Socialist Action No. 134, 12 March 1986
The scan: 134-mar-12-1986-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
LIVERPOOL
END THE WITCH HUNT!
LAST MONDAY'S meeting of the Labour Party NEC brought out the full meaning of the witch hunt. technical division of Labour between Neil Kinnock and the capitalist courts.
Last week the courts stepped in to surcharge, disqualify, and in practice bankrupt the Lambeth and Liverpool counciliors who voted to uphold Labour Party policy and defy rate capping. The laws under which these convictions took place are so reactionary that even John Cunningham, right
Labour front bench spokesperson, has
SoCAlist
ACTION
BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM
DEFEND
LAMBETH
NEC finally drew up the charges for expulsion against 12 Liverpool party members — including councillors under surcharge. Even It is a the resolution of Tony Benn to defer the expulsion proceedings until after the possible appeal by the Liverpool councillors against disqualification was defeated. nock, and the party leadership, just can't wait to get in with their expulsions even if it means prejudicing a court appeal by Liverpool councillors. even of Kinnock's sop to widespread hostility to the surcharges which is to be established. This was counterposed to the real need for retrospective legislation by a future Labour government which would reimburse the Lambeth and
preted, would
Neil Kin-
The expulsion charges make a mockery movement's
- the hardship fund bursement by the state.
The
As Derek he eil con harges and disqu nock, and the pa
INSIDE
• Scottish Labour conference p5 • p4 • Philippines history of struggle рб
DEFEND
Parted Knight, leader of Lambeth council, rightly claimed on Tuesday that the resolution passed by the NEC properly inter-
mean using public funds to reimburse the Liverpool and Lambeth councillors. It stated 'consideration will be given to the best and most equitable method of dealing with compensation for loss occurred.' But the qualifications, and following phrases in the resolution about the Labour
clear commitment to the upholding of the law' have already been used by Kinnoock to rule out any proper reim-
pattern with Liverpool and Lambeth is now exactly the same as with the miners. Anyone fighting to defend their community is first frontally assaulted by the courts and state, as with the he funds of the NUM and now the s
Then s
No. 134 12 March 1986 30p Witch hunt p2 • Black section • Soviet economic reforms po in to villify whoever is under attack and make it harder to defend both them an those they are fighting on behalf of. A future Labour government led by Kinnocl would have exactly the same approach.
Lambeth and Liverpool shows the real meaning of the witch hunt. It is not about 'democratic socialism' as the right in the democracy in the party — although it is cen Nor is it simply about trally about that. The witch hunt is abou the attempt by Kinnock to smash all those who stand up and fight for their com munities against this government. And he can't tolerate that because it shows up hi lack of fight.
Anyone opposed to the olicies of thi Thatcher government has to be fight against, this witch hunt starting today by and Lambeth-
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2 Socialist Action 12 March 1986
AcTioN SOCiALiSt
The Fleet Street
gutter
NOTHING COULD be more repellant and hypocritical than the now law and order campaign launched in the press over the last week. Its concentration was on the acts which are the most horrifying in our society - rape, abuse and killing of children. repellant is both who is carrying it totally makes who is behind It. That sexual assaults, child abuse and attacks matters which soclety must take in hand and throw its weight behind eliminating, is not in doubt. But what Is involved in the present press campaign is that responsible for the increase tacks, and the them, poses under the guise of claiming to want to eliminate them.
Tho Daily Mirror pontificated on Tuesday on the need to eliminate pornography. The Sun, with scab labour or without, has continued to carry on Its so called campaign against sexual attacks.
But no one is more holding up women as sexual objects, as vic. tims for attack, Sun is protesting about an atmosphere which creatos sexual consider its own
The Fleet Street press pours out daily a portrayal of human relations based on perversion human titillatory stories, submission are
well known
Tho popular
take away social service cuts, government, and feature of
genuinely
for sexual attacks.
But the sentences
comparable to the
do not stop crime.
that women, vices, better
the shortly women's
and children.
An
position of women in society, is the only way that sexual attacks on women and children, and murder, will be brought under control.
It is the decay States society, for example, that breeds its record high level of murder, repe and sexual crimes. Thatcher, and defends, Is the person creating the deepest conditions for the rocketting of the attacks on women, and on children.
It is not necessary or possible to wait for soclalism before dealing with the attacks on women. they have to be dealt with now. the only practical way forward in reversal of the entire social policies of the Thatcher government and its press backers. Without that it is merely a question crimunal calling 'thief' from the real crime.
Those practical measures are genuinel the only assaults. the core of the the
tackling crimes against women and the hor-
res of the ta
sexual murders, the
campaign totally
on children are soclai
people who are in these atatmosphere that creates are utilising them for their own pur-
responsible for
than the popular press. The
Bks without bothering to
emotions. The portrayis of power and
In this. It is Tory
unemployment, the attack on local other unpopular Individual
light sentences,
effect of harsher really protect
securer nurseries.
its Finally is the nature of the
of
and violence of United
the system she that lies in a
of the to divert attention
way to practically combat thesi Those soclal changes must be at
reply to labour movements and order campaign and to really
TWELVE of the six named in the majority report at the enquiry into Liverpool District have received their 'charges' and will appear before Labour's National Executive on 26 March. NEC is ploughing ahead regardless of the havoc it is wreaking with Labour's election prospects.
It could not have handed the Tories and their courts a better Haster Pre. sent.
The decision to defer the meeting from 12 March appears have been made in order avoid possible court action
the no the that the 02
the grounds that the have not had time to prepare their 'defence';
The four not charged are: Sylvia Sharpey-
women's council; Josie Greenn, aLer agent for Broad Green and Paul SLOUTY and Pauline Dunlop, , both councillors.
Of the twelve still on Whitty's hit list, four are councillors: Derek Hatton, tony Mulhearn Fairit Smith Do. On the anc Harry 16 named in the report, only
were agreed unanimously by the sixmember majority. But not all the four dropped are those on whom the malori
y of the inquisition could not agree. Jose lal against whom disciplinary proceeaings were agreed o been membeds The has also been dropped. party, proceeding judiciously in terms of the constitution, said •Neil Kinnock at the weekend in a Scottish TV interview.
He was questioned on me venooo ourse dller e speech to Scottish Labour Party conference in which
The
Liverpool
12
Those facing expulsion
are:
Derek Hatton: age 38, 15
Party, deputy leader
Liverpool City Council.
Harry Smith: 36, 15 years
in the Labour Party,
Liverpool councillor.
Roger Bannister: 34, 15
Party, secretary, Broad
Green CLP
Tony Mulhearn: 47, 23
years in the Labour
Party, president,
Liverpool District Labour
Party, Liverpool
concilor.
Carol Darby: 36, 5
monins in we Labout
Party, black activist.
Ian Lowes: 35, , 10 years
in the Labour Party,
chair, Joint Shop
Stewards' Committee.
Tony Aitman: 37, 22
years in the Labour
Party.
Terry Harrison: 47, 28
years in the Labour
Party, vice-president.
Liverpool District Labour
Party.
Richard Venton: 33, 15
years in the Labour
Party.
Cheryl Varley: 25, 3 years
in the Labour Party,
student sabbatical officer.
Felicity Dowling: 35, 19
years in the Labour
Party, secretary,
Liverpool District Labour
Party, Liverpool
councillor.
Richard Knights: 31, 1.
years in the Labou
Party.
NEC purge — full steam ahead
Labour. Party
The
with its witch-hunt
he made reference whatsoever to the issue.
There was press speculation to the contrary. Last Friday's Glasgow Evening Times reported: 'Labour leader Neil Kinnock is set to blast Militant tendency
another hard-hitting
Expel them, but do it
carefully: What the
NEC enquiry said
from the hardship fund Para 15.16a
gravity to require action to be taken by the National Executive Committee. We recommend that the general secretary be instructea to con
and, where applicable, to formulate charges against them to be heard by the NEC.
Para 15.16b
In addition, as indicated in section14, it is beyond reasonable doubt that the Militant tendency is an organisation with its 'own pro-
speech this weekend'.
But the running was left • 10 general secretary Whitty, who also Laliy addressed the conference Perth. 'Nothing threatens the unity of the party more than an abuse of the rules and democracy of the party,' he said, and called for 'discipline mixer with tolerance. It is clear that the tolerance to which he refers is that expected to excercised those members of the party beDoing the Tories' work: John Cunningham wants to stop the expelled councillors receiving money
The investigation team consider that: there have been abuses and breaches of Labour Party rules and constitution and the resultant distortions of party organisation in Liverpool are of sufficient
sider the evidence in respect of the above matters given to the team against the persons concerned
ing disciplined and those who • oppose such measures.
'Tolerance' from the NEC as the decision to uphold the enquiry report showed has been out in advance. At the end of Whitty's speech gramme, principles and policy for distinctive and separate propaganda, possessing branches in the constituency. would therefore be ineligible for membership under Clause 11(4)(b) of the constitution of the Labour Party. The investigation team believe that there is evidence that there may be members of the party who are part of that organisation in Liverpool and the investigation team rec ommends that the NEC should consider their position under Clause 11(4)(b) in the light of the decision of the 1982 Labour Party conference, the January and July 1983 decisions of the NEC and the subsequent endorsement of those dicisions by the 1983 Labour Party conference
We therefore further recommend that the general secretary be instructed to consider the evidence relating to possible membership of the Militant tendency against the persons named below and, where applicable, formulate charges against them to be heard by the NEC Paragraph 15.17
The following members should be considered under (a) or (b) or (a) and (b) above: Tony Mulhearn, chair, chair, DLP, Felicity Dowling, secretary, DLP, Josie Aitman. Tonv Altman.
* Roger Bannister, Dunlop, Derek Hatton, Richard Knights, lan Lowes.
Cheryl Varley, Richard Venton.
Those asterisked were agreed by four members of the team only. The remainder were agreed by the six NEC members signing this report.
Para 15.18
There may be other members of the party who have, to varying degrees, been involved or sup ported Militant tendency in the past. However,
the investigation team believes it is neither pro vable nor profitable to add to the above list. The investigation team recommends that the NEC takes a decision as to disciplinary action if ap propriate as rapodly as possible.
It is important to ensure that the rules of
natural justice and the constitution of the Labour Party are upheld in conducting these interviews and reaching any decision on disciplinary action.
Politics Today
delegates felt he'd made clear that Liverpool expul sions were now under way Any doubt was further clarified on Sunday by John Cunningham. Announcin! the decision to
surcharge councillors, he pointed out 'If the Labou Party decides on a fund of this kind, it would apply to people who are members of the Labour Party. don't see the Labour Party fundraising for people who are not members. ' Members of the Militant tendency
DLP, Terry Harrison, vice-
*Paul Astbury, * Carol Darby, *Pauline
*Sylvia Sharpey-Shafer, * Harry Smith,
Page 3 scan of this page
defend the surcharged councillors
News
Then: Clay Cross councillors even won right wing support for standing up to an unjust law...
EIGHTY COUNCILLORS from Liverpool and Lambeth were surcharged in the courts last week after their two-year long Labour Party policy and defend working people from the attacks of the Thatcher government. In the case of Liverpool that has meant refusing to set a rate, for Lambeth simply setting one late. In addition, the 80 will now be faced with huge court costs and, of course, banned from holding office.
The labour leadership's TENDULISC Calic quickly enough. Labour's
This Conference considers that the present
opposition, is an abhorrent and unacceptable procedures. The last six years have seen an
government, either through the withdrawal of local authorities' responsiblities without the essential financial support from central government for their full implementation. It therefore confirms support for those Labour councillors, trade unionists and other
the rate support grant stolen from their authorities, and trade unionists who took industrial action in their support.
with these laws is a continuing struggle: a) several local authorities have a clear deficit
claw back in income. b) councillors in Lambeth and Liverpool are
defence of their local communities and work-
rate support grant and the cost of taking over
whole labour movement;
whether implemented by Labour and Tory Councis.
