Socialist Action No. 106, 21 June 1985
The scan: 106-jun-21-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
NO to Gillick
LAW
OFF Photo: GM COOKSON
ACTION SOCiAist
QUR
ODIES
for a woman's right to choose
TOur bodies our lives
our right to decide
No. 105 Demonstrate against the
Gillick ruling 23 June
Assemble Lincoln's Inn
Fields 11am Inside: Women's rights under
attack p 6-7
21 June 1985 30p
NO to Gillick
Page 2 scan of this page
2 Socialist Action
SoCiAlist
AGTION
The great
Kinnock moving
right show
NEIL KINNOCK is now treading a well worn path. Only the 'realigned left'
Meacher, Tribune, possibly have any illusions on that score.
Kinnock's strategy is the same as was wilson and Callaghan's. Move Labour to the right and capture the 'centre ground' of politics. Everyone nows just how successtul that polic ween them the 1964-70, government's permanently Labour's support. We are getting another exam• pie of the same policy over the. the Mitterrand government in France has succeeded highest post-war level.
Chastise
This is what any serious current in the left wing of the labour movement has to face up to. Kinnock is not just blocking struggles now with the miners and rate capping - but he is preparing a disaster for a future Labour government. To support Kinnock is to fail to support the Labour Party and labour movement.
But how is the left to respond to the situa tion? With the defeat of the miners' strike a definite setback was suffered. Not in any sense a decisive defeat as Ron George Wright, and the victory in the political levy ballots, continue to show. But nevertheless a significant setback. One from which the left has to rebuild. This means understanding of the political situation.
The key line of divide in politics today is not against Kinnock, as some on the left are sug cest. Kinnock today stands in the way of the fight against Thatcher - and that is why he must be fought. support to the degree to which it advances the struggle against Thatcher reasons why we strongly support the initiative and stance taken by Tony Benn and Eric Heffer in their May Day manifesto to the national executive of the Labour Party.
Sharp
This means that priority is not given at pre sent to inner party dominated from 1979-81. be on mass campaigning, the fight against the Tories, and opening up the policy issues
But there are two dramatic exceptions to this — which relate directly to the fight against Thatcher as well. This is the question of black sec tions and that of the demands of the Women's Action Committee.
Labour has no chance of victory whatever if it fails to unite the working class internally, and create an alliance between the working class and its allies. And that alliance can only be built on the basis of accepting the right of the oppressed to organise themselves. Women's liberation will be no more 'given' to women by men, or black liberation given to blacks by whites, than any beneficient government will 'give' socialism to the working class and oppressed.
Neil Kinnock is no more a 'socialist' other. There must be movement оп women's organisation until these issues are completely
Editor: ALAN FREEMAN Published weekly except two weeks in August and the last week of December.
Signed articles by contributors do not necessarly represent Socialist Action's views. These are expressed in editorials.
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21 June 1985 - Michael and the rest - can
was. Betand 1974-5 Labour smashed down
Channel where
in advancing the fascist vote to its
having a clear of
The key line of divide is against That-
Wing That means the left will advance in
- which is one of the
in
issues of the type which The emphasis must 'democrat' or a on these issues than he is on any
no truce in the labour and black self-
AS 1985 LABOUR Party annual conference draws closer, so the debate about black self-organisation within the party hots up. black section are beginning to emerge: one from Mi Kinnock and enlightened Guardian-reading liberals; the other from none other than our old friend the Militant tendency. CAROL TURNER looks at, and discounts, Labour Party.
WITH a few blatant exceptions, most Labour Party members would be downright indignant if you accused them of racism. Yet the turore gallering around the demand of
independently within the
proyokie some responses which are exactly that.
Neil Kinnock's reply to the positive discrimination working party report that favoured the establishment of black sections was racist. Nevermind what Ilight have been head at the time, what he
basic values, people with different coloured skin should not be given
Now he's busy think-
solution something like that recently suggested in a Guardian
eloquently: constituency level, many parties
multi-racial areas locussing men culolls on ethnic minority voters.
*Several have adopted informal mechanisms of positive discrimination to ensure better black and Asian representation party committees. And a number of constituencies are going out of their way to select ethnic minority candidates • sometimes from "all black" shortlists. All this has been done without recource to the
up black sections.
This 'healthy political trend' of course, must go further. Why not establish a Labour campaign for black and Asian rights,
like Paole Zion or the
I SEE YOUR FRIENDS
IN THE LABOUR,
PARTY HAVE BEEN
TALKING TO SINA
FEIN AGAIN! WHO BHINKNEW ARE?!?
PERMAPS THEY THINK THEY'RE WILLIE WHITELAW
Two alternatives to the
the alternative to black sections in the
cooperative movement? "That would not give the separatists everything they want should not be a party of sepalausin.
This is the sting in the tail oI Ene compromise put forward by the liberals in ine Labour rally. Wilal is somehow not legitimate for black people to organise independently of that society. Woolly • 1 tre
Militant offer no more than a left cover for this sort of woolly-minded racist ideology. Their alternative for this year's annual conference debate on black sections? resolution on famine in Ethiopia, which advocates (can you believe it?) reform tional Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
In their desperation to avoid supports ticibul of black people in the Labour Party, Militant -that bastion na tionalisation without compensation workers' control advocate fiddling round the edges of imperialism's most important tional financial institutions. Ted Grant, do be brief!
Both Kinnock and the Militant's anti-black section come together for one reason and one alone. It should be addressed, head-on, by its real name: racism
Racism doesn't simply mean those people who jorative names, or believe CCI to blacks
LA PIECE OF THE ACTIONS DIFFENT) THAT WAS
TRUE! THAT WAS DIFFERENT! AND JUST WHAT WAS THAT APOSTLE OF LAW AND ORDER DOING? WHY y WAS HE TALKING TO "TERRORISTS"?
that they have inferior brain-power. includes all those who would propogate and defend the supremacy of white people in a society that is determinedly racist.
ty. history Is one o repression of colonial people, justified in the name
bringing Then the benefits of our own 'ad-
Militant
SUDOIECE who think that condemning a tamine in einiopia. created by a ruthless imperialist drive for profit, is an alternative counterposed to building strong caucuses of black people in the Labour Party in Britain, are every single bit as racist as Neil Kinnock and his ilk believe that black people naVe rights separale and independent to those bestowed on them ov the predominantly white male leaders who hold power within the party.
Both these strands of opinion within the party rest on hundreds of years its effects on the British working class itself. Socialists, especially those of the white male variety, must get it into their heads that unless they fight side by side with their black sisters and brothers struggling for their own liberation in a racist society, they will never their ends.
The fight against racism in every form is a
SHOCK?
TO PUT THEMSELVES
АтЕ? то-
Neil Kinnock and Derek Hatton: the Kinnockites and the Militant tendency share one
ining in common
Racism and the
Labour Party
bedrock of the struggle to The labour movement must recogniss that the history of the British working class, and the of socialist movements in Britain. indelibly marked by this fact of British racism Neil Kinnock and the Militant are not the only so-called socialists who
The British left is blessed WiLl SHOC than ILS fair share of white chauvinists.
Pectoralism
A recent editorial in Socialist Worker opposed black sections the Labour Party and explained: Such fight (against racism) cannot be built by establishing black sections in a party whose commitment to elecinevitably means concessions to racism. 'It requires a different sort of organisation, which the conscious minority of socialist, antiracist workers WOrk together to intervene every struggle that takes place. And in such an organisation there should be no need for black sec. tions, since it is the duty of every whatever colour, to fight all forms or racism and oppression.
Thus do the white 'socialists' in Britain explain to their black comrades that demands fo self-organisation are unnecessary and devisive.
DID HE THREATEN THEM
OR DID HE URGE THAMTOTAKL PAKINITe DEMOCRATIC PROCESS?
BEFORE THE ELECTOR-
OH. SHUT UP!
News
Dhoto. TIM PICRY
— their refusal to challenge British imperialism
Apparently, the answer to
racism in Britain does not
te in the hands of those
whom oppresses, but
with the moral imperative
of white socialists who
claim to 'understand' it
The fight for Labour
Party black sections
about the right of black
people to orthey think in
whatever way
best, to combat the
and racist
oppression which put.
them Tne bottom of
every social, economic and
political pile. It is not for
Ine oppressor, however
beneficient or enlightened
they consider
be, to decide how best
black people should do
that.
The strongest support
that white socialists in the
Labour Party can offer to
black people fighting for
their rights, to support
their demand that ther
allowed to organise in the
way the' Walkl and to DI
recognised. In the months
remaining berore annual
party conference, the most
service that
socialists can offer black
party members is to stand
alongside them in their
fight for self-organisation
- the prerequisite in the
battle against the institu
tional racism
always existed in the
Labour Party.
Neil Kinnock and Mili-
tant lining up against black
sections represents, from
both of these forces, op-
position to any fundamen-
tal challenge to British im.
perialism.
®Cornac
TO MKNOWN GETTING RATHER BORED WITH THE IRISH QUESTION!
YOU ARE BORED?!
THINK OF THOSE POOR REPUBLICANS WHO HAD TO SIT AND TALK TO WHITELAN!
Page 3 scan of this page
Labour women for Ireland
News
policy
NEIL KINNOCK spoke for 30 minutes to Labour women last Sunday without making reference to the two hour debate he had just sat through — whether or not women should have more power in the Labour Party. His speech indicted the
Tory government who 'after six years under the first woman prime minister' had made women 'less safe, poorer, (having) less access to care and opportunity and (being) less free than when the decade began.
Applauding the role of the 'women in the mining communities, the Ford
the 'in Greenham and Molesworth, in Barking hospital, in
profession, in
*are not agonising, they are organising.' He pledg-
ed a Labour government
to 'improve contraception and abortion facilities on the NHS', follow 'positive action policies in recruit-
LICLE and training' and
'establish MIDISITY women's right'. He was in-
sistent that Labour, com-
mitted to Democratic
Socialism, the
next election. Heard
no nev. he war me Only
round of applause during
when he said we specta
tion in Bournemouth last Sunday
calane or a
Mandy Moore, speak-
ing for the National
Labour women s commil-
tee, backed the successful
She explained
how Jo Richardson, Bren-
da Wilkinson and herself
Labour
women
make left
one single that there would be no pre-election pacts or deals.
