Socialist Action No. 163, 24 April 1987
The scan: 163-apr-24-1987-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
NO FRAME UP OF SHARON ATKIN!
DEFEND BLACK SECTION DEFEND PHIL MURPHY
No. 163 24 April 1987
SocAist
AcTioN
against Lambeth council leader Linda Bellos who also spoke at that meeting.
SLACK
party.
your voi Ahe Labor
30p EMBOLDENED by the March NEC's threat of disciplinary action against the Labour Party Black Section, five Birmingham MPs have carried out a provocation against well-known Black Section supporters. As a result, Sharon Atkin, prospective parliamentary candidate for Nottingham East, now faces the prospect of Labour's national executive withdrawing recognition of her candidature and expelling her from the party when it meets on Wednesday 29 April. Her crime? Doing what hundreds of other Labour PPCs do every day of the week: speaking at a public meeting But in Sharon's case it was a rally organised by the Birmingham Labour Party Black Section, and after deputy party leader Roy Hattersley and four other MPs declared 'their' city a no-go area for Black Section supporters. Action may also be taken
Together with MPs Denis Howell, Jeff Rooker, Terry Davis and Robin Corbett, Hattersley's move - designed to hasten the witch hunt against Black Section supporters when Labour is on the verge of a general election and doing badly in the opinion polls — was an attempt to introduce pass laws for Black party members. No other member of the Labour Party has been told that they cannot accept invitations to speak outside their own areas. It is in fact an attack on the democratic rights of every Labour Party member.
Hattersley's attack is backed up by the right wing leadership of Birmingham city council. Without informing councillor Phil Murphy, they called a special meeting to expel him from the Labour group because he too spoke at the Birmingham ralv. They are now calling for his expulsion from the
The right of women and youth to organise autonomously within the Labour Party is well established. But the party leadership is fighting tooth and nail to prevent that right being extended to Black party members. The March NEC claimed that this witch hunt was being launched against members of the party who were damaging electora prospects duvocaling policies other than Labour's official programme.
But the resolution passed by the NEC is totally discriminatory.
What disciplinary action is being proposed against former prime minister James Callaghan who is speaking out against Labour's nuclear disarmament policy in a way that is deliberately designed to mar the party's electoral chances?
What disciplinary action is being proposed against Frank Field MP who publicly advocated voting against official Labour candidates in Liverpool in the local government elections, or Frank Chapple who called for a vote for the SDP candidate in Islington North at the last election. What disciplinary action is being proposed against Roy Grantham who urged voting for the Liberal candidate in a 1983?
Like other campaigns and pressure groups, within the party, the Black Section fights for particular policies to be adopted. It has every right to do so. The Black Section opposes all expulsions including of right wingers such as Roy Hattersley, who have the right to express their views but no right to expel those who disagree. Every Labour Party member should condemn the witch hunt now taking place against the Labour Party Black Section - and demand that Phil Murphy is Labour group and that no disciplinary action is taken against Sharon Atkin, Phil Murphy, Linda Bellos or any other member of the Labour Party Black Section.
Page 2 scan of this page
BLACK SECTION
Reinstate Phil Murphy
2 Socialist Action 24 April 1987
SOCiAist
ACTION
Witch hunters,
new realists and
teachers
EVENTS in British thick and fast. In the last two weeks we have seen mainline sections of the right wing for the first time openly confess their coalitionist perspective, a massive new extension of the witch hunt directed against the Labour Party Black Section, and a huge explosion in the teachers unions. week before that we had a new outbreak of crisis in the 'soft left'.
How are we to make sense of those events? What is their guiding thread?
To understand that you have to grasp the historical character of British society and the process which is now gripping its labour movement the process of the labourism'.
For almost a century dominated the British strength of British imperialism meant that concessions could be made to every section of the working class — even if far greater concessions were made to some than to others. On that basis a tremendous united reformist labour move ment was constructed - or to be more accurate a labour maie section of the working women were never included within its bounds to anything like their real weight. The process since 1979, in an acute form, disintegration of this unity although, since 1979 crișis which set in since at least the mid-1960s.
Ihat labour movement is, progressively, fly. ing apart along its lines of social cleavage. and 1983 two to three million workers, the majority skilled and well paid, broke with Labour to go over to Thatcher and then, more permanently, the Alliance. base that new realism in the unions rests on.
Secondly, and as yet small in numbers compared to the first break, a small section of the most militant and most oppressed — miners, the black community, among women, in the social movements, individuals in the trade unions and Labour Party -
The great majority of the labour movement, the 'soft left' and 'soft right", is of course still tryıng to stick the whole pot back together again on the old basis. But the problem material basis which created unity, the strength of British imperialism to maintain a united reformist labour movement, no longer exists.
These social lines of cleavage dictate the
used by the political formula of Gavin Laird of the New Statesman -witch hunt, down with trade unions in inner city areas, smash the Black Section, left - - has a social base. It is 'white male better paid workers of Britain unite with smash the blacks, the majority of women, the lesbians and gays, and all those whom British imperialism can no longer afford to give anything to.
The perspective of the class struggle forces is of course exactly the opposite. It is the unity of the great majority of the working class with the oppressed against capital. The developments in the left of the labour movement miners, tion, in the women's movement, in the Campaign group, in Labour trade unions and CLPs — is precisely to attempt to forge the political basiş on which to achieve that.
The problem is, of course, that for a long time the new realist forces, the force of the new right, are going to be far more powerful than those of the emerging class struggle tleground fight for the majority of the labour movement -that part which, firmly in the old labourist perspective.
Who wins that fight, a fight of years in duration will determine the entire future direction of the British labour movement. The political basis of that fight is the most urgent task facing the left.
politics are coming in In the "break up of
one single feature working class. The movement which united at least the
class, because
precisely the of labourism of course, the spectacular explosion
was prepared by a more hidden
and political First between the elections of 1974
They form today also the mass broke with labourism to its left.
is that the old
different sides. The
'forward to calition, long live the
throw out the
capital to among the among the teachers, in the Black Sec-
Left Liaison, in innumerable lett. The between the two is going to be the
for now, still remains locked
COUNCILLOR PHIL MURPHY,
leading member of Birmingham Black Section, is facing possible expulsion from the Labour Party atter addressing the Birmingham Black Section rally on 7 April. The call for his expulsion was made at hastily convened meeting of the city council's ruling Labour group, which also decided to suspend him from membership and to take steps to withdraw the whip. Murphy was notified of the group meeting which took place immediately atter a full -council meeting that he had left early to attend the rally.
The resolution passed the gives reasons for disciplinary acton but asks 'the National Constitutional Committee
lake such acele necessary to exclude him tom macmdersmp or ine Labour Party'. thought thai the Hilalle will be discussed by the next NEC.
By Mick Archer
Phil Murphy has been a Birmingham citv councillor since 1984. As senior executive at the Commission for Racial Equality he has been a constant thorn in the side of the labour goup's right wing leadership. His uncompromising stance on issues of anti1 alisil van Licuidl earned him the hostility of the majority of the group.
He was removed as vice chair of the city's race relaLULN and culdi opportunities committee November of last
By cal Group leader Dick Knowles complained that Murphy considered 'the Black community in Birm-
mOre Imporlanl than anything else' Phil Murphy UCICVC was
suspended for other
'I think essentially have been suspended because the group sees me
threat on several levels. They
see me as so meone who has been instrumenta. helping to Orerinisc ane ell ,here Birmingham, on the Labour hey find and of course they that threatening. Also I have beeT involved in organising Black Section and that is also seen as a threat. Bul probably more profoundly I think I've been suspend. ed from the Labour group. with the threat of being expelled from the party, because there are number of sitting MPs in the city who feel that someone nke mysell, or the
I represent self-organisation of Black people, self-representation of Black people by Black people «u ze ne Ia their personal position.'
Level
There otl ull) evidence in support of Phil Murphy's charge. He and other Black Section activists saw the 7 April rally primarily as a forum to explain what Black Section was about
'At the very first level we actuallv wanted to inform the black munities, 4U1l1 Afro«anDoed ao Asam com munities, about Black Sec LUT. the issue. for, why we felt it was important that Black people
Sabour aaive ithideed
Labour indeed organise within the Labour party.
Given last month's NEC attacking the Black Section, they WEIC OCLCI mined that it would be unmistakable a pro-Labour Party rally to combat any suggestion that their views were semraust n occamt a major issue only after DIcK Knowles and live 01 Birmingham's six Labour MPs wrote Bernie Grant and Linda Bellos telling them to stay away.
Letters were circulated to the national media to gualalltt a SIlUy
PAND
50132
between Black Section and Labour's right wing. This
characteristic w ds more open offensive against Black Section and the Birmingham Labour Left by Roy Hattersley and others since their defeat by the campaign for une ems alement or au Khan and Kevin Scally
He and Denis Howell, MP for Small Heath, have made several statements in support Knowles leadership and attacking his lett wing critics in the Labour group. . In a recent article in Birmingham Evening Mail Hattersley branded Black Section activists 'ambitious agitators' seeking ploit 'the Black and Asian
British'
Endorsed Hattersley has publicly endorsed the suspension of Birmingham District Labour Party. Peter Snape, MP for West of men Hast and chai
West Midlands MPs, was the tirst to cal for the expulsion of Black section activists who took part in the 7 April meting.
Racism has also played a major part in the attacks
Phil Murphy who is commonly portrayed as an uTuv DaCk cording to Knowles avlulEs the months have had more in common with black power than the council's integration policy
Murphy believes it was his failure to defer to Knowles ideas of 'integration' that disciplinary action being taken against him.
Opened
Events of the ] April rally have opened wide-ranging debate in the black . communities about Black Sections involvement in the Labour Party. Black Section and their supporters are now poised
allipalsil defence of Murphy and others if action is taken by the NEC.
Murphy already won the support of party Visal els Ladywood, Selly Oak and Perry Barr constituencies The Sandwell ward of Ladywood CLP, which Murphy represents, launch a petition within
bimmincar calling his ICSaLC iC l a tul group member and opposing any futher disciplinary action against him. View
The ward has written to Knowles expressing its view ana intenas to write to the NEC. The Black Section discuss the matter with Black organisations in Birmingham and to contact other constituencies and waras lo soncil thelr support.
As Phil Murphy ex-
Black Section
statement:
THE LABOUR Party Black Section national
committee declare our opposition to
disciplinary action being taken against Black
Section supporters or any other socialists in
the party.
vigorously by launching a national campaign
involving the Black community and
porters in the labour movement to defend
anyone removed
didate, suspended or expelled.
the NEC intends to remove Sharon Atkin as
PPC for Nottingham East and expel coun-
cillors Phil Murphy and Linda Bellos. We
declare our full backing for these comrades
and reaffirm the right of Black people to hold
meetings, organise
anywhere in the country where they are in-
vited
and will continue to make demands on the
party and have such a right to do so, as all
other
socialist DUICICS
munity's needs and aspirations are reflected
in the manifesto.
Politics Today
plains: : 'Even though initially we are going to carry out a tairly low-key campaign obviously don't want to damage th‹ Labour Party — if the parmoves towards my ex pulsion are certainly golng to escalate position to what they are doing 'If Neil Kinnock feels he has had problems in the past then he doesn't even begin to understand what he inviting. I want make it quite clear to the NEC and to the party that Black people have had 400 years of struggle. We have been learning trom the exstruggle, wilclilc that experience comes from Africa, the United States, the West Indies or Latin America we know how to struggle.