Defend party policy,
CLAY CROSS DUE.
attempt to implement spokesperson the enviroment, John Cunningham appeared on TV
Labour conference policy -
the councillors' crime
Government's policy towards local government, notably through the 1984 Rates Act with its related framing and use of the law to eliminate political violation of fundamental democratic values and unprecedented level of legislation against local iocal decision-making powers or by adding to
representatives of the labour movement who are trying to implement the policy of non-compliance with rate-capping, the penalty system and the equivalent claw back legislation in Scotland. It congratulates those councillors who voted not to set a rate in 1985 until the Government restored
Conference recognises that non-compliance
budget for 1985/6 which will lead to crisis at the beginning of 1986 when, at the same time, they and others are likely to be facing a new rate cap or
being threatened with disqualification, surcharge and bankruptcy for supporting Party policy in
c) all councillors who resisted rate-capping are d) the combination of rate-capping, reductions in services as a result of the abolition of the GLC and Metropolitan counties will lead to even more severe cut-backs in 1986/7 if not challenged by the e) Cuts and redundancies achieve the same results
WILL VOT
DLEMENTTIE ACT
only hours after the court decision point out that Labour's leaders had warned Liverpool and Lambeth that this would happen!
At last, and too late, Neil Kinnock is backing the fund to relieve hardship for surcharge. But there will be no attempt to reverse the court's blatantly political judgement should Labour reach of-
f) this struggle is for local democracy, local services and jobs, and is nothing less than a fight to defend the future of housing, education, social services and the standard of living of all working and unemployed in this country.
Conference recognises that different local authorities face different problems, that tactics must reflect local situations and that the same approaches will not always be applicable in all situations. To make its support practical, conference resolves to:
Call upon the National Executive Committee and Parliamentary Labour Party • to support and campaign wholeheartedly with Labour local authorities and trade unions for non-compliance with these unjust laws; • campaign vigorously in support of those democratically elected councillors who are being threatened by unelected district auditors with removal from office for carrying out the mandate on which they were elected; • link the struggle against rate-capping and cuts in local authority expenditure with the Party's economic and social policies and the Jobs and Industry Campaign as an integral part of a national campaign for jobs and public services, in which a central role must be played by the Party leadership; il) Reconvene the National Local Government Conference within three months in order that precise and united tactics for non-compliance in 1986/7 may be determined ili) Commit the next Labour Government: • To repeal the rate-capping and claw back legislation; • To restore the rate support grant taken in penalties by this Tory Government: • To fully compensate those representatives of the labour movement who have suffered personal loss, bankruptcy, disqualification or whatever as a result of non-compliance with these laws;
To reassure the relationship between central and local government finance to provide the maximum freedom for local councils to meet the needs of their communities.
Moved by Sheffield Heeley CLP, seconded by Vauxhall CLP, and adopted by the 1985 Labour Party conference.
fice. And Cunningham has apparently decided. on behalf of the labour movement, that expelled coun cillors will benefit from the fund.
According to media pundits, the decision now puts other councillors, including Sheffield's David Blunkett, under the same Lurcal. seems little chance In reality, that
such action will be pur-
The intention of the Liverpool and Lambeth "show trials : to warn others OTT judges took pains to distinguish Liverpool and Lambeth who 'refused' to set a rate from everyone ense 'deferred' setting a rate.
are already split on whether to proceed further.
By Annie Brady
As usual, politics will determine the actions of these "impartial' non-elected gentlemen. To take proceedings against David Blunkett and others would risk precipitating response from the Labour leadership that the Tories and their legal stooges were confident of avoiding in the case of Liverpool and Lambeth.
Reach
The NEC's 'support' for Liverpool and Lambeth doesn't reach the level the right wing gave to Clay Cross in 1972
AS the Guardian editorial of Friday March archly commented: It is already clear that the national party leadership's response much more forthright than ever it was years over Clay Cross
"Then, the mining village's refusal to implement the 1972 Housing Finance Act led the party's deputy leader, the right wing Mr Edward Short, to tell the 1973 party conference that the next Labour government would see the rebel councillors right. In the event, it was Mr Anthony Crosland, also a man of Labour's right, who automatic disqualification from office that had been imposed? Idle
Despite two party conference decisions, , in 1984 and 1985, the Labour leadership today expects to be able to sit idly by while representatives of the party are pilloried for their stand in support of those policies. Indeed, the immediate background for the Tory court's decision was set by the party's na-
Probe Tory
Corrunlign
Socialist Action 12 March 1986 tional executive a week previously.
That NEC accepted the recommendations of the majority report of the enquiry into Liverpool: to shut down the district parLy and begin expulsion proceedings against up to 16 Liverpool Labour Parts members. Those include six of the Liverpool city councillors who are now surcharged and debarred from office.
if wasn't already clear to une Tories, that decision gave the green light on Liverpool and Lambeth councillors. Strict
Speaking at a meeting of the local campaign group in Pontypridd last weekend, Eric Heffer explained: "These councillors strictly carried out policies agreed at 1984 par-
comerence For that political act they are being treated like criminals.
That suits the Labour leadership down to the ground. Policies defending working. people are fine for Sunday-best speechifying, Criminalising but not for action.
Liverpool and Lambeth councillors dove-tails into
Neil Kinnock's own policy of illegitimising within the Labour Party any currents who are prepared to stand up now against the Tory attacks.
Fuel
That ver / court deci-
sion - by the enemies o the people whom the Labour leadership claims to represent — will be used
the fire against Liverpool and Lambeth councilors and anyone else who offers an alternative to the 'drop the policies and get
line of the Labour leadership.
In reality however it is the refusal o1 Labour's leaders to stand in support of Liverpool and Lambeth councils, and the peopl
whom they represent, tha risk losing Labour the next election - and not, as the
leadership claim, the determined stand taken by such councils.
'Liverpool and Lambeth councillors, said Eric Heffer last weekend, 'are
courts bankrupt them.
3
Campaign
Group
support
HAVING discussed the issue of the surcharged and disqualified councillors in Lambeth and Liverpool at its meeting last Wednesday, the Campaign Group of Labour MPs decided to lend its full support to those councillors in their campaign. "Their only crime,' said Campaign
Alan Meale, indeed it was such, was to Call y out Labour Party
py disgraceful that one-
disgraceful that once again Tory-appointed judges should totally negate the democratic pro cesses by wilfully findin
the interests of working people
'We call on the whole of the labour and trade union movement to whatever is necessary to aid the plight of democratical elected councillors and to fight to see an end te their surcharge and disqualifications.'
of Thatcherism because they have foughi for their local people, peo. Pley deserve our full sup who elected them. port. There is no reason why such help cannot be given by a future Labour
and a commitment to do that should be made now. Defend
'First we have seen Tory laws adams trade unions defending the interests of their members Now we see those same laws used against Labour councillors defending the interests of local people.
The NEC must be flooded with resolutions in support of Liverpool and Lambeth councillors demanding that the
leadership im plements conference policy. ... and now: the Labour leaders expel them while the
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Black women in black sections
4 St ist Action Black sections
youth committee
THE BLACK sections
Meeting, which took place last weekend, took
a number of vital steps to turn to black youth
and guarantee them a role. The constitution
was changed so that five members of the
black section youth
automatically on its national committee; the
national youth organiser will have a place on
the executive; and the youth committee will
have the right to
terence. KINGSLEY
organiser, submitted the following report to
the AGM which
endorsed.
It is quite clear that if the Labour Party Black Sec-
tions do not build a viable and radical youth sec-
tion there will be no future for our movement. We
have seen Black Youth over the past few years at
the forefront of the struggle against this vicious
Tory government. Black youth is the most radical
element in sociely
The Black Sections must work to involve and Black youth to
Therefore, the youth committee must be given the
necessary support and resources by the national
move t daa a dauonal recrument and
mobilisation drive.
Over the past year, the Youth Committee has
been involved in building links with the Black com-
munity. We have taken an active part in a number
of detence campaigns including Broadwater Farm,
Cynthia Jarret, Cherry Groce and the Justice for
the Pryces Campaign. Black Sections youth went
down to Waltham Forest College to help the Black youth there in their fight against a racist headteacher
We have also been working with Black youth in
Tower Hamlets who have been struggling against
the most reactionary Labour-controlled council in London. A major part of our campaign over this year has been to take the message of Black self-organisation into the colleges, polytechnics and universities. .
The Black Sections Youth Committee has embarked on a major campaign within the LPYS. Kingsley Abrams, Youth Organiser, is standing as the Black Sections candidate for the LPYS seat on the NEC. This campaign raises serious questions of how the LPYS could recruit Black youth to the Labour Party, and tackle the problem of racism on the Labour Party and in society as a whole.
It is also highly relevant to for the whole Left. It is for this reason that the campaign is supported by groups such as the majority of organisations in the LLC, CLPD, ICI, WAC, Youth tional, Chartist, NOLS and LCC
It is vitally important that the Black Section
realise significance of this recruiting Black youth to the Labour Party.
Youth Fightback
splits
YOUTH FIGHTBACK, an LPYS newspaper set up last summer and supported by Socialist Organiser and International supporters in tne LPYS, has split over the issue of whether to support Kingsley Abrams, who is black sections candidate for the LPYS place on the Labour Party National Executive Committee.
After 12 votes from Socialist Organiser were cast to oppose his campaign against nine in his support at their 23 February editorial meeting, the minority has decided to look into other ways of organising'.
The response to Kingley's campaign has revealed the actual commitment of the left to black sections. Militant's responce was to stand a black woman on an anti-black self-organisation ticket. This, however, does have the merit of electing the first ever black woman to the NEC of the British Labour Party!
Socialist Organiser has responded by standing a candidate of their own against Kingsley Abrams on the sectarian grounds that only suppurters of socialist Organiser's Militant. .
12 March 1986 Annual General
are
send resolutions to the conABRAMS, youth
was enthusiastically the Labour Party.
Action, Interna-
the importance and campaign in regard to: sections, anti-women's programme can defeat
=-...? "eting to coorainate & in inning part in this campaign on : March at 2pm in Birmingham Civic
THE LATEST black sections bulletin is just out. LINDA BELLOS' article, which we reproduce from it, talks about women in black sections and their plan of action for the national black sections conference, which took place this weekend. FROM THE first national
conference of black sections of the Labour Party
Birmingham June
1984, black women raised a central issue to the cam-
paign, Lue neeo lo ensure
that all black people were
represented by black tions. When many of us looked at the platform arranged by the steering
saw men. Black women usual were left off the agenda. individuals, and collectively.
When the 2nd national conference was held London in March 1985, an important
constitutiulial change was made to ensure that 50 per cent of national committee members should be black women.
Another step forward Two reports on the causes of the Handsworth riots have recently hit the headlines and embarrassed the local Chief Constable, who is trying to get hold of
bullets against Midlands Police Committee April along with the West Midlands County Coun-
pushers and criminals' were behind the riot. Birmingham City Council's report, published by Julius Silberman, blames unemployment. West Midlands County Council's (WMCC) report, A Different Reality, tionalised racism.
MICK ARCHER examines the different reality behind the latest clashes over inner-city police.
The great virtue of both reports is that they nail the lie, assiduously culuvalea by lne and police, that 'barDarous criminality' WaN response for be rees
last September They ask Why did Handsworth happen?
Part of the answer is given in the detailed social indices in both reports.