By Maureen Lansbury
But it really wasn't enough for Labour
debate women's organisation showed that women knew that their demands would not be handed down from on high and that equality would only be secured if women won themselyes That debate proved again that the demands of the Women's Action Committee for greater represculation command majority supLabour women. A new experiment was decided on con-
Y TOTHEARMAGHWOMEN
LABOUR WOMEN went one step further in challenging Labour's traditional bi-partisanship over the Irish ques-
when they public campaign, debate and discussion to be mounted for withdrawal of British troops.
had visited Belfast, in line vith last year's conference decision, and talked witl victims and relatives those who had been hit by plastic buliets.
They had visited the
ference. Next year will see
shauuw election take
phae farthat executive
National Executive Committee reserved ol
1 his will demonstrate Inal women on the NEC have to represent women.
A challenge to the position of conference came from the Militant tendency in the form of a resolution from Berkshire East CLP that suggested women should Have parity with the LPYS by being allowed to elect one seat on the NEC and have one resolution submitted to Conference.
This argument was savaged by Audrey Wise
Divis Estates and relatives
of women in Armagh gaol.
one stressta now vital ll
was that the British labour
movement should take
note of what the majority
of republican opinion had
to say.
The resolution passed
linked the issue of
liberties and strip-
searching to the question
Women machinists from Ford Dagenham: smiles of victory after their 17-year long battle for equal pay Siona bour up for the National Women's Committee. 'It's insulting lo suggesl flal do per cen of the population should he treated the same wav as the Young Socialists' she said. None of the places on the NEC were representative of women and this was the issue.
Referring to her experience trade unionist, Audrey Wise took on the trade union leaders, male and female, who were about the representation of women on delegations to Labour Party conference. 'Clearly not enough is being done, she told the conference.
ot British withdrawal. It
called for the NLWC to
circulate the Benn-Heffer
Withdrawal to
CHlL
women's sections and
councils and stressed the
need continue
dialogue with Irish
feminists the
republican movement. An
amendment from Birm-
ingham Sparkbrook, the break of s
tested
year old, Dr Marie O'Shea
under the Prevention of
Terrorism Act.
The Militant resolution
backing official
Party policy, called for the
establishment of a 'Nor-
thern Ireland Labour Par-
ty' and denounccu the
policies of individual ter-
ror of the IRA'
demned the Brighton
bombings and was rejected
both by the platform and
the conference.
During the lunch hour
before the debate newly
elected Sinn Fein coun-
cillor Lilly Fitzsimmonds
gave a speech to a Labour
Women for Ireland fringe
meeting that
single one of the
adaptations to imperialism
in the Militant resolution.
If you ignore the role
A l COHSE delegate had made this point when moving the resolution
shadow elections. ‹Wil the NUM nave women on its delegation to Labour Party conterence this year? No woman has ever been erecicu the trade union section of the NEC", she remarked.
Debate
The regional representation of women was also used by Militant to try and undermine 80S -tion on the accountability
Labour Women's Committee. On a card vote WAC's position was carried defending
committee being elected at national conSUCTELECE but allowing nominations to take place on a regional basis.
The Militant speaker from Liverpool got a sympathetic response she asserted that it was capitalsiu Inal women lad to fight, not men. Other speakers Inea to play on-
Northern Ireland,' she said, 'you end up condoning it.' She explained how
Northern Ireland had been treate British imperialism the
wishes of the Irish people
By Valerie Coultas
She told of how • the
civil rights movement of
the '60s had been ruthless
surpressed the
pogroms of the
specials' . 'We were glad to
see the British troops
she reminded the
audience, 1970
when the unionists attack-
ed us and we tried to de
fend our homes they turn-
ed their guns on us
A curfew was imposed
on the people in the Lower
Falls and they were not
allowed out of their homes
for two days.
of the Upper Falls defied
the British Army. We mar
ched down the road with The Braish troops attack TO OUG
school."
Then in 1971 intern-
ment was introduced and
Socialist Action 21 June 1985
SALMON
Photo. MARK
the danger of federalism and separatism to dampen support for women's demands and counterpose the Women Against Pit Closures movement to the fight for self-organisation the Labour Party.
But when the Islington South and Finsbury resolution was passed calling on Women Against Pit Closures to affiliate became clear that women in the party rejected the artificial divide being made between the battle representation the NoM and a compicnicl tary battle in the party. The presence of Sue Bence from Ayelsham women's support group at the WAC rally on Sunday and the Labour Briefing meeting
Saturday drove this point home clearly. Solidarity
The also clashed with the majority of conference over Black sections. The resolution passed not only affirmed support for black sections
the British troops were let
loose the nationalist
population resulting in the
events of Bloody Sunday
in 1972 when 14 people
shot dead in cold
wee
blood.
Lilly pointed out that
repression has continued
since that time "The
techniques
have become more refined
and the censorship in the
media has grown'.
She highlighted the
role women had played in
The soldiers
that struggle.
called their patrols 'duc}
patrols We invent • hen
patrols' and followed
them around the streets
blowing whistles and
banging dustbin lids.
Many men had to leave
their homes and the
were left alone
'But we're very used to
looking after ourselves
and the men. We took
over the defence of our
homes and our children.
This was the origin of
the Relatives Action Com-
mittees March 1976.
'We agitated, we organis
ed demonstrations, vigils
ano pickers wachever ley
brought the to
courts.' Lily's eldest son
3
but went on to argue for an increase in NEC seats by five 'to be elected at an
black sections'.
Outraged that the platform was supporting thi
Militan: stormed to the rostrum fo make a hysterical speech denouncing positive action for blacks and claiming that there were only three people from Liverpool in the black caucus, and that the tactics
the timidatory towards Mili-
The speaker claimed she had been beaten up, her daughter had • threatened and her house , petrol-bombed. The right wing in the conference loved the speech but after a card vote the delegate
showed they had not bee fooled by these hysterical
Conference debated
other issues from low pay and employment.
sexual harassment, the NHS and abortion where the main resolution simply defending the Act was a retreat on previous policy.
On South Africa the resolutions from Glasgow Pollock and the National Organisation Labour Students urged the Party
to back the struggle of the
South African Liberation
movement and to support
the efforts of trade unions
South Africa
establish one united
tenerallul
The results of the elec.
tions for the conference
arrangements
confirmed hegemonic
role of WAC at this con-
ference. All but one of the
WAC slate was elected, in-
cluding a Socialist Action
supporter, with between WA c's failure to stand i 180 votes each
full slate, however, allow-
ed Carol Bevan, a Militant
supporter, to squeeze on
with 140 votes
Labour women яге
clearly making left-wing
policy but the
Action Committee still has
to work out how to use its
base among
leaders of the Party.
was arrested as a school for in ments and re
months and re-
arrested a year later.
She pointed out what
the constant harassment of
the British army meant for
women. *Marie
Drumm was shot dead in
hospital. Miriam Daly, a
lecturer at Queens Univer-
sity, was shot dead in her
home. Sadie Lamour was
killed. Susan Bunting was
critically injured. You
hear about the deaths of
British soldiers but you
never hear our side.
Labour women with
the exception of the Mili-
tant tendency, are not only
the republican's
MeanIe
case but they are leading
the fight to get the rest o
the British labour move-
ment to listen to it.
• Labour Women for
Ireland can be contacted
c/o Feminist Library,
Hungerford House, Vic-
toria Embankment, Lon-
don WC2 6PA
• Dr Maire O'Shea Sube
301t contacted c/o Committee . 448 Strat- can
ford Road, Birmingham
BI1 4AE or phone 021-773
8683.
Page 4 scan of this page
Socialist Action 21 June 1985 Amnesty Bill announced SPEAKING at the Yorkshire miners' gala in Rotherham this weekend, Tony Benn
"The Campaign group of Labour MPs has decided to introduce an Amnesty Bill into the House of Commons, under which all those who were fined or imprisoned as a result of their activities during the miners' strike will be given a pardon which will wipe out all their sentences. This Bill is based upon the ordinance signed by
who as the last Conservative Governor of Rhodesia granted a pardon to Mr Ian Smith and all those who supported him during the period of his illegal regime there.
'This Bill is being presented to parliament now, as part of the campaign for a total amnesty which will go to the Trades Union Congress and the Labour conference this autumn. The Labour movement will expect the next Labour government to provide a complete amnesty and pardons for all those who were punished for their courageous and principled stand in support of the mining communities over the last eighteen months, and will go on pressing until such an
The Southern Rhodesia Amnesty Ordinance was signed by Lord Soames on March 20 1980. Its first provision was: 'A free pardon is hereby granted to every person in respect of any act committed by him, being an act which constitutes a criminal offence'.
SCARGILL 84
Labour Party resolution from Bold NUM
Conference notes the campaign waged by the Na-
Union of miners dismissed as a result of the 1984-5 strike, and for the release of all prisoners imprisoned as a result of the strike. Conference further notes and welcomes the Labour Party Scottish executive council conference on 9 March 1985, pledging 'full support for the campaign to ensure reinstatement of all men victimised by
Conference further recognises that the miners were fighting a legitimate battle in defence of their jobs, their communities and their union, and that the miners'strike was deliberately provoked by the Tories. With regard to miners sacked/imprisoned as a result of their activities during the strike con-
a) the Parliamentary Labour Party and the nafional executive. committee to mount a campaign
reinstatement of all sacked miners and release of b) the next Labour government to release from prison any miner still serving prison sentences and to ensure the reinstatement of all miners still sack-
In pursuance of these aims conference calls for: 1) the national executive to approach the National Union of Mineworkers to discuss jointly organising a national demonstration as part of this cam-
2) the national executive to discuss measures 1o support the NUM national miners' solidarity fund and the raising of money for the families of sacked
LPs and other affiliated organisations the collec tion of a regular 50p levy from the membership
How to fight
for amnesty
BY MID-APRIL 1985, 994 miners had been dismissed as a result of the 12 month strike. The latest net total of those still not reinstated is 671. Not one single sacked miner in the Scottish and Kent areas
In contrast not one single seab convicted for similar offences has been sacked. Eighty miners are currently still serving their prison sentences.
tinued organisation.
By Dick Withercombe tuna. Lacn sacked mince Is being paid between £25-35
have been distributed on porters looked set to bring
iogether these area camthe response from n
nonal campaign.