Kinnock has never taken on the Black Colee donı think even he knows what it will be like.' any
We will fight any such action
sup-
as a parlamentary can-
We are appalled at the press reports that
together and speak
We are committed to a Labour victory
members, to ensure that anti-racist,
tune with our com-
Page 3 scan of this page
NO WITCH HUNT
Politics Today
Where the witch hunt
has led
ON WEDNESDAY 29 April Black parliamentary candidate for Nottingham East, Sharon Atkin faces expulsion by Labour's national executive. Lambeth council leader Linda Bellos has also been threatened in the press. Birmingham city councillor Phil Murphy has already been suspended from the Labour group which has referred his case to the National Constitutional Committee and called for his expulsion from the party. The official opening of the witch hunt against the Labour Party Black Section took place last month, at the March NEC. But the origin of the policies leading to this attempted purge can be traced to annual party conference of 1983 when the expulsion of the Militant editorial board was ratified. CAROL TURNER examines where the witch hunt is leading the Labour Party.
THE Labour Party Black Section opposes all witch hunts within the party. No friend of Militant's politics, Black Section has consistently fought the expulsalons othe su sinilas along with simlar disciplinary action against members of the Labour Party.
The Black Section, like many on the left, argued that the attack on Militant was the thin end of the wedge for an attack on the whole of the Labour left -anu acu d uc disE oppressed. Sadly, those predictions have now been proved correct. The frame-
of Sharon Atkin and UU others is the latest in whole series of purges and alemste• urdes party's left wing
The NEC move against the Black Section came exactly one year to the day after proceedings began against 12 members of the Liverpoo Labour Parties. The NEC passed a resolution against the Black Section on Wednesday 25 March this year. The first NEC meting which considered the findings of Inel Liverpool District Labour Party enWednesday 26 March 1986. • LO0K plact
the ena of 1985. when the enquiry „InTo Liverpool was launched, Joan Maynard MP told Socialist Action: 'The Laboul Partv should be concentrating public attention on the viciously anti-working class polices this Tory government. stead the headlines are now going to be dominated for months by this enquiry. It will run and run. Don't have any illusions.
NOTTS East Labour Party is calling on the national leadership to stop the attacks on the party's PPC Sharon
Atkin. At an executive committee on Monday
13 April, the following
statement was issued:
NOTTINGHAM East CLP
reaffirms its commitment
to the right of Black people
to organise in Black Sec
within the Labour
Partv. Ihis is not a torm oi apartheid but a means of drawing Black people into the party and giving them a voice in the same
womets secuons amo une LPYS act to draw women Wi VOLE MO LuC DarV
Nottingham East CLP
prospective
She was, ot course. right. Twelve months on, at the brink of a general elec-
the right wing still Lull. naven t learnea unc iesson.
Roy Hattersley and the other TOlY Birmingham MPs who launched the atTack on nara kıl arc
busy demonstrating that thev regard expulsions of party members whom they disagree as more implan men ucledlg the Thatcher government. It they are preparca o s° this far on the eve of an election, what lengths will they take the witch hunt to if their overall policies lose Labour the election?
Pursuing a witch hunt, however, is not just a matter of a few determined right wingers laking acuon. Tlley can only do so if the maOlILY the wally prepared to let inem gel away with it. The witch num lda d as let (perhaps se should be today because the calling them the soft right?) have gone along with It.
From the expulsion of its editorial board onward, Tribune has been assuring us that it was only Militant supporters who were up for
chop. 1 ney weiC "special case' according to Nigel Williamson and OLICI S
The opposite has been the case. ov une me une Liverpool expulsions were contirmed at the 1980 annual Amir Khan and Kevin Scal- conference,
ly had already been thrown out and other party members had gone on the flimsiest of pretexts.
Speaking at the Tribune rally at 1986 conference, Ken Livingstone periectlv accurately described the
Notts East rejects NEC witch hunt
is appalled at the resolution passed by the Labour Party of March attacking Black Sections and threatening mount witeh hunt against Back people struggling to eslablsn a ponucal voice. Furthermore we are UNCUSLCU the etter which appeared in The Times from Roy Hattersley, IPTT. Rooker and others
declared BirmWalcn ingham a no-go area tor
Black activistsR
We consider that the highly-publicised attacks on Black activists cause serious damage to the electoral prospects of the Labour Party and in Daricud candidate Sharon Atkin.
Media coverage indicates that the NEC is now
process of the witch hunt. ne o. nose wio dave read what I have written in Tribune must know Culle clearly I do not support the Militant tendencv. But never wanted them expelled v c all. l ursaniocu in the London labour movement until we won our posihons on women, lack ped ple and the need for a free and united Ireland.
'That is how we go forward. There can be no support for the witch hunt.
"Those who warned at the beginning that the witch hunt would actually widen have been proved right...
"There can be no support for left unity, there can be no step forward to create agreement about the sort of
preparing to take action against Sharon Black woman and PPC for Ivollingnam Basl, lor exelcising her right to speak on issues affecting Black people to an audience of black anu wilte deople in kırm ingham on 7 April.
Nottingham East CLP democratically selected Sharon Atkin as PPC because of her vigorous support for socialist nolicies — camnagning Ior Black people, the low-paid, lesbians and gays. sacked miners, pensioners and all those who are victims Tory policies. The CLP reaffirms its support for •urac analaccuo ally altempts at interference in the democratic processes or our party.
SECTIRS
your voi
Labou
the
policies we want, unless we agree first of all that we reso ve our ditterences internally and we oppose every expulsion that comes before the NEC.'
But this view was rejected in the soft left. At the same rally David Blunkett spoke mom tae platlori Le justify the Liverpool expulsions. Today he is one of the driving forces behind the calls for Sharon Atkin's expulsion.
Dennis Skinner, who has warned from the start where the witch hunt would lead, described the new step taken by the expulsions of Khan and Scally thus: "The witch hunt net was cast wider when Amir Khan, Kevin Scally and Mohammed Raffique, all from Roy Haltersiey s bırmingham Sparkbrook constituency, WCLC expelled trom the party
None of the three were accused of being members of the Militant tendency nol are lev exDc co ol standing against Labour candidates elections. They were thrown out on
wholly fraudulent charge of "bringing the par-
HELU disrepute represents significant development in the witch
Labour leadership. f
nilnEd COlSt LDe
The NEC report disciplinary procedure to 1986 party conference in troduced a new 'crime' punishable by expulsion -the one now being, used against Sharon Atkin and others.
Meanwhile, Dennis Skinner pointed out, witch hunt has broadened.
BLACK
It has included local parties (including in Bırmıngham) refusing to accept the transter of partv members
• for which there is no provilaasocyel dily Labour Party rule book. It
included expelling members in Central Fife on no specific charges whatsovel, aner iney poliec out irregularities in local membership and the lunc tioning of a ward.
It included attempts to expel three members of Exeter Labour Party for bicakming Ine hon-eisieu rule of confidentiality of EC business. And it has included suspending whole consutuency parties. like s Helens North and South Liverpool-Broad Green and Knowsley North.
In the case of Knowsley North, suspension followed the NEC's decision to forc a parlamentarv candidate on the CLP against its . wishes. Nigel Williamson, then editor of Tribune, opposed the imposition George Howarth. After th Greenwich by-election earber this veat nowever Williamson, marking a further retreat told the New Statesman:
'By-elections are now such a centre of national attention that the Labour Party has a duty to itself and its supporters all over the country to choose candidates who cannot so easi-
be subjected to such damaging personal campaigns. It now seems clear that had Les Huckfield been allowed to stand in the Knowsley North by-election last November (a rignt l championed in Tribune at
Socialist Action 24 April 1987
ED
the time) then that seat would have been lost too.
reluctantly conclude TOrDols nauonaı cxecutive was right to impose George Howarth. It is no surprising then that senior Labour figures should considering extending that practice to all by-elections. •But despite all the attempts de cac o zi0e the demands of women and black people,' he said, "these issues have not gone away 1 am absolutely convinced that the idea of positive action promoted by the Black Section, with al the support that got in many inner citv areas. na:
resmler in Bran con
number Black can-
ing es sed in ane as
ting elected, round of local government elections.
'Black Section has given Black party members the confidence to do that. The
HACKI Section pro moted, even though the Sore good in temsere 1 were good in temselves. sunport them all the wa) down the line.'
That is exactly why the witch hunt has now been extended to Black Section Because the ideas they ad vocate simply won't go away, the right wing are prepared to smash them out o e babuu ranv Dv ut only means at their disposal
• expulsions.
Throughout this time, the witch nunt nas progiess ed in tandem with the erosion of party democrac and attacks on radical policies. "The witch hunt goes hand in hand with the NEC's systematic dilutior
3 of policy. Once the purge had begun the right wing was able to start watering down policies. Dennis Skinner correctly told Socialist Action on the eve ol 1980 Darly coniercuce
The truth is crystal clear. The witch hunt was launched against the Militant because they were the casc aree
But Militant was never the real target. They were the pretext to generate the momentum for the witch hunt.
The witch hunt was never an issue of Militant's politics. It was a far more fundamental issue of party democracy. Those who sup ported the SuLHL against Militant opened up a coo or every ounci ali tack on party democracy which is now coming -cluding the ates one against Sharon Atkin
Every single party
who a sees the disgraceful, racist witch hunt against the Black Section, Sharon Atkin, Linda Bellos, and Phil Murphy should oppose it. And draw the conclusion that everyone of the expulsions which has taken place should be opposed. Once you give your little finger to
witch hunt the likes of Roy Hattersley always come back for more
Those who didn't believe it then should realise it now.
Labour Left Liaison stat ment on Black Section page 4
Page 4 scan of this page
No 'Militant' solution at
4 Socialist Action 24 April 1987
Labour Left Liaison statement on disciplinary action
proposed against Black
Section supporters
LABOUR Left Liaison, the national umbrella
organisation of the left-wing in the Labour
Party, met on Thursday 16 April to discuss the
attacks being made on the Black Section. It
issued the following statement.
LABOUR Left Liaison regrets the attempt by
five Birmingham MPs to stop Black Labour prospective parliamentary other activists from speaking at a local Black
Section meeting which took place in Birmingham on 7 April — an unwarranted in-
terterence with Labour Party members. However its most harmful effect was to attract the attention of the hostile media, as eager as ever to publicise
divisions in the Labour Party. Such action can only undermine credibility.
LLL further deplores the attempt of certain
sections of the party to press for disciplinary action, including expulsion, of three members of the
Black Section
Atkin, Linda Bellos and Phil Murphy.
now beoun on the basis of their aleced views.
which have been inaccurately
out of the context of the meeting and audience addressed.
LLL believes that the Labour Party should do more, not less, to encourage Black people to vote
Black Section was an attempt to broaden Labour's appeal to a section of the electorate that previously
has not been reached by the Labour Party. Those
LLL notes that no such threats of disciplinary action have been made against party members like
nuclear disarmament policy.
MP who publicly advocated voting against official
baDour candidates In le daverpool local gover-
ment elections, against Frank Chapple who public-
ly advocated voting for the SDP candidate in Is-
ington North at the last general election, or against
Roy Grantham who advocated voting for the
biberals in a number or consuruencies al lue lasi
disciplinary action taken against Sharon Atkin or
discrimination, and in addition will deepen the
Labour's electoral prospects.
LLL therefore will defend Sharon Atkin, LinBellos and Phil Murphy and oppose any
disciplinary action taken against these comrades.
Should the NEC decide to follow this misguided
and divisive course, party members must organise
in defence of the accused Black comrades. STOP PRESS Delaney inquest AS WE go to press, news has just come in that the inquest on Michael Delaney, killed near Ruperi Murdoch's jug one Rupert gernauts, has declared its verdict: he was unlawfully killed.
The jury was not wavel by the magistrate's direction that they record a verdict of 'accidental death'.