These show that: • In January 1985 unemployment the Lozells Road area stood at half oft Cent Will over
these having been unemployed for more than a year • Of the 1,434 schoolleavers in Handsworth in 1984 only 99 found jobs,
supplied by Handsworth Job Centre SHOWed La average there were 35 people chasing every vacancy. • According to the 1981 Less oo be cent households had to share a
was the election of
chair and vice-
wOllidi
chair. But behind what
some men felt at the time
was piece of sheer
chicanery,
tant issue, not so much
about representation, but more importantly about
politics.
now can back sed
tions ensure that the tradi
tonal sexism of political organisations, and the
Labour Party in particular, can be challenged and reversed?
How can we ensure that the experience black women is integral to our analysis of black peoples' experience in this
country? I believe that the only answer to tills Issuc Is to ensure that women have
Аск
SECTiON
A different reality
the wishes the West
— to be abolished on 1
Both reports refute police claims that 'drug-
places further blame squarely on institu-
ditions, 18 per cent were pensioners living alone, 65 per cent had no access to a car and 5 per cent were single parent families
But this is only part of the story. The WMCC report. at least stage further and asks why deprivation is so concentrated in one area. The answer it gives is that the majority the people who live there are black
The facts are stark. black people (black Asians and black AfroCaribbeans) are per cent of the population in Ine Handsworth Soho and Lozells area compared with 11 per Cell OLDe
Nest Midlands county anc 1 per cent for the U.K. Bu unlike the poor whites they have to confront systematic discrimination in employment, housing, training and welfare provision. According to the Policy Studies Institute's report Racial Discrimina-
an organised voice within
black sections where can articulate our
experience.
As a nationa commit. tee we have developed policies on a wide range of
issues, many of these have included black women's perspectives. But not all.
As more and more of us become active black
women, rather than simply as black people within the campaign, it will be less a matter of chance whether
our ideas are included in
vul Dollies
This last point is of crucial importance. Black people, or black men and
women? Many men and
women nave arguca Wal ll is divisive for women to
and
sebalalc as worthl not see themselves as just people. But bitter
perience has also taught us to be wary of this reductionist approach. The white left are frequently encouraging us to forget race and think only of ourselves as working class.
The same is often the Case question or gender.
While we clearly acknowledge that our col lective
HALCICOUS as vlack people lies in building uni-
we must not sweep under the carpet, the fact that race, gender and in-
posed to each other This
posed to each other. does not mean that distinctive groups within the struggle cannot ever work together.
On the contrary, the brief history of black sections has demonstrated that men and women, peoPolice in Handworth wett over seven times more likely be discriminated against than white job applicants, and black
Atro-Caribbeans were over six times more likely to be discriminated
against than white job at
licant
Even on is hac
Mode schemes, with good chance of permanent employment at the end, than they do onto Mode B schemes with little or no
opportunities It is this that explains the existence of inner city ghettos which are overwhelmingly
UIlT employed and black. In these circumstances volts like that of 9/10 September are inevitable
Of course the Tories are the first to understand this. That's why alongside such cuts we see increased expenditure on the police and increased discussion about 'riot control' Through criminalising biack youth and depicting :=
ple of African and Asian
descent, can and do work logerner successiully. _Bu
this does not mean that we have ex-
perience to "sameness'. We
are united by our common
experience of racism, and
collective and dividual commitment
fight it, but we still need to
recognise and respect the differences that exist between us.
As white members of the Labour Party have begun respect, and sometimes fear, black sections, there has ; been the growing use by ine wolte
male left ir particular, to
black oldy wollici against black men. When positions within the party structure are being fought over we are increasingly seeing women versus blacks, in other words,
Plan of action: Black
Women in Black Sections 1) To ensure that the black women's caucus elect two representatives annually to ensure that black womens view are represented on the nationa committee of black sections. 2) These two reps. to have the following functions: a. Liaison on national committee. b. National organiser of black women in black sections. 3) To draw up a programme of action to ensure a high profile of issues of relevance to black women, such as health, childcare, employment and housing, and to ensure that these issues are taken up by lne nationai commilice 4) To draw up a programme of action for intervention within the women's section of the Labour Party, at an individual and collective level. support for the use of plastic bullets and worse.
As the Daily Mail on 8 October put it: "Either they forgo the anarchic luxury of these origies of arson, looting and murderous assaults against the men and women whos task it is to uphold the laws of this land or the will provoke a paramilitary reaction unknown mainland Britain'.
Questioned local radio Birmingham Douglas Hurd explained that the police having plastic bullets was bette than their only resort being to 'call in the Army with live ammunition'
Already of the 43 forces Engiand and Wales 15 possess plastic bullets other cases, such as Greater Manchester, the force has arranged loan baton rounds and riot guns from the Met circumvent decisions by the loca police authority not stock them
L-de: the Marial Aid
=2:
News
white women versus black
people.
This Lullice about
because the white male left
reluctantly recognise that
equal opportunities within
the party should exist but then seek to retain their
owl. moroooly ot
by pitting black candidates
against
white women, to compete
tor one place
only guard practice by ensuring that
we do not replicate the sexism in the wider party, and as black women by ensuring that our voice is heard
within the ranks of
'women' the Labour
Party, so that we do not allow ourselves to be used by white in their power games to retain control of the Labour Party, by divide and rule. can also be called upon to use them in neighbouring areas cople in Handsworth know what is at stake. As one black youth explained
Guarata! last November "There is close co-octation between black youths and we have discussed the issue plastic bullets. We are prepared to tackle any such moves by the govern.
press our grievances. not just unemployment. We're regarded as third class citizens and we're not prepared to be treated like that any longer
• The review 'A Dif ferent Reality' was com missioned the Race Relations & Équal Oppor
: Committee of the WMCC It was prepared by Reena Bhaynami, Julie Coke, Paul Gilroy, Stuari Hall, Herman Ouseley and Keith Vaz.
The report of the in dependent enquiry cmmis career: Birmingham an
wis prepared by Ja.as Saverman
Page 5 scan of this page
News
Scotland: 500 at
Campaign Group
meeting
THE 1986 Scottish Labour Party conferene, held in Perth on 7-9 March, saw a continued attack on the left, and on some of the Labour Party's existing policies, from the leadership of the Scottish Labour Party and from Kinnock and Larry Whitty. This assault was particularly suicidal given the gains that the Scottish National Party (SNP) has been making from Labour in recent local government by elections.
By Neil Cruickshank
Neil Kinnock
Dave pledge to the conference
devolution for Coal Scotland would be implemented ov the licAl Labour Government. spoke of how Scotland naa been singiea oul 1o1 another Thatcher experiment WILl genuine medieval to be
support
party
support for councils legal the
eader of Edinburgh
the conse-
pursued the party eadership. council
entire for Labour
anything
fight for are
the people elected
'If we do not lead the working class resistance there are others who will lead the Scottish resistance to Toryism.'
LAST SUNDAY'S meeting
ing the LLC.
The colossal social forces that the miners strike brought into motion have begun to totally transform the map left wing British politics. 1 ills pIo• cess, which started in the uake around the simple axis of for or against the NUM and its struggles, has developed and deepened since the strike's end.
The left in the Labour Party, under the impact of events, has been resolved into essentially into three components
The 'realigned left' which Stood against Scargill in the strike and nave NOW aligned will Kinnock.
The class struggle left which stood with Scargill in the strike and championed the social alliances
he strike created. Since then, •particularly by figures in the Campaign
black seculoll,
NUM and parts of the women's movement these forces have deepened their conse to me el
• An ultra left which sup-
Wood's warning was ignored by the party leadership who maintained tightly controlled agenda which kept off all controversa items chalenging the right wing drift.
Larry Whitty, speaking to the conference, condemned the of the COuLLS and the law Use to remove elected councillors from office. But he launLead an open Liven tol leadership Liverpool Labour Party which made it clear that he was going to give no backing in reality o those who actually did fight for the policies votea for by Labour Party. Wit-
called for 'discipline mixed with tolerance' within the party and said nothing about actually fighting Tory policies. Tony Benn
In sharp contrast to the right wing shift represented by the conference itself was the extremely successful fringe meeting 'Winning with Socialist Policies', was organised by the Campaign group, CLPD, and
Labour Left Coordination at crossroads
of the Labour Left Coordination (LLC) saw a crisis in that organisation over its structure and functioning. The next monthly meeting will probably decide its future. REDMOND O'NEILL and JOHN ROSS look at the choices fac-
ported the miners but considered that Scargill failed
confront the bureaucracy and so contributed the strikes defeat.
The second of these forces, the class struggle left, is particularly important because it is a potentially hegomonic left. It is defined not by what it is against but what it is for -the miners strike, cham-
self-organisation of the oppressed, building
popular majority TOT socialism Precisely because a oleg hegemonic force capable, over a prolonged
struggle, of defeating both Thatcher in society and Kinnock and the right wing in the party.
Activists
The ultra-left in COItrast subordinate force defined Dy wilal it Is agallist, nol what it is for. It is by its
Fight to defend Scottish victimised miners goes on
Labour Left Coordination
Saturday night. The s0 pee was attenem by
people number
havi the meet they
meeting. heard hat, there Benn is int
that, VUL analogy to be made between those Victorian clergy wilo davocaled Illa
verythin would be
right if the kept
DOUL their heads down and the rich were kind, and present leadership which is telling everyone to keep their heads down and this in itself can lead to Labour government being electea.
He said, "Thatcher's policy is not get on your bike but get on your knees. nature 'oppositional', not hegemonic, it is therefore incapable of setting the terrain of debate inside either society or the party:
cal ills itself an 'antiKinnock left' and tries to
itself Consulule 'ultra-radical' left consCICHICC ot forces engaged in class struggle.
The chief tative of this ultra-left cur rent has today crystallised as Labour Briefing. This is now planning to launch a national newspaper.
Political
Briefing represents definite, legitimate, minority point of view. Briefing should be incorporated as a definite viewpoint in the organisations of the Labour left.
What has brought Labour Left Coordination to a crisis however is the attempt by Briefing to impose its views undemocratic organisationa means rejecting majorities that exist on the
Labour Left Coordination is composea ol two types of organisation. he first are those formed
the most
We have to show that we can fight back now.
'Greenham women have taught us that we don't have to ask for permission defend our rights. The miners strike saw a decisive role by the women's support groups.' He said that the miners strike had also shown how to involve black people and youth. It had showr that-struggle is truly international with the worldwide support it had pulled in.
Benn stated that 'Coalition politics won't solve a single problem tacing working people because full employment can't be achieved through coalition. This goal must mean
On these, therefore,
have developed.
the
black the
tee, the
the Labour on
others. have
and case thousands. They are
organisaon on LUIs which they are constituted. Defence
tion which 'form
within flows
be based their autonomy.
This within une
This requires has
SCOTTISH
FOR A SATER
AND
PEACE
taking on the banks, the IMF, and the Treaty of Rome.'
The meeting began with Bob Young a sacked miner from comne colliery being invited on to the platform where he call. ed for justice for 'sacked Hullis Gavin speaking as a member of CLPD, spoke of the need for accountability of the parliamentary party, and the party in government, to members of the party. Strang said that a more necised in the ershour pars decisive leadership
during theminers strike.
concentice nonsense any idea that all Militant supporters in thoroughly
which the independence and
of the calli nd ake
Ents. in-
all major The main ion and cam-
WAC. section and be the leadership and core of the LLC. Problems
This is the direction nw being urged on the LLC by a number of its atfiliates. It reflected in me proposals lor restruc turing the LLC which the Campaign Labour Party Democracy presented to the last LL
meeting. •Spese propose
respect the autonomy campaigns, and establishing functioning only by agree ment, were supported by other organisations.