State of Siege, it began to
GM COOKSON
son of NOMPAS who has
That the NUM wer have been able to use the national leatet to collect
groups have continued to
back on providing a much-
in any areas. Poun
HELICIS. porters in campaigning for NOMPAS
welfare organisation and
RAILWORKERS
AND MINERS
Socialist Action supporters in rail have produced a pamphlet called 'Railworkers and Miners', the story of Coalville during the 1984/5 miners' strike. It costs 50 pence per copy and is available from Socialist Action,
lelp to prisoners' relative
Nor are we campaigning directly on behalf of concern is with a political
union movement.' national demonstration it
The national leader-
necacu Enlal supporte
campalens or ine
Kent NUM and South East
proaching the NUM
spcakel.
AATIONALUNEMINZ MORNERS
NENTMARLA
Kent NUM leader Jack Collins calls for a national amnesty campaign: not one of the
sald: regions of the TUC
La massive nauona campaign Crossed off
the list
ship's conduct of the
young
smallest in several years, Your sonial lere vercommunist criticisms of
News
Photo: GM COOKSON
147 sacked Kent miners has been reinstated
others to discuss organis
7.30pm, Friends Meeting the reason the leadership
lacked faith in the work
ment on the Militan
elai Heathfield said: I used
Page 5 scan of this page
International
strike
SPEAKING RECENTLY at the Black Delegation to the Mining Communities
KSON
freedom fighter BERNADETTER McALISKEY highlighted the connection COO Ireland and the events of the miners' reproduce below an edite version of her speech. GM IT seems to those of us in Ireland that we don't have
Irish problem', we all have a British problem. In
fact, for 15 years been trying to explain that if British people do not address themselves to that problem as it manitests itself in Ireland, then as sure as night follows days that problem would creep up upon them, they would find themselves unable to face it here either.
The inability of the leadership of the trade union movement in Britain to see the wood for the trees and stand solidly support of their comrades
the total bankruptcy of the
in the face LADONNY of the assault on the
minerst hey, han't know shows the truth of
what to They didn't know principle from col laboration.
They have had years of collaborating with British imperialism, 4110 thev've backed themselves into a corner and don't know the way out of it.
There is one thing that we clearly understand, because it's from our point of view, the case for British withdrawal. The very first simple and straightforward we have to make is that the most fundamental reason withdraw from Ireland is Should Follows all Britain's pro- there. From that blems.
Not just for the past 15 years, but the past 800, Ireland has been exploited so that other people could make money. 1o continue to try to justify what is fundamentally wrong and propagate it to your own people as something that is right - is crucitying
but must of necessity also crucitv and distort the thinking, the rationale, and the ability of that country's own people
What IS 10 e brought
Photo: GEOFF MORLEY home to the body politic of
Britain is that despite all the years of the development of the British work ing class, has hung around its collective political neck an historic inability
British perialism. It is time for the British working class to relearn its history
The merchant classes of Britain, who now conSUILULO backbone of Britain's ruling class, made their money, their wealth, and their power by
- as Mrs Thatcher wants to put it - no more noble private enterprise, than they got in little boats and went other people's
countries and sold human beings for money. On that was the strength of British capital and British imperialism built.
Britain, Ireland
and the miners'
conference, Irish
between repression in
strike. We
Until recognises that it will never COMe LO IS with that which prevents its progress
Inlal 1s, historic racism of the towards the West Indian class be it towards the community, the black or the Irish community, or to people who play football and come from a different country than they do.
It is the root-cause of violence, the root-cause of
It comes from the assumpworld and those parts that Lildi the
make British
deserom the door.
the that Mother England set her big flat foot in our country we have known better, and resisted and been determined to get her out of it. Because that big foot prevents our acyclopment, our and our peaceful existence.
Most people in this country don't see it like that, but maybe now people in ine mining communities do, because they have learned from the hard school of experience what is the problem FOR A NEW RO
VOTE SINN FÉIN
Britain's response to the will of the Irish people, peacefully expressed through the ballot box, was to declare war on Ireland.
England, what makes people supposedly think the way they do • and to tell the truth makes people not think at all, but let the Star and the Sun and breakfast television do their thinking for them
don't haves that problem, simply because
fight against which represses us so directly that
Bernadette McAliskey we can see the wood for the trees.
At the time of World War I the Irish Republican Brotherhood and the Irish Citizen Army. under the leadership of James Connolly organised an armed resistance. They decided Fight dier the fight and die freedom of small nations, you could save yourself the fare to Flanders.
By the end of World War I when Britain held elections 85 per cent of the Irish people voted for Irish
They voted for Sinn Fein
Britain's response to the will of the people expressed peacefully and legitimately LIONS the ballot box - was to send gun-boats up the Liffey, and declare war on Ireland. At the end of that war Ireland was partitioned. and the is per cent ot the national minority have
SUGA held a veto ever since. The rest of us who lived in the North Ireland were stuck in along with them.
That position has prevailed since the 1920s. There is no way you can make that work democratically, because its not democracy.
The Irish Republicans are not against democracy. The
Ucl C
against democracy. It's not that we don't do things through normal political channels. We do. We get these bursts every now and again of trying the normal political channels once again.
But every time we win through the normal political channels, the eleventh commandment of the British ruling class is: fair means or foul we will "Thou shalt not win. still allow you to lose'
We started campaigning peacefully within the democratic channels. They changed the law to make our civil rights movement and the things we were doing illegal. So we went to prison.
It got to be a farce. Hundreds of people were queuing up for threemonth sentences. Things were getting out of hand. So we had internment, peculiarly British phenomenon.
Terrorism doesn't mean terror. It means any act carried out by those who are opposed to the establishment. Miners going on strike is terrorism.
Miners strike frighten scabs. Black peo-
organising against racist attack frighten racists. But it's somehow not terrorism if people are taken to police stations and terrorised. That's reasonable use of force to protect the country against terrorism.
It has come to the point witte peopie In Lnis coll try have got to face reality.
of democracy the British
have taken every democratic 'ight that we hac In the name of peace it has imprisoned and slaughtered, brutalised and terrorised
In the name of law they have broken every interna tional concept of law In the name of justice they have stood the principle of courts and Justice on l. head.
If you are not there to defend us, and to learn from our experience, how are you ever going to be fit to defend yourselves from a regime that is blooded. and tried and tested against somebody else!
Our freedom we will fight for and our breedom we will have we can unite, then there political way forward for
our people: freedom and yours.
YOU don't try to learn from Ireland, then you are going to get Mother England's big ruling class boot over your head.
Tamil refugees recently arrived in Britain to issue any visas to potential refugees.
This policy was applied after Leon Brittan, the
nounced on 29 May that in SULLIC despite all being Sri holders of Lankans.
By Steve Roberts
Commonwealth Jassports, would require visas from the High Commission belore entering bntain. The High Commission no CenTell COH firms that this amounts to
total on Tamil refugees entering the
This ban is totally contrary to United Nations conventions to which the
Kingdom signatory The Tor! government's flouting of the convention - the imposition of Visas on
justified Tensees was on the basis that it was safe for amis to return trom Britain Sri Lanka. However Sri Lanka are increasingly showing that Britain's contention is false
In the last weeks in the eastern province OI the
more than 15,000 Tamils have fled their homes for the jungle OI refugee camps in Muslim areas. Over dozen villages in the been razed to the ground
• security forces alongside armed Sinhala vigilantes. (The Sri Lankan government is encouraging 250,000 of its supporters arm themselves and settle in the north and east the island.)
But Brittan is not only aware of these facts. The British government is ac tually providing aid to the Jaywardene government's campaign of terror.
Socialist Action 21 June 1985
Stop Tamil
genocide!
DESPITE NEW evidence of genocide against the Tamil-speaking population of Sri Lanka, the British government are persisting in refusing entry into Britain for refugees from the island. Since 31 May the British High Commission in Sri Lanka have refused
There are 3000 soldiers and 900-1200 navy personel currently occupying the Tamil speaking areas of the island today, tempting to crush the armed struggle being waged by the Tamil guerilla organisations. As in Central America, the imperialist powers are providing covert aid for the government's war against the guerillas.
The countries most heavily involved the counter-insurgency opera tions are the US, Israel and Britain. American and Israeli intelligence agencies
Led in training units of the governme forces. but have also been involved in field operations, leading artillery units in bombardments of Tamil areas.
The government has been involved in Ine Wraining of the most feared of all the governthe police commandos. In device which is now well known regiment members are given leave to work in politically sensitive areas 'ex'-SAS al c deployed all over the world, not just in Sri Lanka, but in the Gulf stalks and other regions where the : British govern ment wants to butress regimes al the least political cost to itself.
Sri Lanka is a vital part of imperialist strategy the South Asia region.
Under the • UNP government of JR Jaywardene,
becoming a base for Us
becoming a base loI communications and military operations. In ad amon me government trying crush the previousiv powertul trade union movement the
5 island to allow to OCCUNC paradise for multi-nationals.
The UNP government faces two main obstacles in its drive to carry through its project. The first is the militant struggle of the
people now in its ninth year. The second is the predominantly Sinhala labour movement.
started to turn up the heat
the labour move ment. Martial law now effectively exists throughout the country. Increasing numbers of arrests are be ing made in the south, with Jaywardene accusing 'Marxist groups' as being behind the unrest.
Untortunate v the ma. jority of the labour move ment still remain opposec to the struggle of the Tami people.
Only organisations like the Socialist Workers Par• 22 , the Sri Lankan section
the Fourth Interna tional, fully sup ported the struggle of the
and mad their defence the chief priority of the whole Sr Lankan working class. In order to carry militarist policies against the Tamil speaking people the UNP government has sought to intensify repressive measures against the critics of their policy amongst the Sinhalese
In Britain the campaign to defend the Tamils
building strength. with public meetings being organised north and south London. meetings will protes against the atrocities the action of the Tor government in nast cor laborating in the terror and then refusing refuge 10 its victims.
For more information contact the Tamil Refugee Action Group at 52 , Acre Lane, Brixton SW2 or te 01-737 4144.
Page 6 scan of this page
In order to arrive at an answer to
this question it is first necessary
understand the context in which these
attacks are taking place.
Over the last two
ticularly in the imperialist countries,
women have made some important ad-
vances not just at the level of their legal
rights, but also in their economic posi-
tion. The widespread entry of women
into the workforce since World War II
nas not been structuralv reversed in
any of the major imperialist countries
during the "70s recession.