For months before Michael Delaney's tragic death local residents had
predicuing the possibility of a serious
as police corted Murdoch's
at „lUT speed
candidates and
the democratic rights of
Labour's electoral
who spoke at the meeting: Sharon
Action has
reported by the
he Kirmingham meetie caled by the
against Frank Field a blatant
RECLAIM OUR STREETS
FRIM MURDOCHS BOOTEE
through red lights their enthusiasm to avoid pickets and distribute the scab titles.
They had demanded an ena to police narass ment and swamping of and that some action be taken to prevent the dangerous scab wagons.
By recording its 'unlawful killing verdiet, the jury has done a service. Perhaps out of this terrible tragedy, some light will be shed on the role of the police in the Wapping dispute.
Update in future issues of Socialist Action.
THE SLOGAN of this year's LPYS national conference — Blackpool 17-20 April — had an unfortunate irony. Intended to refer to the Tory government it read 'Time to Go', and was printed on every visitor's card.
Labour Party NEC's 'Sawyer proposals' to abolish the autonomy of the YS it had a most unfortunate ring.
campaign all
too clear the Terence.
in sharp There were of 203 deceale the
this vear of 41
has one vote.
By Anne Kane
Since the total claimed number of recorded branches Walworth Road is 553 this means just over a third attend conference. Within Militant's vote of 169 in
NEC drop of 26 since last year. Militant did not stand a second candidate in the election as thev usually do
The reason for this she biggest decline evident.
LPys' con. terence recent was in March 1985. Held immediately following the end of the miners strike, it reflected the heightened political interest of young people due to the struggle. That conference was marked by nouncing the NUM for not nolalng a Dallor.
Political
have stood against all the positive political develop.
the Labour left which came out of the political cleavage marked by the strike In particular, as
issues — such as the working class' alliance with the oppressed have been posed more sharply and brought centrally into the labour movement -tant has continued to oppose them
Militant has continued • selfto oppose women's
organisation and black
self-organisation the
same time as the Cam-
paign Group has sup-
ported them. Militant has
opposed in practice Irish
seit-determination the
same time as Labour Left
Liaison NUM, the
National Union of
Students and the LCC has
supported it. 1 ne LeID
has continued to stand
outside Illass
radicalisations on South
Africa.
This policy continued conference. Despite
statements of the need to
mobilise
number of the 6.2 million
young voters for Labour,
in the election the policies
necessary to do this were
systematically voted
COWI
The tone of the whole was set by
guest speakers Ron Todd
LPYS conference
Given the effective policy of the
argued
ghtforward anti-Tory basis promoting the policies
On opposed defeated composite for support and work
Movement, building
youth committees, organising Youth
ing activity. They instead
vitally im-
actively by
ple.
On Militant defeated only resolutions calling for
supporting campaigning
'debate'
the resolu-
extended speeches LOUI allowed from The
the Labour Committee on (LCI) and
LPYS would ACCI
rCul
opposing two antirepression proposals,
which the 'Young
Militant for
socialist discussed "women'
rights
which for support
Campaign. Black YS conference once
again opposed Black Sec
tions. 'he resolution
their favour called for the
resignation 01
Douglas from the Black
do As all Committee
to which Douglas could
only reply that the 'com-
mittee is not that impor
tant' (in which case why
doesn't she follow the rest
of the left and refuse to be
on it?)
An emergency resolu
tion submitter
delegates from the floo
the witch-hunt
of Black Sections sup-
porters was carried
WENtED
OUR TEACHERS
Youth demonstrate in support of teachers' struggle
Liaison's Sawyer widely cir
at Its
lighted by
of of the YS was by con-
that the politics by the
arguing clear. Labour Left Liaison's campaign around the Black Section NEC candidate Steve komoa. backed up bv a daily conference bulletin and fringe meeting, marked the most united intervention of the campaign left in recent years.!
Saturday's fringe meeting attracted 100 peo
ple to a da Section
the LCI, Labour Party Black
and Steve hustings could not have been more sharply contrasted to that
the other candidates Whereas Steve pledged concrete support for
and black self-organisation, campaigning
Sawyer, British availist withdrawal from Ireland, supporting the South African struggle, and many other issues, Linda
SAVE
Cleanes
Douglas simply explained that delegates should vote for her becasuse she was the : candidate last year and the Youth Fightback candidate said only that the YS should be more democratic
The vote was: : 169 for Militant, 17 for LLL, 13 for Youth Fightback and 4
Workers • Power. decline in Steve Jomoa's vote compared to Kingsley Abrams last year was explained by the almost total absence of independent branches at conference, the fact that Labour Briefing had no delegates at all this year compared
Let are spend that ther
vote Soil with three delegates supporting Steve, but a majority no voting.
Unity
Left unity was positive Youth Fighback (Socialist under assault from Organiser), who made a Poll of Jomoa in their newspaper, their conference bulletin and at the LLL fringe meeting.
Youth Fightback's stated reason for standing
candidate 'Marxism'. In reality their Uticallyl lacked all significant alternative politics or strategy to Militant. Youth rightback moved only one campaigning resolution defend reproductive rights and support women's sell-
News
organisation which failed to mention LWAC. • 1 nel Chrieding vero meetings were entitled what went right' •Job
Schemes and 'Where we stand' - hard
campaigning alternative to Militant Attacks
Youth Fightback's attacks on the Black Section took place at a conference of an LPYS notorious fo its hostility to Black self-organisation which ex-
to Militant attempting te
boak the nee Section
youth meeting Saturday, with heckling shouting and threates to participants
Youth Action deleg ates moved the main campaigning composite anti-apartheid work and the resolutions on stripsearches and plastic bullets
- as well as organising the emergency resolution Black Sections
required number of
The main Marxis stumbling block for bott
Youth Fightback was taken up at Youth Action's fringe meeting "Why socialists
self-determin SUDOUIL ation" with speakers from the LCI, the Palestini Solidarity Campaign, and the Black Sections and LWAC.
Page 5 scan of this page
'Why don't they let them
News
THE MACABRE harassment of the funeral of Larry Marley over a period of a week by the Royal Ulster
since the Anglo-Irish agreement was signed. REDMOND O'NEILL reports.
Thousands upon thousands of eople liner he streets of West Belfas and followed the funeral Cordnesday 8 Aprill They Wednesday 8 braved RUC batons and a massive paramilitary police presence including dozens of armoured cars.
The Guardian described it as the highest display of republican support since the hunger strikes. In scenes reminiscent of the mid-1970s old shook their fists at soldiers leading a column ot so landrovers in the front of the funeral procession up the ralls koad. rauenis al lne Royal Victoria Hospital came out onto the streets to give support.
They were there to express their condolences for the Marley family and their outrage at the RUC's attempts terrorise and demoralise republican families trying to bury their dead in peace and dignity.
The nightmare for the Marley tamil began when Larry Marley was murdered in his home by loyalist death squad. Gerry Adams,
local MP, accused the kuc and British army of collusion in the murder:
No less than two weeks ago, a British army major
him that he would make sure Marley would not live much longer and l licy courun do it then they could "get others to do it for them.
At the time of the murder the Greater Ardoyne area, where Marley lived, had been saturated by RUC and British army patrols yet the gunmen escaped by the only route not covered by the army and KUL
Marley was murdered just after 9pm on Thursday
April. By the following day RUC landrovers had surrounded all of the approaches the Marley home. This seige was maintained throughout the
bury this poor guy?'
Constabulary has provoked the most widespread mobilisations of the nationalist community in Belfast
weekend.
On the Monday mornRu vehicles took up posit scores armoured tions at all of the access
UC, in full riot gear, sur TOLe rounded the
„calse.
Another force stood 20 feet trom the tront door
As the coffin was carried out of the house, just after 10am, baton wielding RUC moved in around the hearse. A local priest's request that the RUC move back 20 feet either side of the hearse was refused.
JuSE pm the family announced the funeral would be postponed and announced: 'We are asking the Cardinal to intervene with Tom King on
behalf that the SU Call tomorrow peacefully.
by the Belfast brigade of the IRA explained that the IRA had already paid its last respects to Marley when three men nrea a volley or snots over the republican memorial in
bulludy night.
Local clergymen, behalf of the relatives, also made clear to the RUC that the family intended only to drape the coffin in the Irish tricolour. RUC's claim that its massive show or orce at mic lucial was to prevent an IRA salute to Marley was simply pretext.
That evening 2,000 people took part in a silent protest demonstration in Belfast. Fermanagh district council adjourned its meeting in at the RUC's action.
On Tuesday morning the doubled presence the Marley home. As the coffin was carried to the hearse the
surgea lorward encircling the coffin, and the nearse, and nana to lana fighting broke out.
The body hadto be car.
ried back to the house a second time. Once again the funeral had to be
Addressing the 1,000
Sinn Fein spokesperson Martin McGuinness explained: looks as if we are going to have to make a stand on this
otherwise SONICOIC will be killed at one of these tunerals
That evening 3,000 people took part in a protest rally in Ardoyne. Omagh district council decided to halt business for a week in protest the RUC's envious
Larry Marley's funeral finally took place, at the third attempt, on Wednesday 8 April. The cortege was preceded by more than
armoured landrovers, with another 40 parked near the burial plot and a massive RUC presence.
It tooK seven hours, under constant RUC harassment to escort the coffin from the Marle home to the burial plot. All along ine roule thousanas of residents of Belfast turn-
lol ditt latest degrading harassment of the nationalist people of the North of Ireland.
The explosion of anger at the treatment OI the Marley family follows gruesome KUC campaign of harassment at republican funerals which has steadily built up over a period of three years Between December 1983 and 7 April this year the RUC attacked
25 funerals.
This included batoning the
firing plastic bullets them, brutal police charges in order to seize the tricolours draping coffins and so on.
Most recently the funeral of Cerard ogue ir Derry City, on 23 March this vear was accompanied by a huge RUC force including 75 armoured lan drovers and two helicopters hovering overhead.
Appeals by the families of the dead republicans to the catholic hierarchy I01 support in their efforts to
their dead in peace and dignity have elicited no
801 8791.
For the nationalist peo-
the supposed 'benefits' of the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which it was claimed was to end LIC nationalist nightmare, have been sharply exposed by the grisly scenes of the past few weeks.
Not onlv do no-lur Diplock courts, strip searching of women prisoners and massive discrimination against catholics remain but those who oppose these sectarian monstrosities cannot even bury their dead with a minimum of dignity!
What could more clearly snow lo unc grotesque character of that
Sinn Fein reports
LCI AGM
Labour
parliament. below.
Niall Donnelly of Sinn Fein's Trade Union Department, attended the conference and addressed Ine section on trade unions hell He Saturday April 4th. shared the plat form at Manchester Town Hall with Bill Ethrington (president of the Durham Mechanics, National Union of Mineworkers), Alison Clarke (Labour Women Sean Redmond (Trade Unionists tor irish Unitv and Independence).
Donnelly praised the work the Labour Committee on Ireland has done to raise the issue of Ireland in the British Labour Party and ment. This work must continue, , he said:
"The ultimate aim is to seek a position where the Labour Party has adopted as policy a commitment to withdraw its political and military presence from the Six Counties.
the Orange thern Ireland, than what Sundar reported as: "The pictures went around the world: 01 helmeted policemen with raised truncheons attacking American CBS called on funeral called the
"why don't they let them
Pots of the brange
Orange Statelet denied most minimum standards justice in the courts and the but even their funerals are the objects of vindictive efforts to cow and crush them.