The alternative course to unis is aerenaca essen tially by the supporters of London Labour Briefing
Socialist Action 12 March 1986
HAS SANDO
AREA
INDUSTRY
SOCIALIST
the party could be : expelled. He asked 'Did the leadership really think that
Militant are expelled Fleet Street would start to call for vote for Labour?'
Cheryl Varley, one of the Liverpool eat oy members under threat expulsion was invited to address the meeting, , and won resounding applause when she condemned the Labour Party leadership for backing the courts and not those fighting for better conditions for working class people
Ann Henderson, executive member of the Women's Action Commitwithin the LLC. This view sees the LLC as somehow standing above the autonomous campaigns and taking majority votes. Briefing's views were very much a minority in terms
real forces represented. Decisive
However the present structure of the LLC is be Ing austu lo prevell Wa real relation of forces, and the right way forward for the LLC expressing itself.
The present structure of LLC is based on one vote for each organisation
newspaper within it. This that organisation or newspaper supported by 10 people, for example, has the same vote as CLPD WAC 01
DaCK section, who represent thousands of people
Votes were pushed through the LLC meetings where a number of small groups band together outvote forces with infinitely more weight in the world outside the LLC's meetings. Briefing takes two out of the four places on the LLC steering group
5 tee, spoke of the need for the right for women to decide themselves which policies they put before the
Labour Party. She wor
oud applaus when she called for support for th shadow elections conducted by WAC the five women's places on the NEC.
Bric Clarke, secretary of the Scottish NUM, urged everyone to get out and talk fundamental policy, to tell people that there is a real alternative
Although the con ference was a shift to the right the attendance at the tringe meeting was a majo success for the left in the party in Scotland
he haask studies ACd
the black section, other forces with weight on the socialist left such as Socialist Action.
Its next meeting will decide the direction and future of the LLC The LLC now has the possibili-
of fulfilling a useful function In coordinating and initiating united ac tion by quite sustaina forces on the left wing ci L Labour ally. individual issues like sup port for the black section support for WAC's cam-
Jala the Labour
Women' Conference ic elect the women's section of the NEC. building on the opposition witch hunts, and other issues the LLC can help reach out to much wider sections of the labour movement.
But to achieve this re quires restructuring and
democratising the LLC on three clear bases. Firstly functioning by agreement and therefore respect for the autonomy of the campaigns. Secondly the LLC
and its stee on amb
based most authoritative issues and campaigns in the LLC.
Thirdly an inclusive and not exclusionary method of functioning.
Page 6 scan of this page
PHILIPPINES: Histor
Socialist Action 12 March 1986
struggle.
THE Spanish ruled the Philippines for three centuries up until 1898. During that time there were more than 200 recorded against the occupying When, in 1896, revolution against Spanish rule broke out one of the main leaders of the rebellion was Anares Bonifacio - who established an organisation, the Katipunan, with a large base among the Philippines workers and peasants.
The 1896 revolution would have resulted in Philippine independence but for the intervention of U.S. troops, supposedly coming to aid the Filipino insurgents.
Under the treaty ending the Spanish
War, Spain Philippines to the United States. When Filipino insurgents discovered that they had a new colonial ruler, they almost immediately resumed EneiT struggle against the U.S. colonisers.
Armed resistance to U.S. rule lasted from 1899 to 1913. U.S. troops killed hundreds of thousands of Filipinos before resistance to U.S. rule was finally crushed.
The backbone of the resistance was
TIE FREDIVER! IN THE ELECTION
LUS.
VUILES Marcos and the rigged election results
THE OVERTHROW of Marcos, the large scale guerrilla war waged by the New People's Army, has focused world wide attention on the Philippines. But these events. are only the latest in a long history of struggle. The Philippines were ruled by Spain until 1898 and then, robbed of their independence, by the US until the end of World War II. But the Filipino people never ceased to resist foreign rule and those who collaborated with it. In
that struggle it progressively built powerful organisations
and parties of the working class and peasants. WILL REISSNER looks at the Philippines long history of
made up Most OT the families uprisings
the colonial authorities and prison in Barcelona
and socialist ideas.
Reyes also brought back a
work organizing Workers Union, labour federation. ceded the movement strongly
armed
Key chants at this
the eight - hour working day!'
HELD ON
PRESIDENT
HE MARCOSAOUNO CANCY PADELA TEETH LANEL KALWA
of peasants and workers. tion, wealtny in the Philippines quickly made their peace with the new colonial
The first socialist literature made its way to the Philippines in 1901, carried in the luggage of Isabelo de los Reyes, a Workers. participant in the revolt against Spanish rule. De los Reyes had been arrested by
sent to Spain. wine un prison he was introduced to anarchist
Upon his return from exile, de los
printing press, which proved invaluable in his
the Democratic the colony's first
From the beginning, the new labour pagating
supported dependence for the Philippines. On 1 May, 1903, some 100,000 workers from Party, Manila and its suburbs demonstrated in front of the colonial administration.
first May Day demonstration in the Philippines were 'Down with American Imperialism!' 'We want freedom!' and 'We demand
Through the arrest and conviction
THEOIULAT FEB. 7, 1986 Canton, VKE• PRESIDEN
pines.
of its leader on charges of sedition and illegal association, the U.S. colonial authorities were able to destroy this first union federation.
In 1906 Crisanto Evangelista, who played a dominant role in the workers' movement until his execution by the Japanese in 1944, organised the Philippine Union of Printers (UIF), which adopted the slogan 'the emancipation of the workers must be achieved by the workers themselves.
The UIF played a key role in the formation of the Philippine Workers Congress (COF) on Mav Day 1913. Evangelista was director of COF from its formation, and became the federation's national secretary in 1924.
The first major peasant organisa-
Philippine Union Sharecroppers was established in 1919, and three years later it expanded its scope and changed its name to the Philippine Confederation Sharecroppers and Agricultural
As the leader of the Philippine Workers Congress, Evangelista named labour representative in the first Philippine Independence Mission sent to the United States in 1919 to try to negotiate an end to U.S. colonial rule.
While in the United Evangelista met with U.S unionists and revolutionary socialists. He returned to the Philippines a committed Marxist
Back home, Evangelista began pro-
Marxist ideas within labour movement. In 1924 he was instrumental in forming the Workers
the first working-class political organisation in the colony.
That same year, Filipino union leaders first came in contact with the Communist International. A leader of the U.S. Communist Party traveled to the Philippines to interest labour leaders in attending a conference in
China, organized by the Pan Pacific Trade Union Secretariat of the Communist International (Comintern).
Five delegates from the Philippines attended the Canton conference. they met Ibrahim Datuk Tan Malaka, an Indonesian Communist leader who had been exiled from his homeland by the Dutch colonialists ruling that coun try, and invited him to visit the Philip-
Tan Malaka, the chief Comintern representative for Southeast Asis. rived in the Philippines in July 1925, and used it as his base of operations until 1927, when he was expelled from the
colony following a sensational Hea case.
In the Philippines, Tan developed close ties with Evangelista and other trade union leaders. months before Tan Malaka's expulsion from the Philippines, the Philippine Workers Congress affiliated to Comintern's pan Pacific Trade Union Secretariat.
Contacts with U.S. Communist Party leaders continued, and in March 1928 Evangelista and two other union leaders travelled to Moscow to attend a conference of the Red International of Labour Unions (Profintern).
Soon after Evangelista's return to the Philippines, the first group Filipino workers left for Moscow to study at the University of Toilers of the East, which had been established by the Communist International to provide Asian workers with a grounding i
Marxist philosophy. In all, five group of Filipinos attended the school between 1928 and 1935.
In 1929 a split took place in the Philippine Workers'. Congress, pitting supporters of class collaboration and cooperation with U.S. authorities against advocates of class struggle and Filipino independence. Evangelista led the second which set up a new labour federation, the Association of the Sons of Sweat (KAP). The provisional conference of
of
was
States, trade
the
Aquino supporters celebrate victory the KAP, held on 12 May 1929 was attended by representatives of 27 unions with a total membership of 80,000.
That new . There Party of the Philippines
established on 26 August 1930, the anniversary of Andres Bonifacio's call for independence from representative: of peasants' organisations took part in the tounding of the new party.
al -
The founding of the PKP came at ine start or ine worlawide capitals depression of the 1930s. In the Philippines, 1930 was marked by continous working-class and peasant revolts and Malaka strikes.
Two months after the PKP's founTwo
ding, a peasant uprising broke out in Tayug, as poor peasants struck out against oppression moneylenders, and land-grabbers.
The new party opened a nationa headquarters in Manila and began publishing its official organ, (Spark).
From the start, the repression from the authorities. On 14 September 1931, a Manila court declared the PKP and the KAP labour federation illegal. Twenty leaders of • the Evangelista, were sentenced to eight years' banishment in the provinces Most of them were not released until 31 December 1936, and received full pardons only two years after that.
the PKP and the KAP union federation underground, the destitution caused by the depression Filipinos to revolt. organisation called the Sakdal Party During the early 1930s a bryan to gain Sakdenstain the cined tryside. Sakdalistas colonial vague ideas of socialism with fascist no-
tions and pro-Japanese sentiments. But their main appeal to the peasantry group, flowed from their two basic demands:
immediate independence for the Philippines and an end to landlordism.
In 1935, the Sakdalistas mobilised
Ene party, the Communist
(PKP), was uprising
Peasant Spain Sixty workers' and Party enemy
'popular front'
from the U.S.
DV landlords,
munist Party Titis
PKP faced U.S. colonia November,
PKP, including
Although the U.S repression forced
continued to drive
A
combined
pledged the
65,000 peasants to surround Manil and fought three battles with troops o
Philippine Constabulary Wher this did not spark the hosed-forgenera
against Sakdalista movement collapsed.
struggles however …Con tinued, as did rural organising by the underground PKP and the Socialis
founded in 1932 under th leadership of Pedro Abad Santos.
By 1935 the Communist Interna tional, dominated by the bureaucrac in the Soviet Union, had abandoner the ultraleft policy it adopted in 1928 o viewing Social Democrats as the mair
(describing them 'socia fascists'). Instead it began advocating:
with Socialist partie and bourgeois figures against fascism
Under urging from representative
. Communist Party, thi 'popular front' policy actually led t the merger of the PKP and the Socialis Party of Abad Santos in October 1938
The new party, called the Com
of the Philippine (Merger of Communist and Socialis Parties)' was officially proclaimed on
ional chairman, Abad Santos as vi chairman, and Guillermo Capadocia a general secretary
All three remained in the leadershi of the new organisation until tł Japanese invasion of the Philippine during World War II
With the June 1941 Nazi invasion o the Soviet Union, the PKP began cal ing for cooperation with U.S. colonia authorities against the German-Italian Japanese alliance.
12-point memorandum reistance to Japan submitted by th PKP to U.S. High Commissioner Fran cis Sayre in early December 1941 calle for a common resistance struggle an
loyalty tot government of the Philippines and th United States.' This meant abandonin the struggle for independence.
When Japanese troops entere Manila on 2. January 1942, the tc
Page 7 scan of this page
y of struggle
WE
ON
CHRY leaders of the PKP remained in the city to organize resistance. But barely three weeks later, the Japanese secret police captured the entire first-line leadership of the party.
The arrest of Evangelista, Abad Santos, and Canadocia was a severe blow to the PKP. Evangelista was executed by the Japanese, and Abad Santos died in 1944 from the effects of his imprisonment.
A second-line leadership, headed by Dr. Vivente Lava, took over the reins of the PKP. Vivente was the first of three Lava brothers to lead the party.