Despite the inequality of wages, this has meant that women have achieved a
far higher degree dependence from the family than ex-
isted previously. This is reflected in higher divorce rates, accompanied by a major increase in the proportion divorce proceedings women. More and more single women are bringing up children 'help' of a man, out of choice rather than necessity.
Alongside these social reflections of the changing position of women, we can see deep-going political changes. In nearly every advanced capitalist country there is an identifiable shift to the left among the mass of women. In Britain this is seen in an ongoing movemell or women away from electoral support for the Tories, towards the Labour Party. More recently this shift has been somewhat mediated by the SDP-Liberal Alliance who have made explicit, and partially successful, attempts to channel the women deserting the themselves
in the USA there is increasing support among women for the Democratic Party rather than for Republicanism.
This shift in political identity is by no means contined to the arena. On the contrary, it is most strik-
revealed in the women have played in virtually every major social and political struggle of recent years — from the way the women of the nationalist communities in the North of Ireland initiated the movement culminating hunger strikes; through to the impact of the Greenham women on the missiles question; to, most dramatically most significantly, the
of of the mining themselves, in the 1984-85 strike.
Abortions
It is this eruption of women into the class struggle and its impact on political developments, that the ruling class seeks to reverse.
The ruling class faces the crucial necessity of rolling back all these advances of women, and of the working class, on the economic, political level. It is in this context that the abortion issue plays a key political role.
Before World War I and in the 1920s, the failure of the labour movement to support the demands of the Irish people for independence; failure to support the women for the vote; its failure to turn the horror and disgust of working people at the slaughter of World War I into a powerful movement against the imperialist war; its failure to campaign in support of the demands of Gandhi and his followers for Indian independence all left the labour movement isolated from its potential allies when the ruling class came to smash home its advantage in the 1926 general strike.
Arthur Scargill put the issue very well during the miners' strike when he paraphrased the famous phrase in rela3oo to the Nazis: First they came for the Jews, I said I wasn't a Jew and it Didn't concern me. When they came for be communists, I said I wasn't a com-
Some a
Powell Bill,
Umons. decades, par-
legislation,
Other legislation oi economic in-
of initiated by
without the
Africa, Nicaragua and
concern of the ruling class.
In relation bourgeoisie has a dual approach.
of it will in the labour movement.
Tories
Left Unfortunately b
leading role
producing only
real succour mass around the women in the Labour Party itself.
and women Bea tremendous
the communities
social and
B
its demands of
THIS WEEK the 'Gillick ruling' which restricts the possibility of women under the age of 16 receiving contraceptive or abortion advice, goes to the House of Lords for final appeal. Last week, the
which would have undermined the legality of abortion in any form, was pushed off the agenda of the House of Com-
Next year we can expect new
this time backed by Thatcher, to reintroduce the basic content of Powell's Bill, and fur-
restricting time limits for legal abortion. In fact, we find ourselves in the midst of a sustained attack on women's hard won rights for some minimal con-
munist and it didn't concern me. When they came for the trade unionists I said I wasn't a trade unionist and it didn't concern me. And when they came for me and there was no one to defend me.'
The working class has to urgently learn this lesson in Britain today in relation to the Irish, women, blacks, gays, even in relation to the demands of Scotland and Wales, and in relation to the international class struggle in South
EI Salvador.
Breaking up the possibilities of such an alliance emerging is the chief political
WORe the
On the one side it seeks to convince women that it will find better allies among sections of the ruling class than
these ideas gain some currency in sections of the left of the labour movement, precisely due to the paucity of the labour movement's own attempts to take steps to defend women. The disgusting spectacle of the reselection process in the Labour Party
one new woman selected for a safe Labour seat gives
lo lnese views among
This is what forces like Marxism Today, and its prime exponent among
Campbell base
OFF
QUR
QDIES.
trol over their fertility.
And this is not an offensive that is confined to Britain. In the USA, Reagan gave explicit support to the anti-abortion campaigners with a New Year's day message direct from the White House. He is on record as supporting a constitutional amendment to outlaw abortion altogether.
In Ireland the most fundamental attack has recently taken place, with abortion not only illegal, but ruled out in the Southern state's very constitution.
Why is it that the ruling class chooses this terrain, above others, as the spearhead for its attacks on women's rights generally? JUDE WOODWARD explains.
Our bodies
our dives
our right
to decide
themselves on in their offensive to turn
• women away trom the labour move.
ment and
"newscaster" feminism of the SDP.
tive dynamic of forces like the Labour
Women's
precisely struggle
towards a fight within the labour move-
ment itself, to change it, to turn it into a all real instrument of struggle for all the
oppressed.
of many on the left,
ticularly sections of the so-called 'far
left', which denounce WAC as the in'bourgeois' feminists, the truth is that the diametrically opposed to the project of Bea Campbell.
Alongside this women, the ruling class will also exploit the contemporary political backward. ness of the labour movement ticularly its privileged, white, highly-paid, male, bureaucracy — to persuade it to turn its back on women, as it did at the time of the Suffragettes.
First the labour movement refused to support the demand for Women', describing it as 'divisive' - a complaint that has an only too familiar ring today Alongside this came forward to bargain with women, offering vague promises of the franchise in the future in return for the Suffragettes war effort in 1914 and electoral support for the Conservative Party.
In the light of the failure of the labour movement, it is not surprising that a majority-wing of the Suffragettes went over this Christabel and Emmaline Pankhurs:
The abortion and issue can, within limits. b'a! ie sat political function ada
would be a rea women
Photo: GM COOKSOA movemen: ";
class i= blows
longe lax= ?2
labour
place reliance on the
This is counterposed to the objec-
Committee, which IO turI
class knows it And contrary to the views way lu
including par-
white, careerist.
WAL stand
tions. offensive among
par- guessel
against.
'Votes for
the Tories
the Labour MPs support for the imperialist men
Issue,
The TUC, policy.
00:205:0=
Around of attacks
1. 2'.t
real and cammer
up in the ment. a dade unions and = e do not have the labour
the right to work, or to equal pay; th
movement formally oppose
discriminatory
even sexual harassment at work has a
least been adopted as a legitimate are
of concern for the labour movement a
a whole, if grudgingly, and with littl
But on abortion and contraceptio
the labour movement - and the rulin
- nas a l0ng, long, lon go. Winning on issu
becomes the key therefore to unravell
ing all the gains that women have mad
since the second World War.
The Labour Party declares the issu to be one of 'conscience' and not a class issue at all. No party whip is ever used in parliamentary votes on these ques-
Progressive policies that adopted at conferences never make it into the election manifesto.
As a result, as the Powell Bill pro-
parliament, more Labour MPs voted for the Bill than
At the third reading only handful of Labour opponents of the Bill even bothered to turn up.
Weakness
The Scottish Labour Party is a positive bastion of support for the anti-abortion lobby, with a large majority of
all of whom - voting for the Powell Bill, and opposing abortion rights.
In the unions only a tiny handful of
have policy on the abortion and these predominantly unions with a high female membership.
forced in lyry to take a stand against the Corrie anti-abortion Bill. has never followed this up with a campaign in its affiliated unions. And has said not one word in the current
This all makes fertility rights extremely easy ground for an offensive against women's rights, aimed at both a
material deterioration women's position in society, and cutting right into the developing alliance between women and the labour move-
The whole issue constitutes one of
movement's chief weak
Page 7 scan of this page
Sylvia Pankhurst
flanks on the question of women's oppression which the ruling class can exploit against both women and the unity of the working class movement as a whole.
In a similar, if not more fundamental way, in Ireland the abortion and contracephon Issue nas been usea lo
divide women from the nationalist movement led by Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein's continued adaptation to the 'moral' authority of the Catholic church on
these questions has meant that, despite the tremendous political
LODICECO by leadership Sinn Fein, on these questions it has lagged behind. Sinn Fein played no central
role in the campaign in the South of Ireland against the constitutional amendment outlawing abortion.
This is the kind of error which if it is not corrected will have an increasingly corrosive effect on the unity of women with the nationalist forces. If a united Ireland means the hegemony moral pronouncements of the Catholic church, not just at the level of individual conscience, but enshrined in law, then undoubtedly many women will be driven away from support for the nationalist cause.
Similarly in Britain. The emerging unity between women and sections of the labour movement under attack will soon be dissipated if the majority of the pallamental y Party, passively or actively, supports attacks on women.
Inose torces in the labour move do see the necessity of building a fighting alliance with women must act urgently to build the campaign against these attacks. Unity
The importance of this unity began to be learned in the course of the miners' strike, when the involvement of women sustained and strengthened the struggle. What was true of the miners' strike is true in general, but the next step in forging this unity demands that forces like the NUM now throw their weight behind the struggles of women.
it this occurs, then the present round of attacks on women's tertiatv rights can certainly be reversed. And those women, like Bea Campbell, who argue that women should turn their backs on the 'macho' miners, in favour of the 'reasonableness' of Neil Kinnock, will have to argue why women should turn away from forces that will fight alongside them, and support those who stand idly by.
Building such a campaign started with the demonstration against the Powell demonstration against the Gillick rul- Ine next step
ing. Every miner, every activist, who
of the miners' strike, sufficiently well to be on that demonstration will be the first links in the chain of a movement that can stop Thatcher in her tracks, not just on abortion, but on everything else.
When NUM branches start to affiliate to the National Abortion Campaing, we'll know our battle on this issue is already half won.
WHEN
WERE
PREGNANTA
progress
OT of the
either
under
the
Women's rights
attack
THIS
called by their rights. sale in shops,
By Anne Kane and Wales 17,000 -
women in particular. provide maci
ther.
Reverse the
Gillick ruling
SUNDAY thousands of young people will expose the lie that people like Victoria Gillick — and Margaret Thatcher — actually want to protect their interests. force
The message of the young people who will lead the demonstration
• the Campaign Against Gillick Ruling will be that it is young people themselves - not parents, lawyers, doctors and certainly not the Tories - who know what's in their best interests. No amount of propaganda about good old-fashioned family values will
line. convince young people who have been through six years of Tory Sos and 1.3 million senistered
and 1.3 million registered youth unemployed that the Gillick ruling is anything but an attack on
The 'Gillick Ruling' was the decision of the high court in December 1984 in favour of Victoria Gillick's claim that no treatment or advice on contraception or abortion be given to any of her daughters without her consent. In practice this has meant that since the court decision it has been illegal for doctors, or anyone else, to give anyone under 16 advice about contraception without parental consent. Books on sex ple education which are freely available for
and sex education in schools, can be declared illegal.