THE 9 APRIL issues of An Phoblacht, the newspaper reflecting the views of Sinn Fein in Ireland, reported the annual general meeting of the Committee on Ireland (LCI), It outlined clearly Sinn Fein's support for the demand of British withdrawal from Ireland during the lifetime of one
We print Sinn Fein's article complete
'Such a policy should include a time-scale which should be short as 1s practical and should certainly be such as to allow withdrawal completed within the lifetime the goverl ment.'
Neill Donnelly describthe conference 'highly constructive', particularly regarding resolu tions to highlight job Oscanao mote the 'MacBride Principles' fair employ01l ment.
Emergency motions were adopted, COH. demning the Labour Parts sookespersor on cial Stuart Bell for his that Labour could do a deal with the unionists in return for supand another stating JuLL that membership of the
Orange Order not compatible with membership of the Labour Party.
In Brief
Brum AAM youth FORTY is the regular attendance of the vouth committee of Birmingham Anti-Apartheid. Since its formation in November of last year, the committee has run street stalls, organised special street sales of Anti-
engaged in pickets of Shel petro stations and Marks and Spencer's, and build demonstrations local anti-apartheid demonstration in March in which youth were the largest contingent anc the demonstration in Wolverhampton protesting at the murder of Clinton McCurbin.
Laurie Matthews, a leading member of the Labour support for Senior Colman AFTER three months, the struggle to defend
rights of one hundrec AEU members at Seniol Colman in Sale, near Manchester, is still solid
Company claims that the scab workforce they've recruited is effectively substituting for the sacked strikers have been exposed to be compete tale Reliable sources indicate that the tirm has los £800,000 in this year's first quarter.
The strikers have received a morale boost
Yugoslavia: workers challenge Tito's heirs carries news, documents
class movements from around the world and is indispensable reading for all socialists
in-depth articles on the i uposav strike wave and the Braziliam economy.
International Viewpoint is available from most left bookshops, or by post from Other Books.
Socialist Action 24 April 1987 5
committee explains that its importance 'is to get together youth, Black and white, to fight apartheid. It is essential because youth are the
A young woman involved in the committee, Bharti Patel, describes how she became involved: 'My emotions were aroused about a year ago when the Soweto
commemorated. I was determined to play a part in bringing to an end this absolutely
took the next step and joined the AAM.'
She appealed to all
struggle. from Neil Kinnock who told of the Labour Party's 'full support'. A EASe 0 00U councils have responded
strikers's appeals that the firm's air distribution equipment - widely used in public buildings such as libraries — be boycotted.
And in a move to ensure maximum respect for picket lines, Ron Todd has greed to writ o all TGWU districts. delegation of strikers was well received by delegates to the AEU National Committee
nternationa
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Page 6 scan of this page
The Right breaks cover!
6
LAST WEEK was an important one for the clarification of politics. The major forces of the Labour right: stopped beating around the bush and openly announced what they have politically preparing for years - the demand Labour should link up with the SDP-Liberal Alliance first in 'tactical voting' and then in a possible coalition government.
After four years of coyly trying to deny it, while unmistakeably stating its real positions, Marxism Today called for voting in the next general election for Alance cancidales as wel as Ladour. Marxism Today's front page message from Eric Hobsbawm was: There is only one way of defeating the Thatcher government. It is by voting for the candidate who is best placed to keep out the Tory.'
Inside Hobsbawm spelt out message equally clearly: 'There is only one logical conclusion... constituency, to vote for the candidate who offers the best chance of beating the Tories, whether Labour or Alliance.'
To back that up the pages of Marxism Today were opened up to Martin Kettle, a leader writer for the Guardian. His article was introduced. by the Marxism Today editor as "The Alliance is seen as untouchable by many on the left. Martin Kettle suggests that, on the contrary, it must be seen as part of the left.?
Attempting to explain why the pro-nuclear weapons, anti-trade Alliance could be considered part of the left' Kettle claimed: "The unions remain the basic divide between Labour and Aliances cultures (his is as true ot traditional Liberalism SDP). The SDP's hatred of the unions is a very big obstacle here, partly as a symbolic issue (sic) but also because the Alliance is now committed to a system of elections and balloting and framework of industrial law which falls little short of the recent Conservative green paper.' Kettle did not mention Owen's vitriolic campaign against the unions, and the faet that the Alliance has
every, piece legislation introduced by the Thatcher government.
Policies
On nuclear weapons Kettle was clear in strongly supporting current Labour front bench moves to abandon unilateral nuclear disarmament: 'Labour's policy is non-nuclear. The Alliance's is equally clearly nuclear. These contrasts are, however, becoming increasingly blurred by the Labour Party as the general election nears and its policy is perceived as unpopular.'
Two days after Marxism Today appeared the New Statesman came out both with a call for tactical voting and with a front cover entitled 'The women of the SDP — decent caring and nice.' This advertised a long article on women and the SDP by Sarah Benton which was introduced as: 'Sarah Benton reports on the women of the SDP and finds them with a greater power in their party than they could have hoped for in any other.
The New Statesman also qualitatively deepened its coverage of the campaign TOr 'tactical voting'. It carried a list of 225 seats which were described as 'constituencies vulnerable to tactical voting'. The New Statesman also carried an article by Robin Cook MP advocating the introduction of the Alternative vote system in elections — that is an electoral system where voters number parties in order of preference.
The article urging votes for Alliance candidates in over 70 constituencies was simply entitled "Tactical voting, a tactic whose time has come. not signed indicating editorial ap-
While it won't announce it yet Vival. there is no doubt that the New Statesman will call for tactical voting in the general election • as indeed it did in 1983.
The Guardian, on the same day the New Statesman appeared, quivocable in advocating the same line. Its editorial on 16 April simply stated: 'Tactical voting now appears not just as one way of defeating the Conservatives at the coming election way."
The most important statement of all however was from Gavin Laird, general secretary of the AEU. On 13 April, during the AEU national committee, Laird appeared on television to argue that
Socialist Action 24 April 1987
British
been the
It is, in every
Alliance in a hung parliament.
union agreement.
agreements with the Alliance as it is of the now being
to of what is going on.
montics. it was the development
tions for the labour movement.
From
Labour governments.
the years
inan 44 per cent.
jority,
never less than
Political
labourism' there
of attracting the
every general election 1974, the heads of wonici.
The article was among women voters.
male
buttressed by a single union movement.
Was une-
machine for delivering votes
• Dil as uic oliv
sections of the
but least everyone.
LAST WEEK the Labour right,
and its ideological advisers, decid-
ed to kick away the camouflage and
come out with their real political
orientation — one that so far they
had only dared to present by sug-
gestion and hints. In what was ob-
Labour should consider a deal with the Alliance following the general election. He said, 'We want a Labour government' but that if this was not achieved crisis then a deal should be done with the
'If it means we have to trim our sails to ensure we don't have certain molcies. Di ed all means we should go ahead' to get an
In short politics previousiy only hinted at - those of tactical voting and
are spelt out openly mainstream right wing Labour thinking. It is absolutely crucial that the left, which has consistently underestimated this question, realises the significance
The creation of the SDP, and the formation of the SDP-Liberal Alliance, was not a short term shift in British
Llust Britisd bourgeois sales. politics since the disintegration of the Liberal Party in World War I. As such it was going to have enormous implica-
the historic perspective of the British labour movement was conceived as the steady advance towards the creation ot matonty
These would legislate social reforms or, in more left time wing versions, achieve socialism itself. This perspective seemed realisable in
1945-1979 wieu secured as much as 49 per cent of the vote and never, until 1974, secured less
That high vote, approaching a ma-
the Labour Party Was secured by unity around Labour of at
taking in both its most privileged and least paid sections. From 1945 to 1966
57 per cent of the manual working class, and in 1966 as high as 69 per cent, voted Labour.
Even in this period of the 'zenith of
was still weakness in Labour's support. Labour failed to put forward policies capable
support of women.
Whereas Labour deteated. or ecualled. the Tories in the vote among men in 1983.
1945 Tories appealed over the male manual workers unity The Conservatives secured 16 years of office between 1951 and 1974 exclusively on the basis of their support
The
The bloc of the great majority of the
working class around Labour, with the perspective of a reformist majority Labour government, was
united trade The entire 0I0C while reformist to the core, was at least
this period a relatively efficient
The material basis of this entire development was the ability of British imperialism to make concessions to all
working class naturally far larger concessions to the better paid than the most oppressed,
This unity was first weakened and
viously a concerted move Marxism Today the New Statesman, and the Guardian all carried statements and editorials officially endorsing tactical voting and proclaiming the SDP-Liberal Alliance to be part of 'the left'. Much more significantly
then smashed by first the economic problems of British imperialism from crisis t-09 19309h en Wards cute
from onwards.
Labour governments of 1964-70 and 1974-79, above all through their incomes policies and also their cuts, turn-
round and labourism's own base. From 1966-83 literally millions of the best paid and skilled workers, above all Worken deserted Labour. support among the manual class fell from 69 per cent in 1966 to 42 per cent in 1983.
It was this division in the working class Thatcher set out in every way exacerbate. She deepened income differentials. She consciously strengthened the economic position of the bes paid sections of the working class through subsidised council house sales and promoting tax subsidised share
Realities
Thatcher has • allowed wages of a far more rapidly than the rate of inflation - while creating a growing pool of unemployed, of temporary, and of part
workers. This the reflection of the economy of 'core' and "periphery' which Thatcher's policies were aimed to promote in individual industries.
Thatcher's government has conTimes this week accurately called the I'm all right folk'. ine alm was lo deepen the divisions in the movement.
The overall beneficiary of that process was capital. But in party terms, paradoxically, the gainer was not the Tory party. So deep is the anti-Tory tradition in the working class that not even Thatcher's policy of bribes, made possible by North Sea Oil, has been able to win any serious section of the working class to support for the Conservative Party. The Conservative Party's vote, already lov in historical terms at 44 per cent in 1979, fell by 700,000 in 1983. Since then few opinion polls have seen the Tories even regain their level of
The real beneficiaries of Thatcher's successful drive to split the
of labourism has been Analice prehension to believe that the Alliance it 1s a complete miscom-
has its base in the 'petty-bourgeoisie .
mass base of the Alliance is millions of votes by workers simply white collar workers, although it has widescale support there, but also among manual workers. the Alliance has major support among the most skilled and best paid sections the working class — in particular in the most prosperous areas, the South and South East of Britain.
This is why today we find the leader of what is still a skilled workers based union, the AEU, endorsing what apparently were in origin the views of an intellectual magazine produced by Eurocommunist party . Unions such as the AEU, the EETPU, the NCU are precisely those among which Alliance gets support. And they
Gavin Laird, general secretary of the AEU, became the first leader of a major union to officially endorse post-election Labour and the Alliance. BRIAN WHITE looks at why the theoretical journal of a Eurocommunist
among those which, in a much longer term strategy, it, and the bourgeoisie hope to disengage from Labour and,
This is the reality of the situation
attacked were never those purely of a group of
intellectuals. And 'new realism' never purely a 'trade union' strategy. manual What is involved is the coming together Labour's of a whole section of the right wing working trade union bureaucracy based on the
best paid and most skilled sections of the working class, coupled with a wing of the parliamentary Labour party who are simply given a theoretical cover by a journal such asict as Marxism Today. It is capital and the Labour right that set the agenda for Marxism Today not the other way round. It merely provides the gloss to give a 'theoretical' rationalisation for what the right wing of the trade union bureaucracy would do
But what must be clear is that 'tac-
Alliance are not going to go away. They are profound and phenomena whose impact in the labour movement is going to increase, not decrease.