Because the PKP had already expenencea a accade or unaerground and semi-underground existence by 1942, it was well-placed to lead the resistance to Javanese occupauor
On 29 March 1942, the People's Army Against Japan, usually called the Huks, was organised under the leadership of the PKP.
In keeping, with its orientation toward an anti-Japanese alliance encompassing all classes, and its desire for a wartime alliance with the U.S. imslogans Anti-Japanese above all the PKP put forward slogan dissolved the mass peasant unions under its control in order to avoid
the Filipino landowners.
The bulk of the Filipino landowners, however, actively cooperated with the Japanese occupation, had with the Spanish colonialists and the U.S. imperialists before.
Because of landlord collaboration with the Japanese, a form of class struggle continued to take place in Huk-controlled areas of the countryside - peasants refused to pay rents to landlords who collaborated with the Japanese authorities.
The Huks also tried to cooperate with the guerrilla organisations set up by U.S. officers who had been left behind in the Philippines to organise resistance to the Japanese. But in many
instances these U.S.-organised forces carried out military attacks against the Huks.
Despite the U.S. hostility, the PKP and the Huks grew rapidly in size and influence during the Japanese occupa-
For the first year of the struggle against the Japanese, the Huks waged a policy of continuous attacks. In March 1943, however, a sustained military drive against Huk strongholds central largest island in the Philippines.
The Huk leadership responded by breaking into small units and trying to slip through the Japanese encirclement. This policy, called retreat for defense,' was a disaster and led to the capture of many Huk troops and cadres.
In 1944, a PKP Central Committee meeting sharply criticized the retreat for defense policy Vicente Lava from the leadership. His place was taken by leader of the tobacco workers' union.
During the war the Huks fought 1,200 engagements with Japanese and Filipino puppet troops 25,000 casualties. had grown to 50,000 reservists.
The PKP leadership's policy of collaboration with U.S. forces against the Japanese occupation however had not prepared the ranks of the Huk guerrilla as they movement for the hostility with which they were treated by the returning U.S. military
William Pomeroy, an with long ties to the PKP quently took part in the Huk postwar uprising. points out that as soon as U.S. armed forces had begun the reconquest of Luzon, in early 1945, they ar rested, on orders of General MacArthur, many top PKP and Huk leaders. sought to disarm Huk units, engineered the massacre of others, ousted provisional governments set up by the move. ment, and *began organised masses.
This U.S. assault disoriented the
Huks. As Huk leader Luis Taruc noted in his 1953 autobiography Born of the People, nothing but praise for the Americans, and had done everything possible to bring about a pro-American feeling... had always Americans as our allies and had sincerely believed that under the leadership of Roosevelt the American nation would help usher in a new era of world peace and democracy.' in prison, Taruc concluded that the biggest shortcoming 'had been our failure to emphasize and to clarify the true meaning of imperialism to the people.
We had neglected to point out that imperialism Was the Japanese, American, British or Dutch.
In so doing we had narrowed down and weakened the basic issue of World War
wartime Huk strongholds the peasant masses looked to the returning U.S. Army as liberators and were unprepared for the repression that soon followed.
from World War II with greater influence than when they entered it. 1945 the PKP organized a powerful National Peasants Union as well as a congress of Labour Organisations, controlled the unions in most of the industries in Manila.
Democratic Alliance elected six congressmen from Luzon to the first post-independence legislature.
The Democratice didates, however, were not allowed to take their seats. They were excluded in order to insure passage by the Philippine Congress ment to the which gave U.S. citizens identical rights with Philippine citizens in all spheres of the country's economic life. the Japanese launched Luzon, the
Reagan and removed
addition Democratic Alliance of its seats in conrearo castro, a gress,
strongholds of central Luzon. During and inflicted the war, many of the landlords had fled to Manila and collaborated with the By 1945 the Huks 20,000 regulars and Japanese occupation. Now they wanted
their land Dack mined to roll back reforms limiting rents
PKP favoured focusing on legal and parliamentary struggle. many Huk veterans had already taken up arms to defend themselves from the army and landlords.
Political Bureau,
American removed from the leadership. who subse- Lava, who favoured more emphasis on
armed struggle, soon became de facto head of the party. ed struggle should be the central focus, and the old Huk forces were reorganized into the National Liberation Army (HMB).
early sucesses against the undisciplined terrorising the and demoralized troops, who were no
match for the Huk veterans.
'throughout the war we had August,
referred the
guerrilla struggle.
Jose Lava Recalling reassesments made later recruitment
would same whether fighters to 172,000.
Because of this policy, even in the
when raids
Political truckloads
The PKP and the Huks emerged
In
of military which designed
By 1954, In April 1946, the PKP-controlled
Alliance can-
of the Parity AmendPhilippine Constitution, parliamentary struggle.
gle, however,
contained
return to civilian life'
Jesus Lava.
to robbing the
the new Filipino government launched an offensive against the Huk
WCIC deterHuk agrarian
The Pedro Castro leadership of the
But by 1946
At a 1947 meeting of the PKP
Pedro Castro was Jose
In 1948, the PKP decided that arm-
The HMB guerrillas scored many
In January 1950, the PKP leader-
ship announced that the next two years 'would be decisive for the preparations for the seizure of power' On 29 March of the year - the eighth anniversary of the founding of the Huks - the HMB launched simultaneous attacks on 15 points in the island of Luzon. On 26
the 54th anniversary of the start of the war for independence was nam. marked by attacks on 11 towns.
With this new orientation, the PKP virtually abandoned all legal work and pulled its cadres out of the mass organizations in order to bolster the
called for a massive drive to the PKP and HMB. Through 'geometric expansion' the PKP was predicted to grow from 3,500 members in July 1950 to 50,000 members by September 1951, while the
expand from 10,800
The PKP's plans, however suffered a grievous setback on 18 October 1950,
22 places in Manila resulted in the capture of the entire
Bureau as well as five ferent. of documents outlining plans for the military campaigns.
The capture of the Political Bureau, together with expanded US participation in the anti-Huk struggle, reversed the tide of the fighting. A combination
and political campaigns by une Edward Lansdale, who later tried to duplicate his success in South Vietnam, dealt the HMB and PKP severe blows.
the counterinsurgency palace. campaign had broken the back of the HMB struggle although a few units would hold until 1968 when they formed the nucleus of the CPP's New People's Army (NPA).
Dr. Jesus Lava, who had replaced his brother Jose as leader of the PKP socially after Jose's arrest in the Manila raids, called for a shift from armed struggle to
That shift to parliamentary strug-
was cut short by the outlawing of the PKP in 1957. The lav
La one-month grace period during which PKP and HMB members could register and avoid prosecution.
Jesus Lava urged party members to take advantage of the grace period to
palace.
Lava also disbanded the PKP's cell structure, a move that led the CPP a decade later to charge that the PKP had in effect been liquidated in 1957.
With the party structure disbanded, all individual members were urged to act on their own initiative on the basis of 'political transmissions' issued by
These "transmissions' were passed along from individual party member to party member under what was described as a new 'single file policy."
Jesus Lava himself was captured by the authorities in 1964. He remained in prison for more man a decdue
While the PKP had largely drifted into inactivity following 1957, a new Philippine army units rally to Enrile
Socialist Action 12 March 1986 generation of activists came to the fore in the early 1960s, mainly around the University of the Philippines in Manila. They were inspired by international events such as the Chinese and Cuban revolutions, the rise of the Sukarno government in Indonesia, and the growing revolutionary struggle in Viet-
Some joined the PKP. One of them, Jose Maria Sison, an English literature instructor at the University of the Philippines, was commissioned by the PKP to write a history of the party and guide for future activity.
Sison's draft sharply criticized Vicente Lava for the wartime strategy of 'retreat for defence, Jose Lava for the 1950 strategy, and Jesus Lava for his single- 'early seizure
file' policy and liquidation of party cell structures
Sison's criticisms of 'the Lava clique' led to his expulsion from the PKP in April 1967 and the subsequent formation of the CPP by those who agreed WILE HIS CERCISES
When Ferdinand Marcos imposed martial law in 1972, the reactions of the PKP and CPP were fundamentally dif-
Two months after martial law was imposed, Jesus Lava, at that time still in prison, issued a 'political transmission' indicating that on balance martial law was not so bad because its main targets were Maoists and CIA-linked politicians like Benigno Aquino
The PKP took a further step toward making peace with Marcos in October 1974, when members of its Political Bureau met with him at the presidential
Felicisimo Macapagal, the PKP general secretary, told the Philippine dictator: Your excellency, you have called for national unity and we are here today in response to your call. We do so with an offer of patriotic and
conscious participation nation-building which has long been denied us.'
The PKP Political Bureau members symbolically turned over 19 weapons to Marcos to mark their commitment not to take up armed struggle.Since tha time, PKP leaders continued to be in vited to affairs at the presidential
The CPP's reaction to martial law was very different. CP activists from the Manila student network took to the mountains to join the small group of NA members already waging armed
The addition of these cadres enabled the CPP and NPA to build bases in a number of regions.
In fact, as the Far Eastern Economic Review noted on 21 Nov. 1985, 'they have succeeded in forging a nationwide cell structure, something no previous revolt had been able to accomplish.'
Although number of central leaders of the CPP, including Sison, were captured in 1976 and 1977, this loss did not stem the growth of the CPP-led insurgency.Today, the CPP's struggle is the most advanced guerrilla war in the whole of Asia.
Page 8 scan of this page
Soviet economic
8
LAST WEEK'S Soviet munist Party congress dominated by debate USSR's economy. Major changes were announced for agriculture. In other countries with nationalised economies, China, there have been moves in recent years in favour of introducing greater use of market mechanisms. A general awareness of the problems of the super centralised economy is JOHN ROSS looks background to economic reforms — and to Marxism's attitude to markets and planning.
The economic crisis confronting the USSR today is undoubtedly the most serious, outside war, For the first time since 1917 the USSR is actually falling behind the States in terms of the relative growth of the size of their economies.
According to US estimates, which are not unreliable, the Soviet economy progressively narrowed the gap in proauction DelweeT itselt economy up until 1975. Soviet production of all types by that year reached 58 per cent of the size of the US economy. By 1983 it had declined to 56 per cent. Today it is probably less than 54 per cent.
On the measure of net material product, which is roughly equivalent to the economy minus the service sector, the USSR has stagnated at 67 per cent the size of the US economy since 1975.
Even given that• the figures for the US economy contain a lot of and fictitious aggerates the differences, the overall picture is clear. After five decades in which the Soviet economy progressively overtook its capitalist relative stagnation has USSR is no longer gaining in terms of economic size on the largest capitalist power.
But if there is a relative stagnation of the Soviet economy necessary to be clear as to the nature of this slowdown and crisis.
The USSR does not suffer from nor since the 1920s has it ever suffered from a crisis of classic capitalist overproduction, It does from slumps caused by the decline in the rate of profit which affect western capitalism. There is no mass unemployment in the Soviet Union, no business cycles. All those who make analogies between the USSR and economy totally misunderstand nature — as well as the way out of its problems.
A move made by the Soviet Union in the direction of market mechanisms, of the type discussed to some limited degree at the Soviet does not mean the USSR is moving cowards capitalism. This is important because there was a great deal of loose alk appeared in western around a year ago about how China
moving peacefully capitalism by teng marke mechanisms into its economy. Trotsky: fought for workers' democracy
But the relations between Chinese state and any capitalist forces within it were already outlined by Mao Tse-tung in June 1949 in an essay On ite People's Democratic Dictatorship He wrote: "The people have a powerful state apparatus in their hands -is no need to fear rebellion by the nasonal bourgeoisie.