The Gillick ruling has nothing to do peopthe sapportecting conce
buDDorter Gillick sometimes talk as if it was contraception that invented sex! Restricting contraception and abortion won't prevent teenage sex — or youth radicalisation, opposition to the Tories, and defence of youth rights and all those other thinthe fact that there hat beeve.
fact that there dramatic fall so far this year in the number of people under 16 who attended family planning clinics in England
— well down on last year's • doesn't indicate mass youth celibacy. It means that there will be more tear and ignorance sex, more unwanted pregnancies, and more illegal backstreet abortion and suffering on the part of young, working class.
Those willing to abortion facilities will make a lot of money out of this suffering. The likely delay until September of any decision by the House of Lords over the Gillick appeal means drawing this state of uncertainty out still fur-
Mrs Gillick won't lose too much sleep over this however. Her campaign has nothing to do with the actual problems facing young people. It is to do with patching up and preserving an ailing social and economic system. To attempt to deal with this crisis the government is obliged to attack the most basic rights.
Socialist Action
rights of women and young people in particular. And to attack the most basic elements of control women and young people have over their place in the work
society generally. The
Gillick ruling fulfills this function in two ways.
Firstly, it is part of a mounting attack on the existing rights of all women to abortion and contraception. Since the defeat of the Corrie Bill there has been a long slow build up of attacks on the rights of women to control their own fertility, and thereby have some measure of control over their destiny. Gillick is the latest but not the last in the
Secondly, Gillick is part of a general attack on the rights of young people The ruling actually means that people under 16 now have no legal rights to make any decisions for themselves. Campaign
The context for these attacks are more than 1 million youth registered unemploved. a reduction in unemo of. ment benefit for the under 25s as part of Fowler's welfare benefits cuts, no social security money for 16 and 17 year olds who refuse a YTS place, and an attack on housing benefit for young peo-
Young people are to be cheap labour, to be forced to live at home. and to have no legal rights under the age of 16. This is wrapped up in protec ting the 'family' which is to fill the gap in the welfare services and police the ac. tivities of youth.
Another factor motivating Thatcher is the memory of thousands of young people who mobilised behind the miners during the last year. This unity, strength, and defence of the interests of the working class and oppressed provides the key to the way to defeat attacks like the Gillick ruling.
The National Abortion Campaign previoudy sauweu mal i was DOSSIDH to defeat attacks on the rights of women, such as the Corrie by drawing on the united strength of the women's and labour movements. The miners showed that it was possible to strengthen the whole working class by uniting and supporting the interests of all the oppressed.
To defeat Gillick — and the further attacks on abortion rights which are still to come - means following these examples. The broadest possible united campaign is required This means rebuilding the base of the National Abortion Campaign. It means in particular that the Labour Party Young Socialists, as the main political voice of vouth. has to be forced to change its present purely token support for the campaign against Gillick. This in turn means a fight to replace the present leadership of the LPYS with one which understands the links between all these attacks on young people - rather than one which counterposes simply fighting against YTS to fighting for abortion
21 June 1985 7
Page 8 scan of this page
8
THE ARTICLE by Dick Carter 'The nature of World War Two' (SA 101) is one of the most bizarre to appear in Socialist Action.
the nature of the war and, conveniently for Carter's "periphery to the centre' view of world revolution, writes off the role of the European working class. The conclusions about the outcome of the war are utterly one-sided and schematic.
Carter seems to imply that the basic character of
gle between Germany and
USA world dominance — thus he says LIC period could described as 'the struggle, for world supremacy ween Germany and the USA - 1914-45. But at
it was also primarily a war against the soviet and Communism. Come off it Dick, make up your mind.
By Paul Lawson
Of course, the war was part of the struggle of German imperialism to free itself from the shackles imposed on it by American, perialism. British allu through French the Treaty of Versailles after World War I. But Hitler's primary mechanism aong tais nad always Deen
expounded many times poln pudliciy and his secret speeches before 94 — expansion to tne East, a war of conquest against Bolshevism. That was the primary character of the war and it was this war that Hitler lost.
Carter seems to think that Hitler lost because the Japanese didn't invade
and this in was due to the war China, and the role of the Chinese Communist Par-
So the Chinese masses LY. This one is a real turn ip defeated Hitler, for the books.
The Japanese did not invade the Soviet Union THE EVENTS in Brussels demand some answers and understanding from all socialists. Frank Gorton (in SA 105) applies himself to this question but gives all the wrong answers. Frank argues that sport is influenced by the ideological content of the competing nations, the 'star' system should be rejected, those involved in the Brussels riot are scabs and that the labour movement should deal with its own.
Frank's effort is one-sided and therefore idealistic in its approach.
There's a problem if your starting point is that sport is all a sideshow or simply a reflection of the dominant values and ideas of a particular society.
Of course, in one sense that is true — no more so ihan under where individual endeavours ozcu diu allively encouraged. But that only half the story.
Sport under capitalism
contradictory, particularly its function in ditferent classes. For many and females it represents and female, represents
Way yourself, earn some selfhespect and possibly excel i a: least one area of life.
Tha:: only false consusness yOu don't derstand the contradic-
Socialist Action 21 June 1985
The article is contradictory and confused about because their overall aims were different to those of Hitler. Theirs was a simple inter-imperialist war, primarily against the United States, for control over the Pacific, which was vital for Japanese imperial expansion. To hecome bogged down the Soviet Union would
utterly DECI tional in this war.
Now, it is quite true that the primary conquerors fascism were Loe over masses. victory showed not a lucky Luca break rectru they weren't invaded by
Jananese) DUL their commitment to the post-
social relations established by the Bolshevik revolution. The heroism of the Soviet masses, and their unbelevable sacrifices, cannot be explained outside of this central political factor. But the Soviet
were not the only ones who fought against, and SUllIC instances defeated, fascism.
Europe
Carter says: 'The West European working class proved incapable defeating fascism' So much for the West European working class - they really are hopeless compared peasant masses of Asia, aren't they Dick?
But the reality was different. Before we go into it, what is this category,
Offside!
leisure under capitalism it can be a motivating force, the genuine collective experience Frank calls for. one-sided approach like
leads you wrong and dangerous con-
By Graham Topley
Yes Frank, against the "star' system which is part of the use of sport as a subtle means of control - but not against excellence sport. Economistic ideas about sport's diversionary
_TOI an elitist view that sees it as SOLICIUY HADO TAL therefore to be rejected. The aim should be to get
integrated system of Call work and leisure.
Eastern Europe, despite some of the contraciations of the planned
very odd for a Trotskyist,
the 'West' European working class! i even odder category before the division ot Europe!
Virtually everywhere that was subject to fascist occupation there was armed struggle, waged by this poor, useless European working class, against fascism. Waged generally, let it be noted, by forces under the polacaener ship of the Communist parties precisely those who, incidentally, had not 'broken with Moscow'
Contrary to the lies and mytholog of the apologists for Western im perialism, virtually every major city and capital in Europe was liberated by the armed masses, as the ways a model of the relationship between society's political aims and its ability to provide adequate services for its people. Compare the prepara
ana perloriance ul East European athletes for examole with the heroic in dividualism of many those from the capitalist countries.
Any attitude on sport therefore needs to be com-
will Cicdi understanding of the contradictory role it can Dat in forming that necessary collectivity.
The second part of Frank's piece compounds the error by lapsing into some al drivel. crude sociological His reference to scabs is sadly misplaced and confuses waal are solute verti within the labour mei. people prepared to jeopardise and sell people's with violence on the terraces, albeit between the working cans Deep-rooted tribal loyalties whipped up by a hysterical press are hardly in the same category.
Similarly the argument that this is all the pathetia Intasming lumpen proletariat who really don't deserve to be car: of the labour more-er: s rubbish. The i es:
Germans collapsed under the impact of defeat by the ked Army.
In Italy Communist-led general strikes brought down Mussolini in 1943. The whole of northern ItaGaribaldi was liberated by the
brigades under the leadership of the Communist Party Paris, between 19-26 August 1944, the Communists organised an insurrection against the Germans. Greece the italians and Germans were defeated by the CP-led ELAS In Yugoslavia Tito's forces defeated the Nazis. So why does Dick Carter write off this struggle of the European working class? Only The Heizel stadium after the slaughter majority those who organise and get done for football violence see themselves as, and act like, an elite, defending some of the most reactionary ideas in society. It costs a lot of money Casual' which simply can't be sustained by being part of the lumpen proletariat.
Then the idea that the sensible, respectable seccions of the working class sill deal with "their own
ta-reaching and serious conclusions. Why
vai. for "criers detence guard on ineteraces seady to move
Europe and World War II
to doctor the facts to fit his thesis that all serious struggles have during the twen tieth century taken place
"periphery' of the at the world imperialist system.
Stalinism
The CP-led struggles in Europe did not result the posing of the question
pollica. power revolutionary except in Yugoslavia. because o
thee of Stains out ly
role of Stalinism. But was these uprisings, and the struggles between the end of the war and 1949 in Europe and in many other parts of the world which in at a moment's notice? You expose the hypocrisy of the bourgeois state at this point in time by demanding dual power
our guardians agals! theirs.
Swamp
Yes, it is a question of proletarian morality against the hypocrisy and
bourgeois morality. We have to • prove ours is a higher torm Ir
, but you can't do for the pristine-pure vanguard to come to the rescue, or by
were the 'post-war revolutionary wave' which Trotsky had expected
Carter lists revolutionary victories since World War seems to imply that they are all in some way Caltributable to the victory
the Nicaraguan and Cuban
which haD pened 14 and 34 years after the end of the war resper tively other words, World War II led to revolutionary struggles and victories.
that "s only one side of it. Trotsky had ex.
that Stalinist DECICU would not survive the Se cond World War, but it creating islands of socialism in a sea of reac.
socialism
Bans and identity cards are not the solution either - it will only iransfer the problem elsewhere and allow the state to increase its restrictive powers and
city areas: they are the real
assembly of the working
class hat is needed is a
positive programme that integrates sport 1n|( overall strategy for socieLy. our game. It's been taken
Surplus Value
did. And this enabled the Stalinist parties to strangle Le Dos -war revollar wave, which in turn helped
post-war imperialist economic boom which was also an outcome World War Il, and which helped delay revolution in the West. But such contradictions and problems find no place in Carter's schemas in which 'revolution' goes back and forward across the decades reference to real facts, rea without even passing movements, or real people
Revolution
After all, the post-war boom had Les on the negative etfects struggle for socialism in the advanced capitalist countries. And if you have Carter's politics, why the hell does
matter when the workers in the advanced
destiny to sit and wait for the semi-colonia. masses!