The real strategic fight that is going national to develop in the
precisely between the class forces in the labour movement and the 'new realist' right — a right irrevocably wedded to class collaboration in trade unionism and to a political perspective of accommodation with the Alliance.
labour Anti-Tory
The majority of the labour moveis still clinging "labourist' perspective — and will continue to do so for a long time yet. what we are seeing today, and have been since 1979, is precisely the break up of labourism' product is just as logically Gavin Laird, Eric Hammond, and the drive towards coalition government as much as it 1s ANTANY Scargill, Tony Skinner, the demands of the Labour Women's Action Committee, Against Party Black Section. whole period, unfortunately, that new previous realist right will be a much more powerthe labourism than will the campaien left. produci
The arenas in which that fight will take place ground' of the labour movement - the not TGWU, GMBATU, NUPE, and thost
areas and unions which form the "soft left', and 'soft right' of movement. It is the fight between the class struggle left, right, for political domination in these areas which will settle the course of the labour movement in ine period.
There should also be no doubt as to the political terrain of that fight. It is the defence and rebuilding of the labour movement. Because schema, imperialism there is, place for the old labourist labour movethe ment - although of course it will take are years to arrive at that final historical
verging on
deal between
conclusion.
ideas of "tactical
politics.
tions, movement,
British
wider
precisely deep rooted
coming years is
struggle
of workers, support,
labour Ine period
the old defended by class But
- a break up whose
_Renn Dennis
Womer prospect of a Pit Closures, or the Labour
Indeed for
break British
gles will be the great 'middle
labourism, the labour British together and the new realist
different type,
no e nexi
: in the new , and new conditions, of British
historically, no
rebuilding
Party and the right wing of the trade union bureaucracy are con-
La common political perspective. ERIC HEFFER gives his alternative to the orientation being spelt out by the Labour right. Socialist Action's editorial view p2.
In British imperialism's schema of things there is a role for the EETPU, or for Gavin Laird, or for coalition. There is no placer for a nine million strong trade union movement, and no place for independent class /
The bourgeoisie today aims to destroy, or reduce to shadow organisa-
as NUPE, the or the civil service unions. It seeks to break up the closed shops of the general unions. It seeks to. permanently break Labour's old dom ination of the majority of the working class. A small privileged trade union
perhaps only 45 million strong, a Labour Party which can never get into office alone, that is the plan of
capital. will use every historical, and every current, weakness of the labour movement to achieve it.
Ant that assault will strikereeks fe
than Labour's present class struggle left. It will strike the majority of the ranks of thelabour movement
those over whom the class struggle left and the new realist right are today fighting
Who can best defend the labour movement - who can best defend the unions, who can secure the reduction in the hours of work necessary to reduce unemployment, who can protect the low paid, who can organise the millions
part time and temporary
who . rebud Labour s who can defend the black trom racist attacks, who can defend the welfare state - will be the force that will win in the struggle in
the next
Because, increasingly, the labour movement will only be able to be
struggle methods Because the Lairds, Hammonds, Marxism Todays, and New Statesmans have literally nothing to offer the great ma jority of the labour movement.
British marxists today have a job imagied renty woeld face. They ase imagined they would face. confronted not with a 'struggle for power, or even with any short term
'struggle for power'
They are faced with a long gruelling struggle to defend, and rebuild on a new basis, the labour movement. Marxism is going to become a mass current in
movemell through glamorous and exciting strug
international developments to propel it forward. Marxism is going to become a
it, unlike can begin to defend the labour movement. That with internationat developments, which can be of a ver
will dominate the period of the class struggle
The first, most powerful, and inost frightening product of the break up of labourism is the new realist right, tactical voting, and coalitionism - forces seeking to break up the existing labour movement from the right. Its most im portant force for the future is its small marxist current. The fight between thi two, over the terrain of the defence and
of the labour 'movem will decide the future of British socie
Page 7 scan of this page
• NEW
STATESMAN
• The complete tactical voter • Crisis in the blocs • Keliner on the left • What's on le télé • Maureen Duffy interviewed • Camden jazz The women of the
SDP
- decent, caring &
NICE
6 What touches me most is the sheer bloody awtulness of women's
Marxista
Toda May 198795p
Thatcher
leis by vot
Britain Eric Hobsbawm:
There is only one way of defeating the
government.
NOP:
andidate who is best
Heffer
New
Argent
I ne Communist
The Battle
Marxism Over Education Cilla Black
Allance Assesse
The The Gorbachev Effect Statesman.
Chernobyl and
journal
piranhae.
election
who
tion possibility
SOCIALIST ACTION asked Eric
to comment on arguments of Marxism Today, the
Statesman and others favour of 'tactical voting' coalition government and to present his view of the alternative to it.
THE view of Martin Kettle in Marxism Today that the Alliance is on the left is a complete misconception of its position. The fact is that the Alliance, particularly the SDP, is by no means a left wing party. The SDP is a middle class organisation with a small middle class membership wedded to capitalism
SDP were the people broke away at the decisive moment in 1981 to let the Conservatives in. By doing what they did, and lining up with the Liberals, they allowed the Conservative party to get back into office at the last election.
By Eric Heffer
The Tories lost 700,000 votes in 1983. If the movement had not had the SDP breakaway, together with the activity of Callaghan and that grouping in the Party, we would have won the elec. tion. To call these people on the left is ridiculous, the SDP is another side of the capitalist coin
This total misreading of the situation is quite deliberate. It fits in with a
Party view of seeking alliances with the SDP and Liberals rather than building up the organised strength of the working class.
There is now a concerted effort on "tactical voting' from various quarters.
Today has abandoned idea of working class politics. concepts are clearly being ironed out in that paper. With the falling back of the Labour Party in the polls that has given an added impetus to their views.
same goes for the Statesman is a journal of the left, as it used to be, is wrong. The Guardian equally is a middle ground Liberal-SDP
These are people who would like to eliminate all ideas of socialist policies once and for all from the party's pro-
We're already hearing talk about going to the election with the minimum of policy objectives.
There are people who after the next
would quite happily make deals with Owen and company. could see, not a breakaway, but arrangements being made with them after the next election. There were people
even before the last election wanted to raise the question of coali-
This talk is undermining Labour government with Labour positions.
This is another example of the type of self imposed wounds the party is inflicting. A lot of damage has been done to the party's prospects not only over the past few weeks but also over a longer period of time.
For some in the party to refer, like the capitalist press, to our councillors and local authorities as 'loony lefts' is a gift to our political enemies. To expel councillors and members for suppor ting the Militant newspaper or any other left-wing paper in the party is a gift to our political enemies.
The left's
alternative
to coalition
the
in and who
To disciplinary action because members or supporters of Black Sections is a gift to the political enemy To fail minority groups like lesbians and gays is a gift to the political enemy.
To fail to support women's rights is a gift to the political enemy.
It is wrong for people in the Labour Party to distance worker wo demo vect cass suruse gle, who are fighting for basic trade any union rights and who require solidarity Class from all sections of the movement.
The miners should have received wholehearted support, as printworkers and others. They did not get it, ellner trom some trade union ol New Labour leaders, and their fight was
weakened as a result.
The defeat watershed for the movement. past when workers have been defeatd in industrial struggle they have tended to look for political solutions. They have looked to the Labour Party, but on this occasion, because of the cracked note 1 UNI workers have hesitated and are not sure where to go or what to do It is our task on the left to give them some answers and political direction. We It is clear that we on the left of the
party cannot sit idly by and allow the party to become the SDP Mark 2. If we do, that is a sure way to ensure the victory of our cluding the SDP/Liberal Alliance. the must go out and fight for our socialist
principles and policies, knowing that in reality, they were the only policies that in the last analysis can deal with the problems that capitalist countries face.
The emphasis must be on the class basis of politics with the various issues integrated into the overall strategy The centrality 01
agreements even Morning Star who doubtedly disagree with on issues of the internal regime in the Soviet Union. Clear v at the moment there are ares where the 'soft left', and what I would
Socialist Action comrades with they
i to suoport the rights ol
ting the
themselves from
meetings,
nobody.
should the • We ownership
of that of the miners was a
In the dusties
finance houses.
Labour's
that trade
political opponents,
We
vice.
social we in this and other restored.
unemployment.
class politics LOUILL Y
with people in the
we would un- discussion
get together.
24 April 1987 7 call the 'genuine left', are not going to agree on every policy.
On reselection, for example, there is a division between the 'soft left' •ang what I would call the 'genuine left'. We believe we have to have reselection on , the basis of the GCs which are reflec.
wards, branches and trade unions that are part of the constituency. This means MPs are responsible to the elected representatives of the whole party. The idea of selection by mass
postal ballots, in fact means people who are accountable to
But there can be a number of policies that we agree on:
back into public the industries and companies that have been privatised. Part
must be a real fight for democratic management in such in-
• We can get a minimum agreement that we must extend public ownership in other spheres. We have to extend it ir particular in relation to the banks and
• We can agrée to get rid of all nuclear bases, nuclear weapons and nuclear
• We can agree that all the anti-union legislation should be abolished, and
WHOR rights should restored without interference in the internal affairs of trade unions. • We can agree on working towards proper financing for rebuilding the National Health Service and that it should function as a free National Health Ser-
• We can demand that the cuts in
benefits should be
• We can agree on an all out attack on
• We can agree that we have to support the rights of women and the minorities within the party and the
We can agree to oppose coalition
If we can work out a minimum programme of that kind then, particularly after the next election, we can begin to
Page 8 scan of this page
What is the bureaucracy?
8 changing and developing. reflects reality - therefore as new phenomena develop in social reality so new ideas and categories have to be introduced into Marxism.
Marx, for example, never developed a theory of imperialism -modern imperialist system did not exist when Marx was alive. Lenin developed he ends out eve] any theory of Stalinism — for the simple reason that Stalinism develop until after Lenin's death.
Marxist analysıs dialectic of 'classic ideas and radical innovation. The criterion for that which should be retained from the old, and what should be introduced as new, is always whether a theory accurately reflects reality. As Engels put it Marxism: 'proceeds not from principles but from facts'
A Marxist idea therefore remains valid for analysis, and action, as long as the realitv it ret ects continues to exist The creation new phenomenon - imperialism, fascism, or Stalinism to take developments since Marx's death — requires the introduc-
This determines the relation MATTIN analysis There does not exist anywhere in the 'Marxist classics' a fully developed analysis of British society and politics. This simply because svstematic study of this sublect exists. but also because British society has tremendously developed since such
written. develop a Marxist analysis of British politics today means study and learn from what is new — as Marx did in his own day.
But the criterion of correspondence to reality as the test of any analysis
classic Marxist ideas is sterile Nothing is more short sighted than an attempt to "start from scratch' and ignore what has already been analysed in Marxist ideas.
Perry Anderson put it clearly an essay he wrote on Gramsci: The international disputes which united and divided Luxemburg, Lenin, Gramsci, Bordiga or Trotsky represents the last great strategic debate in the European workers movement... The classical debates, therefore, still remain in many respects the most ad. vanced limits of reference we possess LaV.
'It is thus not... archaism to recall the strategic confrontations which occurred four or five decades ago. reappropriate them, on the contrary, Is a step towards a Marxist discussion that has the - necessarily modest of assuming an "initial shape" of correct theory today. Regis Debray has spoken, in a famous paragraph, of the constant difficulty of being contemporary with our present. In Europe at least, we have yet to be sufficiently contemporary with our past.'
Study
Anv serious attempt to develop a Marxist analysis of British and internanonal bonnes today must unerciore necessarily study Marx, Engels, Lenin,
Trotsky, Luxemburg, Gramsci and the other great Marxist writers. Not to do
so is to ignore the most powerful intellectual resources available.