The scare apparatus of China
Socialist Action 12 March 1986
Comwas the
Soviet
notably sharp
developing.
at the Gorbacher's
since the 1920s.
United
and the us
double
which
C.-
rival set in. The
is also defends the nationalised China ly in thé USSR
suffer It suppresses
East europear
a capitalist
its troduced into the peacefully
party congress,
towards less
Soviet economy,
the first Five Year Plan ultra-centralized, and
time.
agriculture and
centralized down to the lowest level, troduction of Stalin.
the
situation.
Manifesto that: there degrees, all bourgeoisie.
established by the revolution of 1949
property in not private capitalism. Equal- class, the entire state apparatus of the Soviet Union defends the nationalised property of that economy.
Many malor capitalist class from developing. The small traders and small capitalists which exist in some
dominate large scale nationalised production defended by the state, nor do they possess political power. There are no 'market' reforms which can be rein-
USSR which will LIUM papers and a capitalist ruling clare gradually restore
What exists in the USSR is an economic crisis of a different type to that of capitalism, and one that requires quite ditterent solutions. It is a. crisis of an economic system that is firstly totally bureaucratised and, linked to that, far too rigid and centralised. The USSR would benefit from moving
centralised and planned economy. In order to understand that it is worth placing the development of the
Gorbacher's reforms, in an historical context.
The model which the majority of the left in Britain has always had of a planned economy is that of Stalin during
La massive, completely super planned economy. The strong critiques made by Trotsky of the Five Year Plan at the
catastroomic consequences. still visible fifty years later, on Soviet
development are
But in reality this model of an ultra-
nationalised acleve was an inhimself always stressed that the almost complete nationalisation and centralisation of the Soviet economy which occurred during lines 1918, almost immediately after the October revolution in Russia, had been damaging and had been forced on the Bolsheviks by the political needs of the
Marx had written in the Communist
'The proletariat use its political supremacy to wrest, by
capital from the In Russia itself the Bolsheviks had put forward just such a of
XXVII programme - proposing the establishment of the state power of the working
the "dictatorship of the lelarial wich wowa imitaly nol dave nationalised but controlled regulated the capitalist economy. Outbreak
But because of the political situation in Russia, the outbreak of civil war early in 1918, the dictatorship of the proletariat had not been able to pass through a phase of regulation and con-
the capitalists in Russia.
Bolsheviks for political/military reasons had been forced to go on to nationalise and centralise virtually the en-
econolly a move which was politically necessary in the situation but extremely damaging economically.
Lenin wrote in October 1921, in his report The New Economic Policy, that: 'At the beginning of 1918 we expected a period in which peaceful construction would be possible. But we were mistaken, because in 1918 a military danger overtook us in the shape of the Czechoslovak mutiny and the outbreak of civil war, which dragged on until 1920. 'Partly owing to the war problems that overwhelmed us and partly owing to the desperate position in which the Republic found itself when the imperialist war ended - owing to these circumstances, and a number
made mistake deciding to go over directly to communist production and distribution.
'We thought that under the surplusfood appropriation system the peasants would provide us with the required quantity of grain, which distribute among the factories and thus
Cut us OTOCUCCON distrubution.
'I cannot say that we pictured this plan as definitely and as clearly as that; but we acted approximately on those
That, unfortunately, is a fact.
I say unfortunately, because brief experience convinced us that that line was wrong, that it ran counter to what we had previously written about the transition from capitalism to socialism, namely, that it would be impossible to bypass the period of socialist accoun ting and control in approaching even the lower stage of communism.
'Ever since 1917, when the problem
taking power arose and
KICC
I reforms
Bolsheviks explained it to the whole people, pro- been definitely stressing the necessity
and through socialist accounting and con-
trol from capitalist society (and the less developed it is the longer the transition will take) to even one of the approaches to communist society.'
The extremley tions and centralisation after 1918 by Lenin put it, to 'a very severe defeat on The the economic front.' Starting in 1921,
with the New Economic Policy (NEP), the Bolsheviks moved back drastically in favour of market mechanisms in the economy, allowed small scale capitalist enterprise to restart, and started making economic concessions to foreign capitalists.
similar steps today, were hailed by those outside Russia as marking a shift of the USSR reality the NEP was a necessary shift on real
economic field framework of the USSR remaining a state which prevented any systematic development of capitalism in the country.
Destroy As Lenin wrote: "The capitalist class
of had adopted the tactics (in 1918) of for-
Icing us into a desperate and relentless class struggle, and that compelled us to destroy the old relations to a far larger extent than we had a first intended. Instead Lenin argued that it had been correct that 'the state power — the could proletariat - made an attempt to pass
as gradually as possible, breaking up as little of the old as possible, to the new social relations while adapting itself, as much as possible, one might say, to the conditions then prevailing.'
The extreme centralist command economv which was introduced in 1918 by the Bolsheviks because of the civil war, and was reimposed by Stalin in 1929 for his own bureaucratic purposes, does not provide a model which socialists aré aiming at or should take as their own. Other countries in which capitalist political power has been overthrown, as in Nicaragua, tunately been able to avoid so far the extreme measures which the Bolsheviks the were forced to take — not to mention
our theoretical literature has
market transitior
different type which exists.
rapid nationalisa- security system. undertaken Society the Bolsheviks led, as These measures at the time, as with
bureaucracy. back to capitalism. In opposed within the
contemplate Thatcher -
Crisis. have for-
In Depth
Stalin's 'unique' contribution.
Naturally reintroduction of greatel
mechanisms into the USSR would have some undesirable concequences. It would produce at least frictional unemployment and increase a
of inequality to that All these would require radical overhaul of the Soviet socia
But without some loosening of the ultra-centralised economy the USSR cannot resume its major economic ad-
Such a loosening of the super centralised economy would, incidentally and most importantly, also lead to greater areas of ubertv in the sovie Union and create better conditions for the political revival of the working class and weakening of the position of the
It is precisely because he is totally to any weakening of the bureaucracy that Gobachev is attemp ting so far to keep the reforms limited The problem for Gorbachev is that the change that is really necessary to revive the Soviet economy is the one he cannot
the removal of the bureaucracy whose spokesperson he is
Privileges
It is a fitting irony, and a comment on the nature of the two social systems, the types of changes which capitalism and the USSR require today to overcome their respective economic crisis. The only way out for capitalism is sup.
tatorship, radical inequality and all the measures made familiar by Reagan and
not to mention the new dictators and Hitlers that lie further down the road, and which capitalism used in the 1930s to get out of its last
The measures which the USSR needs to get out of its crisis are greater relaxation, greater liberty, and greater initiative of the working class.
Those two ways out of the crisi contirm once again thats tor all th disparities in their scales of develop ment, the USSR, on a historic scale, is the bearer of a far superior social system to anything that exists
Page 9 scan of this page
L'etat, c'est Mitterrand
International
French elections:
Socialist government. The Socialists' hope to keep 30 per cent and remain the largest party. The Com-
even certain they will defeat Le Pen's fascist National Front party.
The Gaullist RPR and the Giscardian UDF, the two party groupings of the right, stana poised to win a combined majority.
These bare facts, however, only tell half the story. The election campaign's closing months lave been dominated, not by the crisis of the left -but by that of the right.
The dilemma racking the right does not concern policies. The RPR and the JDF have produced their
DIO gramme" widely termed
néolibéralisme musclé' best translated as 'heavy Thatcherism'. They want to privatise the banks, insurance, television and the major industrial-groups.
THE NATO referendum set for March 12 is shaking Spanish society. For the first time since the decline in working-class struggles in the late '70s, the left can scent a possible victory, and that does wonders for energy and morale. At the major demonstration of half a million people in Madrid on 23 February we saw drummers, whistles, disguises, chants and giant papier-mache statues of Reagan and Felipe zalez (dressed as Reagan's bride) gave a sense of joy and power to the march.
The PSOE Government however has great resources in its control of the media and of the
itself. The trick question on the ballot-paper asks people to approve the Atlantic Alliance (not NATO) in the national interest.
Above the question are printed the Government's three main arguments.
The opposition
Binati party AP(Popular Action), led by Manuel Fraga, ex-minister of France and guest of Thatcher al last year's Tory Party conference,
Leaders of the RPR and the UDE, the two right wing blocs On 16 March France goes to the polls. Short of a political earthquake, it will unseat the incumbent
munists are struggling to reach 10 per cent. It is not
They want to scrap wealth tax and impose an income tax ceiling of 60 percent. They want remove by Alan Freeman
much of the legal protec. tion now available curtail French workers; trade union strengthen the police and security forces and beef up French colonialism North Africa New
Caledonia and the Carib. bean.
inel problem is, bluntly, that they will have
Under the constitution established after De Gaulle's coup d'etat of 1958 which ushered in the so-called 'Fifth Republic',
Gon-
against the referendum on the grounds that no condihons al all should de but
by Mike Eaude from Barcelona on Spain's NATO commitment. To the dismay of
AP is NAlU powers calling for abstention in une reterendum
The British Labour Party Peresting role an the cam- has
in the campaign. Kinnock came to Madrid in January and insisted was perfectly
ossible to remain in
NATO and the missiles — which would be
ence together in 1982. the president has sweeping powers and is elected every seven years, unlike the assemble which is elected
five years. Mitter-
and does not come up fo reelection until 1988.
Traditional left policy has Deen against the president's arbitrary •owess. they incorporato the strong, centralised state which De Gaulle im. posed. In a sharp policy reversal - not his tirsi Mitterrand has followed in De Gaulle's footsteps by raising the office of president above the parliament. He had threatened the right-wing with political chaos unless they agree to
form coalitionism which has become known as "cohabitation':
right-dominated parliament and a Socialist president.
This has split the right. Chirac of the ex-Gaullist
NATO referendum has Gonzales on the run
the programme Government. Tony Benn was campaign against NATO in February to explain it was illogical pretend that you could be non-nuclear power in a nuclear alliance. E.P Thompson spoke from the platform
February demonstration on behalf of END and CND, and stressed the international importance of an anti-NATO victory in Spain.
Despite the strength of the anti-war movements in Germany, Holland and Britain, they have not succeeded in preventing the
missiles; victory in Spain would mark poll against the arms
heavy defeat for Reagan, Kohl and Thatcher, and a boost for the anti-war movement.
Within Spanish state, the left and mass
RPR wants cohabitation; Barre of the UDF against Mitterrand
wants play their rivalry ruthlessly: both are potential prime ministers, and both are as pills presidents.
Mitterrand has further cleared a path for the Socialists to continue play-
dominant role by Thes: "Previously. the election rules. there was complicated two round system. This meant,
example, that the Communist Party could put candidates up in the first round of voting
call VULC the socialists. Bar
Mitterrand has introduced proportional representation with a 'bar' preventing small parties getting in. This helps marginalise Ine Communist Party. In theory it likewise limits the fascists, they will become the kite means flyers for policies the other right wing parties cannot 'respectably' endorse
It also makes it far harder for alternative parties, like for example the German Greens, to arrive on the scene. It puts sever
the far left, such as the Revolutionary Communist League, who have been trying to bring together a lett alternative to Mitterrand.
Bargain
The bargain Mitterrand offers the right is to accept their economic policies in return for protecting what he calls the 'social gains' of the Socialists. These include cheap abortion, a 39-hour week (the first step 35-hour week!), the aboliton of the death penalty and the 'anti-hooligan law directed against the right to demonstrate.