One further omission His argument is essentially Carter is symptomatic that Trotsky was right to found the Fourth International i cause on yes, revolution Wes the agenda after the war. But
we nave ourined was counter-revolutionary octaval Its most Impol tant and consistent name is stalinist, and pro gramme of revolu tonary current has to pur the struggle against it right
tront. including those countries where the social overturn capitalism led Stalinist parties. Why does
this decisive programmatic question
central the world war reality he attempts to outline? over by big business and turned into a commodit. like any other
Our approach has to be based on the social ownership of stadiums, sports centres and so on, under democratic control. The
has te campaign now
the Tories azalls uitimatel! are responsible for defending and worsening the conditions for this type 01 Molence to exisi The labour movement will deai with the situation but not oy plugging a gap here and a gap there by misunderstanding the nature of what faces us.
Page 9 scan of this page
Surplus Value
LAST SATURDAY Scargill spoke to the miners gala on the lessons of the strike and the way forward for the NUM. The following is a slightly shortened version of his speech.
I SAW a late news flash on ITN last night about the New Years Honours list. thought 'there's mistake', and I phoned them. I said "you've missed my name' — they said 'you're not on it'.
But l'Il tell you who was on it. Roy Ottev. Comn Clarke the chairman of the CEGB, and a lot more people who did a number of things against our
ana my class. course of the miners' strike.
This 1985 Yorkshire miners' gala takes place in the wake of the longest, bitterest and most historic battle we have ever seen. The decision to take strike action was not taken, as Jack Taylor said, because we want to be involved in strikes. We didn't pick the time. We responded to an attack and its my understanding as a leader that when members of the union are at-
pond, and take action to defend those who are under attack. That's the basic principle of the movement.
I believe that today draw some lessons from that strike. Let's remind ourselves first what the strike was about.
To hear some academics, intellectuals, and historians talk on televi-
what they newspapers and magazines, to listen to some leaders of certain political parties, one would have assumed that f we had not taken strike everything would have been alright. In fact if miners had not taken action in March 1984 then, today, as we meet in Kotherham, been closed - including Cortonwood and nine in Yorkshire.
It is now being demonstrated that the Board's intention is not about a reduction of four million tons, nor is it about the proposed closure of twenty pits, or five pits within a short space of time. What's behind the Board and government's thinking is their long term policy of closing 70 pits and axing 70,000 jobs.
The miners strike would have been won quickly if, first of all, miners in Notts, South Derbyshire Leicestershire had come out on strike and supported this union. Secondly if they disagreed with our policy but nevertheless. as members of a trade union, they had respected the basic
cross picket lines, not only would we have won but David Jones would be alive today.
Action
If Eric Hammond of the EETPU, instead of inviting Tebbit to open his new 101G centre, had workers to take strike action in support of the miners we'd have won in a matter of days. That's the sort of action we should have been entitled to expect.
I don't blame working people. I blame the leaders of those unions for lack of leadership in a situation like that. If steel workers had been prepared to give the miners the same support we gave them in the 1980 steel strike, production would have come to a standstill in a matter of five weeks. And if Bill Sirs had been less inclined to jog along the Brighton, and more inclined to join our picket lines, that policy would have come to fruition.
If transport workers, with a few honourable exceptions Buckton's ASLEF and Knapp's NUR, had refused to move coal our strike would have been successful in a very short space of time.
Finally, if in October last with an 82 per cent bailot vote behind them, the pit deputies had refused to accept a sell out this dispute would
But I want to make one appeal to our members. There are lessons to be learned from our dispute. If there is one overriding lesson ahove all others it is that you don't start to turn inwards, and you don't start being vin-
Arthur Yorkshire
been
EEDS
during the we should
of all action
would nave
Coal
As far
is the section of the and anywhere in
union supports them.
translate into
September congress last year.
Labour
violence. ing tor
miners without equivocation.
told
condemning the
throughout the 1984/5 dispute.
Rodney
Benn talked about the
you ain't seen nothing yet!
Courts
front in
from the alical receivership.
We've got a bigger task. like Ray
Jimmy receivers
year,
picket in my submission.
we should have.
dictive towards other working people. mOle
as I'm concerned, as a socialist and a trade unionist, I pledge
working class Britain, if they are involved in industrial action then this
be
There was an abject failure on the part of the TUC General Council to
positive action the resolution that was passed in the
There was also an obsession on the part of
Party leaders with alleged They should have been doour class what Thatcher did for hers! They should have supported
And if there's any doubt among the Fleet Street hacks about where I stand l'I tell them once again and lI tell them slowly. I will not be a part to
brave men and women who manned our picket lines
Bickerstaff and things that have taken place in this dispute. But
The appointment of a receiver (for the union) was designed to emasculate the NUM. Yes, I want to see us freed
and effect of Yar want lo sec 3o questration lifted. But I tell you what.
I don't believe this union should crawl either to the Tory courts or to
either.
Because we've done nothing wrong.
I've also been reading in some ot these intellectual magazines that one of the reasons the miners were not ment wholly successful was the failure of mass picketing. It was not a failure of mass picketing bat a fallure to mass
That was one of the main reasons why we didn't have the kind of breakthrough that
The decision to go back to work without an agreement has led to enor-
Lessons of the
miners'strike
problems for this Over 900 men have been sacked and 700 have not yet been re-instated. Fifty of our members have been jailed.
And their only crime was fighting for the right to work.
Those who've been jailed should
regarded as political prisoners wno ve beenlacer o ge se ccarcerated for the stand they took in support of this union.
Tony Benn and I want to say to you, to every Labour MP on this platform. and tothe Labour Partyleader. ship, that the next Labour govern-
should give an unequivocal commitment to free those been jailed and reinstate into work all those who've been sacked.
There are those who have suggested that the miners' strike has demonstrated a failure of traditional militancy and in particular of picket line militancy. Nothing can be further from the truth.
DIRTY
MANERA
30
UF THE
DIRTY 30
vital it is to have mass action. Class commitment is involved fight a class enemy of the kind that we've endured over the past 12 months. The demonstration of the lengths to which this government is prepared to go should be seen in the cost of this dispute.
the overtime ban, is over t8 billion more than 50 per cent of the NHS bill, more than the machines, or heart machines or the cost of maintaining human life.
If one judges stewardship on the basis of efficiency market forces or economics his is an unmitigated disaster. In the 93 weeks since his appointment as the chairman of the NCB he has cost Britain's taxpayers over £90 million a week. Choice
for closure, nine in Yorkshire with a loss of over 20,000 jobs. has announced its intention to close 12 out of 23 workshops with a loss of over 2500 jobs. fronted us in March 1984 are as real today as they were then. But there are now additional features which colour the picture for the NUM.
those in jail. There has to be a campaign to win reinstatement for those dismissed for offences alleged to have been committed during the course of
This relax until every single miner has been reinstated
developments 1930s. who've measures being deployed at every pit in Britain, wiping agreements, indicate that their long-term aim is to slaughter this industry privatisation with the parts that are left.
one of you, have got a simple choice.
Socialist Action 21 June 1985 are
AIL
of the
PAIGN a phenomena
strike became death They throughout
concerned
The miners' strike has shown how
when you The cost of the miners' strike, and
cost of kidney
improving lig back,
MacGregor's Twenty pits have been earmarked
historians, The Board Street,
The issues which con-
trade There has to be a campaign to free
will neve
women There are other and more sinister
reminiscent of the Board's draconiar There out overnight customs and practices
and go tor
The British miners, each and every
defeated.
You can either bow the knee and ascept the Coal Board's dictats, you car either relax your vigil and concede that the Board and the governmen:
going to push through theit policy, or you can say almighty voice that the heroic struggle of the last 12 months has not been in vain, and that if they try to close our pits we will take industrial action to stop the pit closure programme
Let no one talk to me of defeat in the course of the miners' strike. Those who talk about defeat don't understand the nature of the system under which we live and certainly misunderstand the nature of class war.
I believe the miners' strike was one
struggles in world history. Out of the miners' strike has come a whole new generation of class conscious fighters, young men of whom their parents would have been proud, and whose forefathers would have held them in the highest esteem.
Victory
An even greater achievement was the establishment of the magnificen Women's Support Groups. Thatcher's policy in establishing the women's sup port groups by default, has unleashed
that will change the nature of British politics in the future.
But the greatest victory in the
was the strike itself. People becan understand how you tackle cuts in the NHS. They began to understand for the first time in their lives that there is something wrong, with a world in which we spend billions on arms and death and destruction while we can't provide money to save kids from
and starvation in Ethiopia. began to understand thai history some of the greatest struggles were seen by certain misinformed people as apparent serbacks. Nothing could be further from the truth as far as the miners' strike is
As far as the women's movement is concerned I have heard lots oi conflicting rumours as far as the propos. ed new national rules are concerned But when you see the Sun newspaper the Daily Mail and the Notts Mine! against these changes that's the bes! reason for supporting those rules and giving women their rightful place a part and parcel of the NUM
When people talk to me of serbacks let me remind you of a fer SOLACSUIN . Who, looking back. would regard the Vietnamese as having suffered a setback in the Tet Of fensive when later they took Saigon and got rid of the Yanks? Who, look
would regard Fidel Castro as suffering a defeat in 1956 when three years later his supporters took Havana and established socialism?
Strength
Those weren't defeats. They were steps on the way to victory And that's what the miners' strike of 1984 and 1985 was all about.
Let's pledge from this demonstration and gala our determination to the
to the hacks of Flee: nangers-on the political scene, that the miners' strike of 1984-5 was but a step in our cam paign to save our pits, our industry. our communities and our trade unior
Because our fight is a fight to save
unionism, democracy and freedom all of which are currently be. ing threatened by the Tory govern ment legislation. You don't respond
attacks by demonstrating weakness. You respond to attacks t! showing your strength. This Is cu strength. It's here to day — men ard
whose courage and deter mination are second to none.