Nothing could make that clearer today than studying the question of the
whether in its home burcauclacy grown variant of Kinnock, Golding, Hammond and Co, or in its in-
ternational variant of Gorbachev
Deng Xiaoping. Because in his analysis
of the bureaucracy Trotsky made one
of his most fundamental characteristic contributions to Marx-
Ism - — one that is of direct relevance to developing politics today.
For Trotsky, as with Lenin, the fun-
damental feature of the modern world
was rule by the imperialist system. Imperialism,
dominates the world. As Trotsky wrote
in The Third International After Lenin:
Socialist Action 24 April 1987
Marxism
- because the
did not
develops in a
Kinnock
social
of society.
moded creed
ful because it is true'
To attempt to
necessarily to
our epoch... perialism,
finance capital.'
imperialist, ana
true • sukals. democracies
countries.
port primarily
To
- hope well Conservatives.'
domination.
dicalism: 'In
the population of the country.
state indirectly, termediary bureaucracy: °
tries, is precisely
Lne MOS bureaucratism Willis, precisely in the traae unions.
and Germany.
and organisation of
especially in England.
bureaucracy,
Golding
SOCIALIST ACTION is a Marxist
paper. That is it attempts to apply a
Marxist analysis to the contem-
porary problems of politics in Bri-
tain and internationally. It does
that not out of nostalgia for the
past, or out of fidelity to some out-
but because, in
Lenin's words, 'Marxism is power-
A Marxist
analysis is one in polities which
most accurately allows people to
is the epoch of imie of world economy and world politics under the hegemony of
The bourgeoisies of the countries dominated by imperialism, and in par-
India, other, countries, however constitute the fundamental defences of imperialism. This is par-
bourgeois Ene imperialist
Trotsky noted in his classic work on fascism, What Next?: 'In a developed capitalist society, during a "democratic agent, regime", the bourgeoisie leans for sup-
the working classes, which are held in check by the reformists.' This form of political rule particularly applied to Britain: 'In its most finished form, this system finds its expression in Britain during the administration of the Labour government
during that of the
The bureaucracy is the pivot of the system of bourgeois and imperialist
As Trotsky wrote in his polemic The Errors in Principle of Syn-
England, more than anywnere cise, une stale rests upon bic back of the working class which conStitutes the over or the mator. The mechanism is such that the bureaucracy is based directly on the workers, and the
through the inthe Laut • UNION
The most powerful bureaucracy of all, based within the imperialist coun-
the trade union bureaucracy: 'In the capitalist states,
HORSIOUS are to he observed
enough to look at America, England
'Amsterdam (the trade union international of the social democratic parties) is the most powerful international
the trade bureaucracv. it it thanks to it that the whole structure of capitalism now stands upright, above all in Europe and
'If there were not a bureaucracy of the trade unions, then the police, the army, the courts, the lords, the monarchy would appear before the proletarian
Gorbachev
Marxism and socialism
nothing but pitiful and ridiculous playthings. The bureaucracy of the trade unions is the backbone of British imperialism. It is by means of this bureaucracy that the bourgeoisie exists, not only in the metropolis, but in
in Egypt, and in the
Trotsky concluded therefore: The Marxist will say to the English workers: "The trade union bureaucracy is the chief instrument forged for your oppression by the bourgeois state. Power must be wrested from the hands of the bourgeoisie, and for that its principal
the trade union bureauciacy must be overthrown."'
Enemy
Trotsky's analysis of bureaucracy is clear. The bureaucracy is not the central enemy — that role is occupied by imperialism and the im-
ruling classes But bureaucracy the chief mechanism of the bourgeoisie. In order
overthrow the bourgeoisie therefore necessary to destroy and overthrow the bureaucracy Power must
wrested from the hands of the bourgeoisie and for that its principal agent, the trade union bureaucracy, must be overthrown.
From the fact that the bureaucracy is not a ruling class, that it is a defence mechanism of the central enemy of the working class, flows that on occasion the bureaucracy can undertake specific progressive tasks- wilc al luc sallie time maintaining its internationally counter-revolutionary role of detending the bourgeoisie. For example Trotsky wrote in his Letter on India in 1939 that: The general historic role of the Stalinist bureaucracy and their Comintern (the Communist International) is counterrevolutionary. But their military and other interests they can be forcea to support progressive movements.' Classic examples of this are the aid the Soviet bureaucracy was forced to give in Vietnam's war of liberation against the United States, or the economic and military aid given to Cuba and other countries in which capilalism nas been over untowa
Trotsky noted in the Transitional Programme of the Fourth International that the Soviet bureaucracy in fact con-
Deng forsee and act. To show this, in addition to our normal coverage, we are going to be running a series of articles on how Marxist ideas explain contemporary politics. In the first of these JOHN ROSS looks at the Marxist analysis bureaucracy — internationally the politics of Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping, and in Britain of Kinnock, Willis, Golding, Dean, Todd, and Hammond.
Stained every revolutionary Marxists to fascists: all shades of political thought are to be found among the bureaucracy: from genuine Bolshevism
other within the bureaucracy, only a small
minority, reflect, passively it is true, the socialist interests of the proletariat. The fascist, counterrevolutionary elements, growing uninterruptedly, express with ever greater consistency the interests of world imperialism
two polls, there are intermediate, dif-
fused Menshevik-SR (Social Revolu-
tionary)-liberal
gravilaid towards
democracv.'
The fact that even the bureaucracy
as a wnole can de lorcea lo lake piu
gressive actions, and that it contains a the variety of political currents, means that
it is necessary for the working class, in
such situations where the bureaucracy
…s oceao take biozicosive activis, lu the enter into united defence bureaucracy, or
Dulcaucialy it is Action
War Il it was necessary to take united action with Stalin to fight against the Nazi invasion of necessity to cluding in alliance with Stalin, which he
advocated, did not alter the fact that
Trotsky spoke of: "The definite passing over of the Comintern to the side of the bourgeois order, its cynical counterrevolutionary role world, particularly in Spain, France, the United States "democratic" created exceptional supplementary difficulties Under the banner of October revoluthrough tion, the conciliatory politics practised
"People's Front" by ine working class to impotence and clears the road for fascism.
progressive actions, and even when it is necessal y engage in united action with it, bureaucracy still attempts to hold back and sabotage the struggle.
As Trotsky analysed in The Third Period of the Comintern's Errors: 'The influence of the radicalisation of the
movement betrayers. masses... of the political current from
.. to complete The revolutionary elements
cept
That perialist bureaucracy Between these mechanism
CILC tendencies which bureaucracy, bourgeois action with the sections the workers
To take an extreme case in World
the This
defend the USSR, in-
throughout the SLIKCOICaKCIN and other countries, (which)
for the world proletariat
individual dooms the
Even when forced to take individual
world politics. the working class to the
Gorbachev,
In Depth
masses on the reformists is quite similar to the influence that the development of a bourgeois revolution has on the liberals. In the first stages of the mass movement, the reformists move leftward, hoping in this way to retain the leadership in their hands. But when the
surpasses the limits of reform, and demands from the leaders a clean break with the bourgeoisie, the majority of the reformists quickly change their tune. From cowardly fellow travellers of the masses, they turn
strikebreakers, celles. open
He also noted: 'At the same time however, some of them, not necessarily their better elements, jump over into the camp of the revolution...
Trotsky concluded: "The reformists are betravers not because they carr out, at every given moment and in every one of their acts, the instructions of the bourgeoisie. If that were the case, the reformists would have no influence on the workers and consequently would not be needed by the bourgeoisie. Precisely in order to have the necessary authority for betrayal of the workers at the decisive moment, the opportunists are compelled during the preparator period to assume the leadership of the workers' struggles, particularly at the beginning of the radicalisation of the Leadership
"The social democrats and those of the Amsterdam international, with the exception of the more conscious rightwing elements. will be compelled under corresponding conditions to assume the leadership of the advance of the masses, in order to confine these advances within narrow limits, or in order to attack the workers from the rear when they overstep these limits we know that in advance and openly
warn the vanguard about it.
This, therefore, was Trotsky's con
the bureaucracy. The bureaucracy was not the main enemy.
role was occupied b the im ruling classes But the was the chief defence of the imperialist bourgeoisies. The working class had to
united with the SECUS of the bureaucracy. But at the same time they had to understand, and 'warn' against, the bureaucracy's role.
Lenin outlined it in another context. He wrote: 'unity • is.. • relative. The struggle of mutually exclusive opposites is absolute.' Put in terms of the bureaucracy it is necessary for working class political currents to enter united action not only with rank and file
but with of the • bureaucracy. Not to do so is infantile lettism. But even within that united ac tion, that 'relative unity', there is an absolute contradiction between the interests of the working class and that of the bureaucracy.
Put in concrete terms, it is necessary ficipate in a strugsie led by a Goldiar, for the working class a Dean, or a Jarvis, demand that they
But even within that struggle a Golding, Dean or Jarvis sabotages it. In particular at crucial moments they turn 'from cowardly fellow travellers of the masses into open
VOCI betrayers.' That is why, even when involved in united action with a Golding, a Dean, or a Jarvis it is necesary to 'warn' against, and organise against, their role. Similarly when supporting
positions of the Soviet bureaucracy, such as the Gorbachev missiles proposals, it is still necessary to
by the Soviet bureaucracy as a whole in
The main enemy is a Reagan, a Thatcher, a Baker, and those whose interests they represent. But to fight thera it is necessary to fight their defenders
Hammond Kinsock Golding, Jarvis or Dean. That is Tod sky's analysis of the bureaucra?
Page 9 scan of this page
Gorbachev's new Euro-missiles proposals: An offer the West can't refuse?
International
SOVIET LEADER Mikhail Gorbachev has stepped úp the pressure for a nuclear-free Europe deal with his latest proposals for immediate talks on the removal of short-range missiles. During his speech in Prague on Friday 10 April, Gorbachev declared: *we are in favour of moving towards a radical reduction and eventual abolition of all short-range and tactical missiles in Europe.' He elaborated this offer during George Shultz's three-day visit to Moscow. This latest move has created some contradictions in Ronald Reagan's administration, but the problems posed for greater. CAROL TURNER explains.
'DO WE really Europe be nuclear
press the talks. Howe
dangerous
nuclear missiles. far as the Thatcher 'baid concerned, ale news The
Germany
As Times
European ministers
new viewed
In days
Moscow
three LOUICCU elements the Euro-
ofWheelee talks on short-range
seval alc to those on the in-
force
with
proposed
place all 35
Security He also
Shultz was widely struggle against revolutionary Nicaragua.
Moreover, there is a huge political crisis in the contra 'movement' that encompasses the variegated organisations within it. Sections of the American ad-
manuscrauon nave occuly-
ing to hand over leadership
respectable' 111U1C
characters such as Robelo and Cruz. Theoretically
could muster HUIC support than the other
leading figures like Calevoy
the sinister former National
Guard chief under Somoza.
Despite the fact that the contras have proved dismal failures as a mintarv force
their 'struggle' against
umarmed civillans has caus-
ed a high toll among the
who live populanol
West European governments are even tion' on nuclear
sce kees dese
allu should be allowed to
missiles.
instructed drop
autumn: the
1ng to 1972
orrevel
of the TuesGorbachev expanded
the Tass
USSR to disshort-range rocketry relatively
quidate its hass assu
defence initiative laboratory research.
Nicaragua: contras under increasing pressure
IN THE wake of the shockwaves sent throughout the Reagan administration by the Irangate scandal, new evidence is being uncovered about connections in other parts of the world to supply arms to the Nicaraguan contras. One effect has been to fuel the feeling among sections of the American establishment over the futility of maintaining the contras as an option in their
Nicaragua's border with Honduras (home base of the contras). The project of the Reagan administration
harass the Nicaraguan regime and force it to ex-
By Colin Robertson
Spend precious courtes needed elsewhere.