This demands few Solutes the right. Mitterrand has already helped dismantle many of these social gains in prac tice. He has introduced 'flexible hours' which
movement have been able
reorganise in the anti-NATO campaign after the bitter defeats of the late
70s. Winning this referendum will not stop there, but will open the possibiliNATO actually leaving
and give CON-
Mitterrand
wreck the 39-hour week,
mind the 35-hour week Measures called
'TUC' (collectively useful works) allow employers to
take on youth on a similar
menial jobs and minimal TaLe
He has 'stabilised' the French economy at expense of •2½ million unemployed and heavy cuts in social spending. He has caved in to the right's campaign against state education and in favour of increased independence
for private schools. He has imposed an absolute ban on immigration and has denied immigrant workers any extension of their rights, fuelling and legitimising a vicious and brutal rise in racism.
Military
Above all he has launched France into the front rank the world's military imperialist powers. France is now the third
powe world. It intervenes militarily the Pacitic (New Caledonia), in the Caribbean (the Antilles -still French colonies), and in North Africa, where it is Icaullig an increasingly allty counter-revolutionary war in Chad. It's rapidly becoming the focal point for the constitution of a unified, West European, interventionist military capacity. France blew up Greenpeace with casual disregard for law morality.
One might be forgiven for imagining that the spirit of Charles de Gaulle has departed the
of Colombey
es deux Eglises and once more stalks the world in Miterrand's French workers, tie dir- body.
ference increasingly hard to discern - which is why the left will suffer its defeat at the polls.
fidence to the fights
th20 pm
bases, cent unemployment, for
ildi tional autonomy, for land reform, for womens' rights, for a proper pensions and social security system.
action
towns. Key dates to watch: the
Saturday 19 April: Protest against the
Scotland: Paul Annegarn, 883 1477 South West: Bristol 40344
Wales: Hanif Bhamjee Cardiff 499769 Manchester: (061-)228 2028
Springwell, Gateshead
Mandela Street, London NW1 By Paul Atkin
nine national trade unions.
Youth nationally.
Contras is not a civil war but a form of
and bind the USA.
operation.
5.600 casualties last year alone
interseation will be direst ('5 militar. iraterest frosa Enropeze social dernocrac!. Compion Terrace, London NI.
Socialist Action 12 March 1986
Sanctions Now!
March month of
THROUGHOUT March into April the Anti Apartheid Movement is organising activities up and down the country. The highlight of the month is Saturday 22 March, with demonstrations, vigils, placard displays and other actions in many large
Friday 21 March: Remember Langa, Remember Sharpeville Anniversaries of the massacres in Saturday 22 March: FREE NAMIBIA! FREE SOUTH AFRICA! SANCTIONS NOW! Local marches and demonstrations throughout Britain. See below for regional and local contacts. Monday 14 — Sunday 20 April: Week of trade union action against apartheid Details from
Wednesday 16 April: Protest against the Springboks, Cardiff Demonstration against South African participation in IRFU centenary match Cardiff Arms Park, kick-off 5pm. Details from Hanif Bhamjee, Cardiff (0222) 499769.
Springboks, Twickenham Demonstration at IRFU centenary match. Details from Karen
For details of major regional activities contact:
South Yorks: Paul Blomfeld, Sheffield 862588
Teeside: Middlesborough 227160/785914 Tyneside: Allison Barrett, 4 Ashfield Terrace,
• The AAM has set up an emergency South African Miners' Strike Fund which has raised £6000 to date. Contributions to AAM at 13
Nicaragua solidarity
campaign AGM
OVER 100 people came to the AGM of the Nicaragua Solidarity Campaign at Lambeth Town Hall last weekend. This followed a year of dramatic growth with a sharp rise in affiliated local groups and the backing of
In the last two months an autonomous student group campaigning in support of Nicaragua has been set up with groups in 20 colleges already. They aim to commit the National Union of students to tour Sandinista
The meeting took place in the context of increasing US pressure on the Nicaraguan revolution. Patricio Cranshaw, first secretary al the Nicaraguan Embassy said the war with the
intervention by the USA. He agreed that there can be no peace agreement that does not include
Reagan wants $100 million of aid for the Contras which is vital for them to stay in
Last year they were driven out of Nicaragua's northern provinces with heavy losses. They had
If Reagan does not get his $100 million ratified br Congress, his only options for
• last fire rears
* DI
Bees to arenaise io racal offersie fros mas righti abases in The perpenie of this offensive t 10 intre Vicaraga fros the Contadora group zad
Page 10 scan of this page
10
Kiss of the
another view
ON 17 JANUARY, to begin our regular 'Reviews' feature, Kiss of the Spiderwoman by Harry Ring. This week PETER PURTON, a member of the Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Rights, gives an alternative interpretation of the film.
THE FILM Kiss of the Spider Woman nas been hailed as both a magnificent film and as a deep and serous study of human relations and of sexuality.
Its central theme the relationship which
Other Books
The Other Book's mail order service offers
a wide selection of socialist, anti-imperialist
and radical literature. The following
selection on and by women is available by
post:
Shifting Horizons: a testament to women in the
miners' strike
Lynn Beaton, Canary Press, 265pp, £5.65 + 40p
pap
Women Under Apartheid
International Defence and Aid Fund, 120pp
black and white photographs plus text, £3.50 +
46p p&p
For Their Triumphs and For Their Tears:
Women In Apartheid South Africa
Hilda Bernstein, 136pp, IDAF, £3.50 + 34p
pap
Part of My Soul
Winnie Mandela, Penguin, 164pp, £2.95 + 28p
pap
South Africa: The Struggle For A Birthright
Mary Benson, IDAF, 314pp, f4 + 59p p&p
Women and the Cuban Revolution
Edited by Elizabeth Stone, Pathfinder Press,
156pp, £3.95 + 28p p&p
Women and the Family
Leon Trotsky, Pathfinder Press, 78pp, £2.25 +
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The Origin of the Family, Private Property and
the State
Frederick Engels, introduction by Evelyn Reed,
Pathfinder Press,
Make cheques or postal orders payable to IMRS.
Orders with payment should be sent to: Other Books.
books ordered is over £10, then simply add 15 per cent
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These and other books, together with a wide selection
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nom birmingnants mer booksnod.
Sust ofr the main shopping centre) (Phone 021-643
A PiECE OF THE
Me and my fellow
counciliors - well, first
we refused to strike a
rate-despite court
onders and all that
garbage -
Socialist Action 12 March 1986
Reviews
Spiderwoman -
Socialist Action No 127 carried a review of
elops between Molina, an effeminate gay man, Valentin, a very definitely straight they share American prison cell.
The staging, the drama dev- and the acting (especially 190pp, £2.95 + 34p p&p We must have broken every law in the book-illegal picketing, intimidation, violence and threats of violencewe did the lot!
are superb. But politically, Spider Woman is tar trom
question the basis of bearded, silent, wedded to
Cause.
Jedi Lollule
of his comrades.
Lalle
Molina is the full gay stereotype. A former shop whom he can be a passive
silai cu
Valentin's cold exterior is
anent. ter to him; but his first girl friend stil matters more
judice, and he understands ASTION
key!!?
CA 1 reverse occurs, and Valen-
Lale
al.
happens to be from a comDecret. Molina falls in love with Course both because Hurt's per-
closer to the real thing,
blem is with the whole role that Molina has to play.
Ah-hah! Socialist)
we're going to lock yo up and throw away the
Socialist? I'm a loyalist!!
wnal une torturers cannol
falling in love he becomes USCCON
Valentin has indeed askec
DOUL helpless gay, having finally
from the police and sym
tin's current girl friend.
In the final sequence,
ul calls u.
on a little boat to row away. Molina, in abandoning for
Ouce Liberation
OCLWCCI pays
Hoerabon and
causes are not contradic-
endl Let's have more talks -he British. unn
IRELAND
UNFREE
Sinn Fein on the
Orange strike
Republican News/An Phoblacht, the
somewhat different light.
peaceful nationalist demonstrations.
turn to the RUC for protection -
of the Orange state.
behaviour during the loyalist strike,
allies in the UDR and RUC.
WE REPRODUCE, from the front page of
paper's comments on the role of the Royal Ülster Constabulary (RUC), which puts Thatcher's 'law and order' campaign in a
THE ROLE of the RUC in refusing to confront loyalist strikers, who erected roadblocks and open-
threatened tionalists going about their business during Monday's shut-down in the six counties, has confirmed what republicans have always known - that the RUC is an irreformable and unacceptable sec-
Recent SDLP moves towards recognition and support for the RUC, including the appointment of members to the RUC Authority, have come unstuck for the time being following the behaviour of RUC personnel who, at roadblocks and pickets throughout the six counties, adopted an openly co-
And in the exceptional cases where the RUC was forced into conflict with pickets, it showed a degree of reluctance and restraint which they have
showed by its actions and its attitude on Monday, March 3rd, that it is part and parcel of the loyalist state and that, like other loyalists, its support for British law and British order is conditional on that law and order being directed solely against the na-
indication, however, that this
the slightest difference to the Dublin government which regularly boasts that collaboration between the gardai and RUC is being increased substantially in the wake of the Hillsborough deal. Only a week earlier, when signing the European Conven-
the Coalition justice minister, Alan Dukes, encouraged Northern nationalists to join the RUC, saying that progress was being made in
cosmetic excercises in the past year, including the re-routing of the July 12th Orange parade in Por-
not hide for long the real sectarian face of the RUC, however, and it was hardly surprising that in Portadown and nearby Lurgan last Monday maskallowed to enforce their own version of law and
Alan Dukes, Garret FitzGerald, John Hume backwards for the past four months to 'reassure' unionists and to persuade nationalists that they should abandon their support for the IRA and
politicians were given their answer last Monday. By placating loyalism they have endangered entire nationalist communities and by soliciting support for the RUC, they have ignored the historical and contemporary role of that force as an integral part
While establishment politicians in the SDLP and Dublin try to minimise the significance of RUC
RTE, through blatant self-censorship and distortion, fails to inform people in 'single-channel land' about the full extent of the loyalist bullying tactics and the RUC's acquiesence in those tactics, Northern nationalists will continue to face the vitriolic sectarian hatred of Orange mobs and their armed
Page 11 scan of this page
News
LAST SATURDAY night at Wapping was special. Iwo to three thousand women gathered in solidarity with the print workers and in celebration of International Women's Day.
I spoke to worker, who said this was the biggest support she'd seen yet on a Saturday night. Of course women have been on the picket line — it was a miner's wife who saved Pat when she was running from the police the night they charged into the crowd on horseback. She told Pat to stay put and keep her head down: lessons learned on the miners picket lines.
By Jane Austin
The march from Tower Hill to Wapping was magnificent. There were women with banners and placards from all over the country. from Barking teacners, local governeal workers, all the print union banners, Labour Parties and LPYSs. There
for new struggles
ON THURSDAY 6 March, the National Union of Teachers executive agreed to join the talks at ACAS set up as a result of the sell-out '85 pay deal struck by the other teacher organisations. the NUT leadership is that it is vital for the NUT to be in on these discussions to make sure no deals are struck on conditions which would worsen the job of teaching.
The employers' attitude is clear however.
Following the agreement with the onel teacher organisations to use 'their best endeavours to achieve a return to 'normal duties' some local authorities are flexing their muscles and kincaleng to discipline teachers.
Unfold
The Labour-led Inner London Education Authority, for example, has already passed a motion through one of its subcommittees which would give it the power to deduct pay from striking teachers on the basis of the effect it would have. This would particularly hit the guerilla strike action organised by
SCIOUS on the basis of half a day a month which has resulted in some schools being closed for up to 2 weeks. This threat is coupled with an.
ILEA thai teacher is obliged under
classes of other absent
lous issue enter iz
toulous issue. After months of no-cover action the majority of teachers
Women march on Wapping
very
Pat, wife of a Sun machine shop was even a TGWU delegation of dockers from Merseyside at the picket. The mood was cheerful, with and chants against Murdoch from
side. As we approached Wapping, the route was lined with men supporting the Haleil. cheering us on our way.
