brutal ill-treatment of a leading Soviet dissident. Vladimir Bukovsky, and a Ukmnian nationalist, Valentyn Moroz. Both are now held by the Soviet authorit les in the extremely harsh Vladimir prison, and both are seriously, poss ibly fatally, IL Bukovsky has been one of the most persistent fighters for democratic liberties in the USSR. In 1960 he was thrown out of school for putting out a satirical magazine called Martyr, and since then has been imprisoned four times. Two of his terms in prbion have been in jailed each (Union) Republic has it all times the right to secede at it own wish from the USSR.
Howevet, when Ukrainians agitato with the aim, as another prom inent oppositionist put it of seeing "the socialist Ukraine as truly existing and genuinciy equal among the soc inlist family of nations, then they get the treatement given to Moroz.
He was fust arrested in 1965, when a wave of arrests of alleged "bourgools nationalists" swept the Ukraine, Although lies were put about accusing the arrested of iness ive anti-soviet agitation and propag anda, there was widespread and sometimes active sympathy for the Victims in the Ukraine.
Moron was a defendant in the first trial to be held. "In his defence he spoke of russification and of the unWHAT DO THE CONNG WHAT DO THE
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social democracy TENDENCY B