This was aimed to create enormous strains on ine poor Nicaraguan economy has) and thus force the Sandinistas to inhoduce sungent austenty measures (which they have).
But the anticipated result of alienating a sizable section of the population from the
Shultz and Gorbacher
while clear that USSR's
ty still the
are particulai
battlefield as this new
the Margaret
own visit to the
Thatcher said: to
missiles in cumulalcu. also have
missiles
range warsaw has
to one. real negolla
in
West Germanv In
against denuclearisa-
of Predicton
O EN
cians.
Under headline
arms',
regime has far not happen.
The contras have now changed their military tactics. Not being capable of engaging in open combat with the Sandinista they have turned to sabulazilk 1n• stallations, burning houses, and killing civilians especially civilian foreigners who are helping the regime They also increasing
from South Africa, the US,
Philippines, and Taiwar
This has gone hand in hand with desertions. Eden
has declared publicly he is
Sandinista struggle, sought asylum in Costa Rica, and opened a small business.
Miltarily speaking the objective of the contras has remained the same all
Capturt Nicaraguan village of any importance in order to proclaim a provisional government. But the contras have been totally unable
"The difficulty for Mrs Thatcher and Chancellor
about the
tage short-range
They want right to
torce.
Both
they are the
of Europe"
who
missiles Gorbachev effectively
down.
Loss
This temporarily leaving
true, pro-
cians like and Kohl. victory in the West who believe Stimes of 19 April put it. strength' the Sunday That editorial goes 1 25 'Despite LUIC than
match the Sandinista army. According Humberto Ortega the contras have suffered 6000 losses of which roughly so were killea. The Sandinista directorate
concluded that the situation has irretrievably turned Nicaragua's favour.
Dangerous
However it is the contras inability to muster a serious fighting force which makes the situation potentially
more dangerous for the Sandinista regime. The US administration will now Stave l DUCI foreign policy on Nicaragua
Central America as a whole and secondly engage its own military forces in the region more directly in the military struggle against catacua
Already the UŞ administration has organised joint US-contra-Honduras milborder between Honduras Itallocuvic. on the
years of East-West talks
Carms Conte
SUDCI powers.
dish the dis-
generation.
the climate
be pointing
the West European
the
Europe
Western Europe not en-
bachev's
ingness
Central But
entirely right.
Western should
on Now
and Nicaragua on several occasions. There is every reason that American imperialism will anne new meds one la destroy the Nicaraguan
To cope with that eventuality the Sandinista army has been restructured and organisationally strengthcucu
Despite the setbacks the contras are under tremendous pressure to launch yet another oftensive and show they are capable something more than killing children, raping women, drug-running to the US, and embezzling funds. They are reported to be preparing ¡ol a ma ol fillllaly ooclation inside Nicaraguan territory, and large contra troop movement are reported. The US has just carried a census available hospital beds anhe paling a large number of casualties The contras know their continued ex istence is in the balance. Nicaragua must survive!
South African
railworkers strike the streets and in the courts. trading centre of Johannesburg.
controls rail and road transport. leaving or entering.
SATS workers.
and holding meetings to spread the action
transport, the Black Staff Association. truck driver.
successful to date.
those housed of to the migrant labour system in total.
needs
dramatically with
similar exercises by the bosses before
for collections.
Socialist Áction 24 April 1987 ACTION AGAINST the new South African law banning any protest against detention
•On 10 April it became a crime punishable by up to 10 years in jail, to even call for the release of thousands of detainees, or to
solidarity with, or in honour of' a detainee.
The opposition to these new measures was swift
Even church leaders called on the people to defy the law by wearing 'Release the detainees' T shirts and by putting up 'Free the Childien' stickers In Cape Town, Archbishop Tutu defied the law at a church service attended by 750 and called for the government to release the detainees. In the face of such widespread defiance, Pretoria was forced to exempt prayers from the list of offences. Other aspects of these new laws are currently being challenged on
However the massive rail and transport workers strike has not been given the same international pres coverage. Over 20,000 railworkers have been on strike since mid-March. They are rapidly rallying others in telecommunications workers. In the mines, as the first stage of a campaign decided by the February conference of the NUM, the wives and families of Landau colliery workers have moved into the single. sex hostel in defiance of the Group Areas Act.
The strike of the South African railway workers in the Transvaal has inflicted massive damage on the economy of the state which includes the major
Businesses are heavily dependent on the South African Transport Services (SATS), a state-owned monopoly which
Over 2000 containers have piled up at 23 depots. The passenger service is in chaos after a walk-out by guards and ticket collectors at over 60 stations. More than 50 railway coaches have been sabotaged and a section of the line near Soweto has been bombed in response to a vicious police attack on strikers. Truck drivers who deliver containers have unloaded them at access gates to prevent white seab drivers from
Railway strikes are strictly illegal. But this has not stopped a united show of strength by over 20,000
Seven hundred workers strategic Jan Smuts airport have come out in supPorkers Union (SARHWL) which is leading the ac- The South African Railway and Harbour tion has also won the support of its sister union in the public sector, the Postal and Telecommunications Union. POTSA is on strike in Johannesburg
The rail strike, which began on 19 March, is the biggest public sector dispute ever. Its strength reflects the political developments of SARHWU as a na. tional union, and the collapse of the bosses' union in
The strike was triggered off by the sacking of a
The action has developed into a recognition struggle and a protest against the wages and appalling conditions in the single-sex compounds where many railway workers are forced te
live. Anglo American Mines workers in the Transvaal recently moved their wives and families into the hostels at the Landau Colliery in a campaign to end this racist hostel system. The action has been highly
Railway workers who live in old mining compounds have also been fighting for better conditions. Disputes amongst railworkers spread quickly after
in the Kavern compound in the Transvaal demanded basic rights to light, hot water, and decent tood. wentv thousand workers involv ed in the dispute which began at the end of 1986, are now remorcle we strike accon amuel way
Repression has been severe. Police and dogs were used at the Delmore compound when SARHWU members refused to renew their meal tickets and started a food boycott. SARHWU has said it is time that SATS used the R139 million profits to improve the conditions and wages of the workforce. The union is encouraging the development of compound committees, and like the NUM, is calling for an end
SARHWU escalated the strike Three hundred members were arrested on their way to a union meeting for attending an 'illegal gathering'. At pre-
sent, a SATS campaign is underway to recruit scabs from two bantustans which have been targetted for
The National Union of Railwaymen in Britain has links with SARHWU and is responding to appeals for financial aid. Likewise, Rail Against Apar-
theid, a campaigning group with NEC backing, has already established a special fund for SARHWU. It will be appealing throughout the labour movement
Page 10 scan of this page
British withdrawal in
10 dinațing Committee (LCC) on Ireland,
Peter Hain, supported by Ken one parliament.
have as
public declaration
practical
taken by the Socialist Action editorial board.
THE discussion that
Diace within the Ireland welcome. It has resulted in
the forthcoming trade union conterence initiated by the Labour Committee on Ireland (LCI). Seizing further opportunities for united action such as a
demonstration Iliaos British withdrawal on the
twentieth anniversary the troops being sent in -woula be a genuine colltribution the cause of musu iccuolll.
But joint action in no way implies political support lor ine le of the Hain paper, proposal •ilascu withdrawal programme to
implemented future Labour government
not ine road to Irish liberation,
British
In this country, parliamentary politicians and the media speak of the * Irish problem But for the irish people the problem very clearly British Britain's
UlIt centuries-long domination
of Ireland been the cause genocide. lilass starvation and emigration,
subordination
and distortion, and cultural destruction
This entire history shows how far Britain will go to defend lIS prize possession Successive rebelions hv the irish beo-
ple have been met with the
Britain continues
take this stance because of the stakes involved for im
perialist rule. Not only
would a successful struggle
for unity and in-
dependence be a beacon to
anti-imperialist fighters
worldwide, it would be
frontal challenge
immediate political and
economic power of the
British ruling class.
Socialist Action 24 April 1987
one Parliament
THE ADVISORY conference of the Labour Coor-
held in January, voted in favour of a paper submitted by
Livingstone and others, calling for British withdrawal from Ireland by a Labour government during the lifetime of one parliament. Socialist Action considers this opens important new opportunities to strengthen campaign forces demanding British withdrawal from Ireland. Socialist Action considers that the crucial task on this is not abstract propaganda but the practical task of getting Britain out of Ireland. The left can unite around demanding the withdrawal of Britain from Ireland during the lifetime of one parliament - and implementation of this demand would represent an historic victory for the Irish struggle for freedom. While not agreeing with many points in Peter Hain's paper Socialist Action agrees with the central demand that Britain should withdraw in the lifetime of
Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams, speaking in London on 10 February called on Britain to adopt a 'strategy for decolonisation'. Such a strategy must
its central tenet the abandonment of the Government of Ireland Act and an irreversible and
by a British government that •Northern Ireland' is no longer a part of the United Kingdom and that the British military and political establishment would remain there only for as long as it took to arrange their permanent withdrawal. This would need to be accomplished within the shortest
period and a definite date within lifetime of the parliament would need to be set for the completion of this withdrawal. JON SILBERMAN argues a minority view opposing the position
Only a revolutionary mobilisation of the Irish themselves Debbic wall overthrow British colonial rule over the 6 Counties and its semi-colonial domination of the 26 Counties The British working has deep self Cass interest in the struggle of the Irish people for their right to self-determinnation which enslaves another can never itself be free.
breaking from ruling class over the not be able to necessary independence achieve anything on its
At the centre of policy workIng toward the
Irish nor can there be.
determine their can resolve
tian immediate withdrawal of
debts.
tour, the Labour
• L02 growing of the
but Hain
'A for immediate with-
in which violence and dissension
They conterpose a profor phased withdrawal during which time such 'violence and dissension' will overcome, they argue by Britian con-
vening 'constitutional conference; guaranteeing 'civil and religious liberties'; Britain ensuring the implementation of the MacBride Principles employment discrimination through the medium of the British government's Fair Emplovment Agency; by Britain calling for the 'cessation of all offensive military activity by all parties and organisa-
Finally, and most revealingly Britain maintaining its troops in Ireland and by Britain establishing a commision *to draw up proposals for
new Northern (sic) Ireland police force'!
The real meaning the LCC's claim to being 'practical' is their Britain's continuing
gressive role: to provide for the 'operational use of arms only (sic) for detensive purposes or protection of threatened munities.
Have Peter Hain and the LCC learnt nothing trom the vears or brilisi occupation? It was precisely inis argument — le need to protect a threaten-
- that the Labour government under Harold Wilson used 1969 when it 'temporarily' sent troops counties In be use place
'Violence and dissenHain SION LCC put something to be overcome by Britain. It is the conse-
British Cucuce presence. The protection
threatened communities' guaranteed through the
use contrary ope
contrary, tionalist community needs its own sen-protechoi against such use.
The proposal for "phased withdrawal' during which time Britain that is British imperialism
would seek to overcome
' dissension and violence' will not bring about withdrawal at all. 'Troops
An alternative view
back to barracks' is recipe not for complete withdrawal but tor continuing British presence.
future Labour government which LCC has in mind will use troops 'protect' 'threatened' communities Wilson government morin- differently from deed from Tory Alliance government coalition.