Teachers must prepare
The excuse used by by Bernard Regan
are determined not to return to covering.
Teachers will be looking for the union to adopt
the kind of lead put forward by Socialist Teachers Alliance members in the
London Teachers Association (ILTA). They alc calling for a simple declaration that teachers will never cover again. Attack
However, even this will not be enough. 6 Teacher unions need to regain the initiative. Rather than get trapped into ACAS talks
be pushed to recommence
6,000 SACKED
NEWS
INTERNATIONA*
SUSAT
DISPU
SOGAT NGA ApacUNTE VI SPUIt
MURDOCHS
SACKINGS
This and solidarity women renewed given by the women in the mining ing their fight TOT WOTK The way women have continued to organise SHOWs and understanding.
The Barking women, though sacked, continue to support otner struggles. Jill from Barking told me how she startedup an anti apartheid group her arca
The platform at Wapping included Ann Lilburn from WAPC, who pledged
return the support that SOGAT showed during the miners strike. Sue Carlisle,
councillor from Tower Hamlets, condemned the strike action to win the £1700 flat rate increase for 1900 agreea in January
Two tasks face the ullull. , Ihe tirst is to spell out a programme of strike action, including putting back on the agenda teachers refusing to vigilate examinations. The other is to wage a campaign designed construct a series of alliances which are vital to teachers.
Despite the betrayal of the National Association
Schoolmasters/Union of Women Teachers, over 30 per cent members were opposed to their leadershib's line the deal and must be drawn into action A vital alliance is also that with
and the must develop, positive initiatives which will build an effective unity there.
Whilst teachers
England and Wales have been sold out, those Scotland have been granted independent review they nave fighting for over the last 18 months. •be seen whether it will deliver
goods. STA members south of the border believe that it will be another opportunity for the government and local authorities to derail teachers action.
It is crucial that the temporary lull in the strike action does not become a real brake on the fight. The stakes and
mounted swiftly.
in the Even the
of police harassment.
we heard speeches from two sacked women members of SOGAT, from the wife of sacked printer, and from striking Silentnight who told us: 'You're where it counts on the picket line.'
Brenda Dean came forward to report on the good news. She had just come from trade union meeting in Leeds, where it was agreed to set up a runa for News . International workers.
She told of the success of the boycott campaign.
Notts Justice for
ONE WEEK after the concert at the Albert Hall, and the first demonstration of miners at national level, the Notts regional Justice for Mineworkers campaign had its first meeting last Sunday. Following the decision
national Women Against Pit Closures (WAPC) to affiliate to
the campaign the Notts
WAPC took the initiative to call the meeting.
Loxley from Durham NUM, and the
Justice for Mineworkers Campaign, explained how campaign started and its aims.
SOGAT • AUEW • NUJ • NGA
DON'T BUY
Paper boys have been refusing to deliver the Sun and forcing newsagents to sell 'non-scab' alternatives Returns of the Sun are 50 per cent in some areas, and the paper has lost journalists.
Dean told of the growing international solidari ty. Workers in the Finnish Dave industry recently lobbied the British bassy in protest against the way British trade unionists are being treated. And there is to be an international trade union rally next week Wembley, with Neil Kinnock on the platform. Brenda summed
thev're not ragotiated settlement will take our jobs. have to be concluded.' She then called on five women
Mineworkers formed
The meeting had 50 people attending large delegations from WAPC Notts 24
Welbeck amnesty group, and NUM
officials and alca members.
The NUM delegation was headed by Ray Chadburn who spoke of the importance of the Justice for Mineworkers Campaign.
informed the meeting that the Notts NUM had already affiliated. with the national NUM the Notts NUM is urging all branches to affiliate.
Temporary officials were elected at the meeting and a publicity committee
established to work WAs towards the next meeting
campaign for affiliations from the labour
MY DAD
WANTS TO
WORK
BUT MR
MURDOCH
SACKED
HIM.
5.000 families like Emma's have now lost their breadwinners. THEY NEED YOUR SUPPORT
THE d &* TIMES
THE SUNDAY TIMES
to accompany her to
replace the six official
pickets.
The evening continued
with loud and angry
shouts at the approach of
scab lorries. Lots of Wapp-
ing songs keep the picket
going
The clearest sentiments
throughout the march and
speeches were about class
solidarity and scabs. This
was expressed by the wife
of sacked SOGAT
worker whose husband
she said, had been loyal to
The Times for 32 years
and whose fathe and
grandfather had fought
for the right to work.
Hammond and the
electricians, she said, were
not playing Her
warning: 'You better be
clear, you're not going to
bowl this maiden over.
JUSTICE FOR
MINEWORAERS
Nations Campaign
movement in Notts.
discussion on the
latest wave of sackings
Notts was taken with
WAPC reporting that they
had leat a and orgarised a dai- already produced
ly on 13 April with the sup-
port of the Notts NUM.
By the end the
meeting the organisations
present donated various
sulls or money to start unt
Notts Justice for
Mineworkers Campaign.
A real feeling of achieve-
ment in forming what is
clearly going to be a majo
force in the Notts area wa
felt as Ine Justice for
Mineworkers Campaign
showed its importance
bringing together all those
fighting defend the
NUM and its members.
12 March 1986
Wapping
Tended the first Ea
tended the London public meeting
4 March, support of the prin strike. Held Hamlets, the boro where Fortress Wapping i the meeting adjourned the picket line at the end
The platform includer miners leader Pese Heathfield Fleet Stre electricians • léader Sea Geraghty, and transpor union leader Bill Morrisas well as national leade of the NGA. SOGAT ai NUJ. In addition SOGA sponsored MP Leighton and black co munity leader Kun Murshid from Hamlets spoke.
Peter Heathfield's cor tribution the hig! light - bringing most a plause from print workers audian‹ He reminded them that th miners strike 'was not ol exclusive problem, but general struggle facing working people and so to was the print strike. pointed presented to unity by EETPU leadership's port for scabs at Wap! and the UDM in Nott and by • the stance of ti Labour leadership
'I get a little tired whe we're seen to be turning turningi wards and ourselves. distasteful', Heathle told the rally in an obvio reference to the hunting concerns of Kinnock leadership.
Kumar Mu brought home meeting the importance the alliances the built during their strugg He explained 'the res which print workers fa today are those black ple have faced for a time. He reported how per cent of black people the area were unemploy with 'attacks from not o
but also police Murshid report to the meeting that bla people were 'natural allie in the print battle, just they had organised to ba the miners.
Finally, Bill Mom TGWU leader, argued th dispute has to be foug industrially and political inside and outside parli ment. The message to t
to mount a massive ca paign to win instatement.'
IRSF
Despite direct gove ment intimidation (
Inland Revenue
Federation (IRSF)
voted massively in fav
of establishing a politi
fund. On a turnout of
per cenl, 82 SUCI
those voting were in far
of establishing a politi
fund. There were 39:
votes in favour of the fe
and 8,862 against.
This vote makes
civil service union for si
yeast nave politi
fund. The IRSF is the
new union to establis
political fund unde
ballots imposed by
1984 Act. Every si
union voting has retai
its existing fund.
Page 12 scan of this page
ACTiON shakes
hold AGM
THE THIRD national conference of the black section which took place at Lambeth Town Hall last Saturday, registered some qualitative advances over the last year.
By Mike Wongsam, Black Section National Committee (personal capacity
The selection of six black prospective parliamentary candidates, all supporting black sections, and notable gains in the trade unions were affirmed to be major successes.
Out-going chair councillor Sharon Atkins and
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SECTIONS
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councillor Janet Boateng were commended for be ing among those councillors stood firm throughout the local government dispute. They Taow face surcharges the Labour Party leadership stand by silence. An emergency resolution of the Liverpool ana Lambeln counciors was passed unanimously.
Owing to over running on time some of the polic discussions couldn't be taken, discussion on South Africa but shortened
was addressed representative of the Pan African Congress (PAC).
A document submitted on behalf of the national committee outlining their
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position on South Africa
was adopted by an over-
whelming majority.
Conference also voted 20 OLICI resolutions
submitted by constituency
nack and
report from the black sec-
tion youth committee.
Delegates left the town
hall determined con-
tinue the struggle for self-
organisation within the
Labour Party with renew-
ed vigour the coming
year.
• The Black section
from 122a Ferndale Road, newsletter, now out, 50p
Brixton, London SW4
Socialist Action will be
printing the black section
resolution on South Africa
in a forthcoming issue.
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and more escalates, vances in the townships.
Botha's announcement, on Tuesday 5 March, that he was lifting the state of emergency Was greeted with cynicism. The state of emergency, the Guardian points out, was "little more cosmetic exercise in view of the draconian - DOWCE. already held by the security forces
Even as Botha lifted it he announced that existing legislation would
*to enable authorities to deal with continued incidents of unrest without subjecting the population to the inconvenience of a state of
majority black population, who have been subjected to the inconvenience of a racist state since the last century,
LONDON & SOUTH-EAST
*RALLY
Resistance
Botha
TWENTY-FOUR black people have been killed by police since South Africa's president magnanimously lifted' the state of emergency declared last year.
But the rising confidence and determination of black people since COSATU was formed is more
visible as strike action by gold miners and as the UDF scores significant ad-
are increasing confidence their confrontations with the In the Vaal Reefs Tegne mine, owned by the
"progressive' Anglo-American company over 12,000 NUM members have resumed the strike which they started on March and briefly suspended in protest at police detentions.
And a further 7-10,000 are striking the Blyvooruitzicht mine, owned by the Rand Mines company, OVCI bonus payments.
In several townships the population is clearly beginning to deprive the apartheid state of any etfective authority. In Alexandra, the scene of huge uprisings the week before last, the stooge collabora-
IN SUPPORT OF THE
PRINTING UNIONS IN DISPUTE
WITH MURDOCH
Sponsored by London Districts Of
SOSAT-Nga NUJ - RUEW
& South East Region TUC
at the Wembley Conference Centre
***EMPIRE WAY ***
WEMBLEY MIDDLESEX
Thursday 13™ March 1986
From 7PM to 10PM
* Speaker's will include
tionist town council has been driven out and the resistance taking over many of its functions even collecting taxes for its own purposes.
In Bela Bela, a general strike against rent increases has almost paralysed the nearby white coun try LOWN Warmbaths And the ANC has begun to organise bomb attacks on apartheid targets deep inside the country, which even the authorities admit could not have been carried out from across the borders with the front line states.
This resistance, and the
nervousness provokes among the apartheid
regime's backers - the US and UK governments
has won one real conces-
sion: the release
700 detainees. The scale
against which this action
must measured,
Sat. 15th March
Assemble Tower Hill 8-30pm.
NEAREST TUBE TOWER HILL
however, is made clear in a letter from Amnesty International to PW Botha just before his latest announcement.
It points out several thousand people have been held, WITHOLI trial, for political reasons; that the government deliberately killing people for taking part in anto apartheid demonstra tions, and TOLC that 'abuses of human rights continue daily and have increased markedly over the past year.
Torture, says, iS widespread and uncheckCU This horrific
will not reform or volun tarily ena lls barbarous treatment of the black ma¡ority because its practices are rooted in the entire system of apartheid. The black people of South Alrica nave moved ont step further towards overthrowing It
SOSAT
London District Council
Calls upon all supporters of the
Printworkers to attend a major
DEMONSTRATION
AT WAPPING
C
← Socialist Action No. 133, 5 March 1986Socialist Action No. 135, 21 March 1986 →