The campaign to save our pit should start from here.
are two overwhelmice reasons why you should rededica s vourse ves todav to take ant actior the fight to save your pits, your for munities, and your union. died on picket lines, David Jones and Joe Green. You owe it to them to sa! "The miners united, will never be
Page 10 scan of this page
10 RON TODD's victory in the second ballot tor general secretary of the TGWU is a major blow to the efforts of the new realist right to shift the balance of forces in the labour movement their favour.
In a 40 per cent turnout, Todd 76,840 more votes than George Wright. Thin the 48,000 provement on the maiority ne won in the
By Pat Hickey
first ballot. It represents a
rejection of the right and their using the media to attack the union.
This is a strong enough
prevent any repeat of the campaign run by Chapple and the Daily Mail to discredit TGWU voting system and
setrel postal ballots.
The Daily Mail campaign, which started months after the original ballot, hoped to build on the defeat of the miners strike, attack union tennocracy and draw the TGWU into the camp of Duffy and Hammond.
However it is clear that the majority of TGWU members have not drawn the conclusion that it is all up with the class struggle and that the only alternative is the total surreght. While Ron Todd is render offered not an Arthur Scargil, the result does mean that the TGWU will continue to be an obstacle to open 'new realism', and will also not
ROY BUTLIN writes on the latest development.
BRITISH Rail isn't giving
up at Coalville. They are hitting our depot with one cutback scheme after another. The latest - the
fourth since the end of the
miners strike — is a nan to
close the Coalville cross-
ing signal box. This box controls not only
mainline, but also a very
OFFICIAL
photo: MARk SAI.MON
Socialist Action 21 June 1985
Todd Victory
Todd's victory helps maintain unilateralism be a clear instrument for attacking the Bennite wing of the Labour Party. The TGWU will have a pro-Kinnock, but not an anti-Benn position, and will continue to be an
Coalville under attack
COALVILLE RAIL depot was a symbol of solidarity with the NUM during the miners strike. Now it is under increasing attack by British Rail management.
busy road crossing. It involves the jobs of three signalmen.
All these schemes are part of a relentless Walli paign punishment against our depot because we stood firm and refused shift. coal during the miners' strike. are
obstacle to the open right.
addition its stand on issues such nuclear
will remain unilateralist.
The TGWU will not make any swing to the left determined to resist this scheme, just like every other one management has
come mo with Ter thee. ast
three months. To date, jobs have been ear-marked for the chop, but we are convinced that wholesale closure of our depot is in the pipeline.
With scheme management has come up with to date, we insisted
tor reese to shift
refusing shift coal. But is was difficult to pin down this claim.
The recent cutback scheme involving the
jobs the signanne most blatant of all. There
is no justification for this scheme except to remove three signalmen who refused to shift coal during the strike. Management hopes to eventually move control over the crossing to the
box, OU WCI
vhich will open in Marct 1986. But if the power boxes in the East Midlands during the miners strike are anything to go by, then the new box won't get involyed any industrial disputes. It is a reasonable assumption that the LICI who will staff Leicester
owe will probably
e hand-picked and they Cesay won't be strong union members.
We're going approach the fight to save these three jobs iust like the rest of the schemes
we.ve scored a minor victory over the scheme to
as a result of this election. There will be no major changes. But is does confirm that the defeat of the miners has not given the scab right a clear road to cut 11 jobs in Mantle Lane yard. Our negotiators (at Sectional Council level) fell down badly when they conceded the loss •I V OI le lE jobs. When that happened, we decided wouldn't accept this outcome. It was to our good fortune that management hadn't followed their own rules carefully enough. We caught them out loophole, and despite th Sectional Council's unwillingness fight, have now won the right to
brand new meeting at regional level over these jobs. In our industry Sectional Council invariably gets its own way, so this second chance is practically unheard of. The fact that we've got a second chance
show something l've said many times. Nothing is inevitable.
If we can get our Sec. tional Council back to the table after a decision has been reached, then surely
should give railworkers more сопfidence to see that the same kind of thing can br achieved with our nationa leadership. That's why remain optimistic today, despite the attacks from management that we are having to face daily.
140 copies of the pam-
ohlet Railworkers and
Miners the story of
Coalville depot during the
miners strike, were sold at
the Yorkshire miners gala.
week, Brent South constituency Labour Party
candidate for this safe Labour seat, from an all-black shortlist of Sharon Atkin, Paul Boateng, and Keith Vaz. Paul was chosen by an overa!
majority in the first round of 31:12:12.
ent should ope that
Brent take stand it did. The 1981 census showed that 46 per cent
of the population are from
the New Commonwealth the closest official estimate
of the size or tne DIach population in this country.
Because Brent decided to go ahead with its selection on the general committee frozen
for that purpose and before the Brent black section had elected delegate: to the GC - Paul will be officiaily endorsed by the national party.
He's not the first black
candidate chosen of
course. Put Russel Pro. litt recently selected by Lewisham yet been endorsed by the
national executive because
his selection took place
with the full participation
of the local black section. it operates was missing.
Describing the split in the BL as a walk out led by the communist Party and section of the Labour letts is formally correct but bald. What led to the split was not simply the numerical dominance
By S Dillon, SCPS (personal capacity)
of the Militant but the fact that Militant makes it almost impossible for views other than their own to be expressed in many BL led branches
Some individual non-aligned activists found working in Militant led BI branches in impossible task as Militant supporters are preparin o are
of dirty tricks to maintain their prominence.
This feature of Militant is expressed in many other sections the labour movement The tactics used by Militant to block anyone they term as 'the sects' have never been pristine. presume any there
to
CPSA Militant supporters are any leadear an hae their comrades LPYS or the rest of the Labour Party?
Of course the danger of overstating the sec.
tarian nature of the Militant is that it can lead to an
ambivalent attitude towards the prevailing
witch-hunt. Socialist
Action has maintained a
clear position against any
of socialists from
the Labour Party it seems
unlikely that its supporters
will lose sight of the real
Week, Brent Sout con Labour's second
chose its next parla black candidate
selected
EQUALIT
CPSA Broad Left
debate continues
HOWARD FULLER'S article in SA 104 on the CPSA and in particular the Broad Left - Broad Left 84 split provides an analysis which only addresses some of the major factors. While being in agreement with the general tone of the piece I felt an understanding of the nature of Militant and the way
reasons behind the antiMilitant attitudes of the
Howard Fuller's piece correctly nature of the CP. His Broad Left 84 members as ex-revolnionares seem cruel. . But against the background of their position on anti-trade union legislation it is justified All that is said of the Militant however is that they "incorrect policies For Socialist Action's ideas cake gain earer CPSA clearer understanding of Militani is needed The idea that Militant has been forced to the left is questionable. Like mos centrist currents Militant's position fluctuates. It could be said the Militant is at Militant does not have a particularly outstanding record. They have been indifferent and sometimes lukewarm on many major issues.
Their attitude towards campaigns they don't dominate such as the *campaign for union democracy', the abortion rights campaign and autnomous women's groups,
In the Unions
BLAC
FIGHT FOR BIACK
has been one of obstruc tion. Clearly if Socialist Action supporters organise within a Militant dominated clearer statement of how this can
contend that also a new debate on the ques
union mergers within Ihe civil service is required. The civil service trade union movement is divided and suffers from a long history of departmen.
Despite the moves away from a merger it can be argued that something like industrial trade
Cal only achieved through greater unity. Organisational safeguards would of course be necessary.
The pessimism of the solutely correct
the importance of building among the rank and file and the Socialist Caucus allance win swe ahe only way to co This is
• realism 1ll lak CPSA but to classif
Militant's politica bankruptcy some
"idiosyncratic positions' is not but
out of step with most of
analysis expressed elsewhere in Socialist Ac-
tion.
Page 11 scan of this page
Trade unions key in Lambeth
News
LAST FRIDAY Liverpool bordget coupled with
result Liverpool have set a
£265m spending limit
will undershoot by
milion. of which
million is in government
penalties. Derek Hatton,
the council's deputy leader
immediately announced
that they expected and
demanded the full support
of the Labour Party na-
tionally. John Hamilton,
SaIO
budget 'is what Liverpool
needs,
to regenerate the area and
the people'. The council
will now be seeking the
support the local
authority unions.
joint shop
stewards committee,
representing
Liverpool council's 31,000
workers,
pledged that it will de-
mond an gl out strike it
legal threats are carried
out councillors.
The threat of prosecution
will be notified to coun-
cillors in the next ten days.
LAMBETH is now the only Labour authorily not to have set a rate. As a result surcharge certificates have been issued. GRAHAM TOPLEY inter- viewed councillor GRAHAM NORWOOD, deputy leader of Lambeth council about the next steps for Lambeth and the way to win the fight. Can you fill us in on the
you came to not set a rate?
We recognised that this was verv much the crunch year in terms of being able to stand un that was deliberately aimed against Labour councils and against socialist policies of any kind. So Lambeth went to try and get a level of support for that at both the industrial and political level.
Industrial
WOLL that meant at 7.30 we were
hall and resources
e Liverpool agrees
E deficit budget
controlled
seemed non essential in a cuts budget.
For those reasons we did a lot preparatory work. We had public
the borough, and spoke to two thirds of the 400 community organisations.
Class
What's your view of the deficit budgeting strategy
people favoured?
No one strategy has monopoly of wisdom. But the deficit budgeting now has both political and practical drawbacks. The
po people feel unable to
people feel unable to stand up to the law now there is no reason to think they will stand up in six montas ume wneh Lacy Ic faced with the real conse-
budget.
If you go for deficit budgeting you allow officers slow down recruitment, to effectively manipulate the finances. Instead of having a clear class based position of saying no, the law is wrong and is intentionally aimed at supressing the sort of people want to help,
alidwing people who are not politically sympathetic to bul prominent positions council bureaucracies arrange a budget which may or may not end up in being a defecit.
What choices are you faced with now that you're the only authority not to set a rate?
We haven't got any choice in terms of future strategy.
1979 Lambeth 6,000 people officially unemployed, now in 1985 despite the government
the figures, there 29,000
STAND FIRM families headed by
crowding lack of facilities
can't on these resources sud-
stef rights. if we
too late.
going to get a
be liable to
we nave [o resish.
that
to ine unions? It
unions quite well
be done.
So far as the council s WC
requisiLINe Have
we
to make
aliance
polices in Lambeth. The
don, London Bridge, been influenced strongly by
there is a
stewards since ine 1CLLE1 and we're mass
meetings. We will effectively have to bring Lambeth to a halt if the government interferes with the right of Labour councillors to carry out Party policy,
next stage nationally has noitica. direction While the Lambeth unions have
attack. . ther also have to spread the arguments throughout the country. We're planning
contact all CLPs and trade unions or Labour groups especially those that have been rate capped. They the ones whose fight we are effectively engaged in.
The fact we're on our own isn't our desire. Our fight ramifications for the
Are you optimistic about the suppori you're likely to get nationally? There's the attitude of the Labour Party
as well as the unions and activists in the boroughs that have been ratecapped the leadersrep ur toe
leadership the Labour Party trade unions we wouldn't be very In gras roots terms Lambeth has tremendous support from the trade unions. Five hunarca avenaca une fringe meeting at NALGO conference, the biggest ever.
In terms of the leadership of the Labour Party, frankly I think that they are embarassed to see council putting up the sort of fight they are lacking. Even under the criteria that Kinnock and others establish wilal Is goou, we are doing the right thing.
We've had five by elec tions in the last nine months and had an overwhelmLabour is on the offensive majority each. politically, electorally and
industrial Lambeth. It's up to Neil Kinnock to sar why he's not backing us, not us to explain why we need to struggle on without his support.
What immediately are the next steps?
We've got this conference on 22 June to which we're
support us plus the unions to ex. plain what will be happen-
to ene councl JUW Our group decision is to carrv on exactly as before
we'll be paying our workforce, and the mechanism we've set up with the unions since voting not to set a rate, means we've been running our services better than before in some cases.
saying recruitment is going better than betore. The work nas been taken from councillors and put in the hands of shop stewards.
Fight
If we don't put up this fight with broad support trom the party as a whole
will be everyone's loss
just Lambeth's.
Lambeth is now only symbol of what the party and the movement should be standing for
If events are drawn out and go into the autuma do you think the issue should be taken to Labour Party conference?
I think we've got to take it to conference. There are also five major union conretences over Lie Re and we're taking the issue to each of them. We'll be organising fringe meetings and we good response. . We'll also be going to the TUC. I've no doubt that at conference the grass roots will be seen to be supporting us
Most of all it will be an indication Party's will to fight. What we are secung now only a few weeks after the miners
major against the
have these things the labour movement good heart. It will also put Kinnock on the spot.
Socialist Action
The District Audit Service
Dear councillor Norwond
oh 5 May Lained in Local Go caused consequent losses
Lambeth still
fighting
ten to every
It is up to the whole labour pond to this threat Although the District Auditor has decided to cula the whole takes time. Councillors first can make representation to the District Auditor and then once certificates are served there will be 28 days to lodge appeals with
High Court That could take up. to mid August The High Court would not sit until October
We aim to use that time to the issues throughout the country Many people have already closed the door on this years rate cap struggle Until Lambeth's fight finished the struggle is far from over. Next month the government will announce
year's rate capped limits. They will also be trying to torce the over privatisation of council services The best way to start the fight against these new attacks will be to back Lambeth now
Our Labour group met last Wednesday to decide its strategy. Though some councillors wanted to back down 'having made point and held out til last the majority are still willing to fight. We are confident we can hold the line at the cone muce on July 3. As some pointed out 'to back down would be the worst of both worlds being surcharged and losing the support of the community and trade unions by setting a rate.
Instead . councillors discussed how best to raise their defence. A fighting fund has been set up and it is aimed to seek meetings with wolsulaency Labou Parties, Labour Groups trade union branches anc representatives of the labour and trade union
• 21 June 1985 11 ÉO June 1985
la take act 1 1982 e Yours sincerely, movement at every level throughout the One councillor, Jock Quinn, president of BLOC, has been struck off to coordinate trade unior contacts while black councliors are being asked to contact and agitate among black and ethnic minority groups.
By Greg Tucker Chair Lambeth Local Government Ctee
potential came
mittes that
with the and a
delegates out The District
London has set
quarter million pounds for the fighting fund be recom-
take action
cil trade will be meeting with community
June local that after noon the Party
paign with rally
tion with speakers Jo
Lambeth Council
Against Ratecapping
Public meeting Saturday 22 June
3.00 pm Brixton Recreation Centre Speakers include Jo Richardson
Page 12 scan of this page
AC
VATION
SOUP
1ENE
IN TRIBUTE
TO THE
VICTIMS
SOUTH AFRICANS
ATTACK
GABERONE
140 JUNE 85
FIFTEEN THOUSand people marched through London last Sunday on the demonstration called by the Anti-Apartheid Movement protest against the racist regime in South Africa.
The was timed to coincide with
anwyersary Soweto uprising in 1976. It was one of the largest seen
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KAT MASSACRE DECEMBER 10 13 KILLED in Britain so far this year, bringing togeller range organisations from ment, the student movements and solidarity movement.
Demonstrators called
for the overthrow of the Botha and for meaningful economic sanctions, pointing out the connections with Africa through like Barclays They also called for the release of freedom fighters
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ALLI
Trafalgar Square Dennis
National Congress con-
demned as lars whose who
claimed that investment in
South Africa
ail South Africans. Neil
Kinnock pledged a future
labour government to end
all support for the apar-
mela regime ano ruly en
force United Nation
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lethal' aid to the Nicaraguan Contras.
US client states such as Taiwan and Israel.
The Contras were auick to take advantage of the situation. A press conference held the day after the US congress vote announced the fusion of the TWO Man contra group:
• the FDN based in Hon-
ARDE. This decare a Alfonso
declared a target of achieving a Con tra strength of 22,000 by September and an autumn offensive to overthrow the Sandinistas.
The US military and state department have a more realistic assessment of the Contras achieving their aim however. General Paul commander of the US military base and regiona headquarters in Panama, February that the Contras ICOULLCH have no chance of signifi. cant military success in the forseeable future' even with increased aid from the US.
This view is based on experience. Not once have the Contras been able to set up a zone they control since they started their incursions into Nicaragua in
1983. They have never been able to hold a town. They have never been able to mount any urban campaigns, either military or political. There have been no demonstraHOUS LECT support. Nothing!
The Contra policy of raid, burn and murder is
abberation or mistake. They have nothing to offer to advance the interests of the peasants in the countryside peasants op operate. The peasants that they
centres, clean schools, and and that their only chance of getting or keeping them is to defend the revolution.
The Contras therefore cannot operate like classical moving like fish through the water of popular support. They can only function by terror. And terror
nearls and minds.
Nicaraguan women train for the militia to defend their revolution
Reagan steps up
attack on Nicaragua
THE US congress has just voted $38 million of 'non-
This clear signal of US support gives the Contras the backing they need to get further aid from private capital and
In the last month the
been hit hard. The FDN has admitted to the loss of two of its main advance bases Nicaraguan soil. The Hon•ur covered. sniffing defeat in the wind, has appealed to other Latin American countries Lake responsibility for 'dispersing' the Contras, ie get them out of Honduras.
The US ala will therefore be holding operation to save the contras from collapse and to maintain their campaign of destruction in par-
coffee proволатике ducing zones that are vital
Nicaragua's earnings. The aim is to force Nicaragua to put still more of its slender resources into defending itself. As such, the Con-
are no "solution' for the US.
By Paul Atkin
The vote in the US congress is a more clear indica-
US ruling class towards the Nicaraguan revolution •than the previous vote to reject aid in April. The Washington Posi noted at Lie time, 'virtually no member of the House or Senate defended Nicaragua's leftist san dinista government during he senate cant for the future that most Democrats probably would agree with Shultz' goals for Central America."
The 'option' of military invasion is therefore now being openly discussed by Reagan administration officials. The material preparations SUCI course have been under way since at least 1983
Settening poste National
set up the National Security Agency to cover Nicaragua, a series of exercises have taken place in Honduras the last of them in spring this year beins troops emselves, troops herselves. No less than eight airfields have been bult in Honduras.
Eugene J Carroll Jnr, director of the Centre for Defence Information, wrote last useari *асcelerating military preparations suggest that the decision been made by president Reagan to send US troops into Nicaragua'
The policy the Reagan seems to be to put the screws on the Democrats within congress. They are
create a clear two party 'consensus on the nature of ine Sandinista government and the potential threat poses to US interests the Republican head of the senate intelligence committee put it.
Putting the military option firmly on the agenda means Inere is no ques
being left simolv as a option' alternative. They are part or a process to try to politically, , economical-
and militarily soften up Nicaragua for an ultimate invasion, The US are thinking months and years ahead.
Reagan is also trying to soften up congress and US puone opimon to ine vich that an Invasior of Nicaraeua would be mor like Grenada than Viet-
'Intelligence Holli ports, liberally leaked, put across a bizarre vision of a Nicaraguan population ready to rise up in suppori ot the incoming marines.
All first hand reports from Nicarapna no calt that these views are about
accurate as the old 'inteligence' renorts thai the US was just about to win the Vietnan wal. n few more thousand troops. a lew mor strikes, just one more offensive, and the war would be won. As the world knows it wasn't.
The military scenario that being
even more bizarre. "officer 'political • liary is quoted in the New York Times as stating: 'The US would come in heavily for a month or so, mostly with
facilities new government would be put into place (sic!) and would come with its own army'. That's where the Contras come in.
This extraordinary failure to learn anything from the Vietnam perience - that an armed people can't be defeated by napalm, that a stooge army of over-equipped mercenaries is not a stable base for a pro-us regime - won't stop the US ruling class talling victim to its own war drive. The only thing that will stop them is the continuing dermina• of the people to defend them. selves and their revolution and the mobilisation of a H1CS anti-intervention movement that extends from solidarity campaigns, to mass organisations of the labour move.
This is what the labour movement in Britain has to build.
Public meeting To launch
Nicaragua: The
Sandinista People's
Revolution Speakers include:
Senor Francisco d'Escoto - Nicaraguan
Ambassador Jack Collins — Secretary Kent NUM
Stuart Holland MP
John Ross — Socialist Action Andy de la Tour — Nicaragua Solidarity
Campaign Friday 21 June, 7.30pm at the Caribbean Centre,
5 Westminster Bridge Rd, SEI. "I shall value this book greatly and will be able to use it in speeches and broadcasts... I urge you to attend the 21 June launch
meeting.' Tony Benn MP
← Socialist Action No. 105, 14 June 1985Socialist Action No. 107, 3 July 1985 →