A Labour government up an imperialist state and British perialism calously defends its domination over Ireland. Past Labour governments have slavishly implemented the edicts of British imperialist of interests on Ireland.
lo place any hope in a labour government as be-
ting Irish self-determination against British imperialism would
be to fly in the face not only of the experience ot pas
List ur innocents
Kinnock's proclaimed views: pledge that he would. 'die
This country' of defence 'national security' over Zircon, his defence of the special relationship' with US imperialism, and so on
Juture Labour government took Six measures that contradicted this it would be because it was forced the the not gle itself and through
by labour movement. Centre be > future Labour government could more subject pressure of labour move ment mass action than the
government, given Kinnock ment's relationship to the unions and Labour Party.
Labour government would be additionally
pressure from
NUM leadership and the Campaign
MPs giving sup-
TROOPS OUT IRELAND!
port to such mass action and struggle and ensuring that the ment paid a high political price for its pro-imperialist policies. the Moreover, getting rid
of the through mobilising a united working class vote for Labour would be a huge boost for the self-confidence of the labour movement. or would open up greater
possibilities of mass action in defence of the interests of the working class anc im- the oppressed, including
on Ireland By mobilising mass action now we will be in the best position to deepen it under a Labour government tomorrow. Winning a policy commitment from
ment is important only in the framework mobilising mass action today.
Whereas the focus of the Hain/LCC proposals is to concentrate the attention of the Labour moveself- today on what his future Labour government
might do tomorrow, outside or unis mass action. perspective, the real fight will the labour move ment today is to campaign for the Labour leadership to break from their bi-partisan defence of British any military presenict
chart a course to mobilising the labour movemen in opposition to it.
It would be a huge advance if the labour leaderthe ship were forced to take
steps toward promoting mass action on aspects of current Labour Parti policy opposition non-jury Diplock Could be strip searching Preventhe tion of Terrorism Act, etc.
By failing to address itself to this question of mass action now by failing to raise the issue of British withdrawal the Hain/LCC proposals do not enshrine the princi ple of Irish the determination — the cor
nerstone of any genuinely of anti-imperialist policy on
the Irish question.
Inside
the unions
SWP vs STA
Committee.
tion of militants within the NUT. have escaped the author's memory.
agreed alms.
By Bernard Regan and teachers' interests.
Socialist forces, a strategy to win.
employed, has
ting them up for compulsory redundancy.
but them to back our struggle.
of
reinforces and facilitates such action. form of contract.
and ficial action'
of success
campaign.
SWP's anti-bureaucratic oppositionism
to
the STA.
now
political struggle that will suffer.
Debate IN ONE OF the most badly timed set of articles ever produced in the left press, Socialist Worker launched a massive sectarian attack against the Inner London Teachers Association (ILTA) on 11 April, the day eight of its members received notices saying that they had either been expelled or suspended by the NUT Executive Appeals
The eight are all members of the Socialist Teachers Alliance (STA), an organisa-
The paper describes the STA as an organisation 'dominated by the lower levels of union officials which 'does not reflect organisation by classroom teachers'. The fact that the STA was responsible for the 13 January strike against Baker's Pay and Conditions Bill involving 8000 London teachers, seems to
The STA has grown in influence over the last 11 years. Its great strength is its ability of welding a diverse body of political opinion in order to fight for
Socialist Worker charges that 'many STA activists have illusions that left Labour councils can deliver real. change. This may or may not be true. It says nothing of the STA's nature which is revealed by the actual resistance led by the STA to attacks by such Labour councils — or any others. This resistance has been effective because the STA has rejected the SWP's sectarian abstention from the political struggle in the labour movement — including in the Labour Partyto mobilise support for the fight to defend education
Worker's judgement that 'the job of revolutionary socialists is to continue to challenge the rightward drift within the STA' is a pristine pure illustration of where the SWP's line leads. Of course this is not 'the job'. The real job is to put forward practical proposals to defeat the Tories and the employers. But rather than adopt such a class struggle policy, the sectarian abstainers of the SWP retreat into. anti-bureaucratic oppositionism: very hot demands to 'expose union leaders — including STA leaders — but nothing to say when it comes to mapping out, within today's conditions and balance of
Nothing shows this more clearly than their position in the fight to defeat the ILEA's compulsory redeployment proposals. The Labour-led ILEA has adopted a budget which passes on Tory cuts to its workforce. It is cutting the total number of teachers
1300 secondary school teachers 'surplus' to requirements, and is attempting to force them from one school to another thereby set-
ILTA decided to promote the broadest mass action by teachers to fight this attack and to build on such mass action to take on an offensive within the Labour Party. ILTA officers met with representatives of the union leadership and won a commitment from
Such official backing is a valuable asset in our struggle to win over the labour movement, especially in the manual unions, and parents, and to isolate and • defeat the employers. It does not deflect from the basic task of mobilising teachers. On the contrary, it
The 'concession' that in the event of nationally sanctioned action, ILTA leaders would discourage unofficial action was given in order to achieve it. It was a small price to pay to win official executive opposition to compulsory redeployment, and support for defending the jobs of all teachers on whateve
But this agreement was the occasion for Socialist Worker's sectarian onslaught on ILTA and the STA. They counterpose an infantile glorification of 'unof-
though even the SWP realise that a strategy based on unofficial action stands no chance
So at the last meeting of the Inner London STA they came forward with a motion that we should call on the national executive to support an all-out strike in London against the redeployment and then, wher they refused, denounce them and start on a deten
. Under the guise of militancy, the actually represents a gross capitulation which they attempt to cover up through their sectarian onslaught against
The STA will not be deflected from its class Strianism. We will continue to mobilise teachers in the SWP's ultra-left defence of their interests and those of the workins class and the oppressed. We will continue to win o!
ficial union backing for this and we will continue to struggle inside the broader labour movement
Despite our differences we appeal to the SWP to remain within the STA. If their sectarian posturin leads them out of the STA, it will be this overal
Page 11 scan of this page
In the Unions
HATCHES were battoned down at the 1987 AEU National Committee. right-wing dominated Standing Orders Committee kept 'controversial' items off the agenda in the in-
giving the conference a lack-lustre atmosphere.
The one exception was the impact of the Caterpillar occubaliull. coachload of over 50 of the workers travelled over miles from Uddingston Eastbourne lobby delegates They were greeted by a standing ovation as they entered the Congress Theatre the National Committee Wak TROLOT backing their fight was supported unanimously, though prior that unanimity of LETCOL the leadership to vote down a Dundee 10lU1 which proposed full support for the occupation.
The ARU executive committee had already expressed its refusal to sup-
illegal' occupation, and executive member Jimmy Airlie had travelled to Uddingston to meet with shop stewards to
message.
To avoid repetition and ensure full national
CATERPILLAR
AS THE Caterpillar occupation enters its thirteenth week, public support continues to flood in. A concert held in Motherwell last week raised over £5000 and workplace and street collections continue to raise between £15,000 and £20,000 every week,
By Ann Henderson
Several Scottish bands have recently got together and released a specialv cut record with all proceeds going to the Caterpillar occupation. Three local councils -Hamilton, Motherwell
- Е7VC now agreed to exempt (sternilar workers from rent and rate payments aunng me aspute. li scenes reminiscent of the miners strike thousands of people can be seen sporting the red and white Caterpillar support stickers.
management have been under considerable pressure to meet with the workforce.
Last week they met with delegations from
support group, and then from the STUC, Scottish churches and local
representatives. Finally, with the agreed intervention of ACAS talks have now begun.
On Thursday 16 April, for the first time
management met a delegation from the shop stewards face to face.
to consider proposals made by the shop stewards, and talks will recommence on Tuesday 21 April.
As far as was possible the
terests of 'not rocking Labour's pre-electoral boat',
(millice support, the
Caterpillar stewards urged support for a united motion expressing full sup-
port for the fight to save
he plant and the workers' jobs. This was one of the
very few motions adopted which detended the right. and interests of the AEU member sino
By Jon Silberman
On other matters. for instance, the committee declared tavour nuclear power, opposed immediate renationalisaLHOT of companies hived off by the Tories, heard union leaders Bill Jordan and Gavin Laird propose LADORT should enter government with the SDP-Liberal Alliance and initate a recruitment targetting areas traditionally organised by
This relates to discussions taking place between the AEU leadership and
Pat Brandon, a senior AEU steward at Caterpillar, was optimistic. 'We really are making progress he said, pointing out the importance of the meeting with the company, given that management had always insisted that they wouldn't meet until the occupation had ended.
The stewards are calling for management
compulsory redundancies amongsl the 800 hourly-paid employees. In accepting that Caterpillar are no longer willing to run the Uddingston plant, the workforce are demanding that it remains open for a minimum of twelve months, to allow adequate time for an alternative buyer to be found.
ine stewards are confident that such an
will be found. An independent study by the Fraser of Allander Institute, commissioned by the STUC, has put
for the plant, manufacturing components.
Our support must
Collie re Caterpillar workforce. pat Brandon exo ained that public support has
the last few weeks, since the company won the court injunction and despite the AEU leadership's refusal to support what they describe as an illegal occupation'
Caterpillar management have been left in no doubt as to the views of the Scottish labour movement and the STUC conterence, meeting this week in Perth, will certainly confirm this.
AEU in conference
the leadership of APEX about a possible merger. Although Jordan, Laird and the executive majority appear fully
favour of such a move, a maor costacie in the form of the AEU's traditional commitment to the election of all officials, whereas APEX has an appolntments systemn une ostensible reason for the ending AEU's amalgamation with TASS.
The special rules revision sinister way along the road meeting went
ot removing this obstacle. Using the pretext of the union's financial state, the
a radical set or cropased
a radical cutbacks involving of many full-time officers of the union
It is the manner of these lob cuts that opens the door to the appointment of full-time officials, paving the way for a future
with allalzallallull APEX. Executive council will decide which jobs 'surplus' and then redeploy officials accordingly. Districts and divi sion will end up with officials who have not beer elected by their membership, overturning the elective principle at a stroke. employers over flexibility is widespread. April. Delegates representing NUM areas, Against Pit Closures and paigns' reelected the campaign's officers and decided on a programme of action for the coming months.
The AGM took place in the wake of coal boss Sir Robert Haslam's an-
that some of the sacked miners would be re-employed. Commenting this, Ine campaign's re-elected chair, Billy Etherington said that 'the results of the Haslam review have been disappointing. WITn 114 reemployed, still leaving more than mine. workers sacked, no [Wo
been treated alike.
"n kent. CKed
been taken
Although rules revision
specified cellullaly
three-year period for this,
unelected officils could be TOTECE up io eigni years under union rule
officials WIld reach the age of 60 do not need to stand for reelection.
The financial crisis of
casion for rebuilding the
•TO for attacks upon union democracy. The AEU's membership has suffered
decline the leadership has failed meet the recession in the
a fighting. policy aimed at safeguarding jobs The current membership probably under 700.000
Conference did nothing to reverse the trend. Instead it endorsed an executive proposal to proceed with discussions with the Engineering Employers Federation their proposals for eliminating the bulk of the gains in conditions that engineers have won over decades of struggle. 'Max.
plant utilisation total flexibility of trades the unfettered right i anandal to Hallas. will not secure the right to
DONT
Engineers lobby an executive meeting of the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions - opposition to talks with the
Justice for miners
ONE HUNDRED people attended the AGM of the National Justice for Mineworkers Campaign on 12
Women
regional 'justice cam-
back on, two have been reemployed but the other eight have been placed on
waiting until jobs become vacant. So
been both selective and a very carefully orchestrated publicity stunt.
The campaign's action programme involves OD. bying at this summer's trade union conference and activity miners'
including major effort to build the Notts miners' gala in September and major summer event.
Jordan
work but will lead to fur-
ther massive job loss and speed up.
There is deep concern
within the about
these talks with the
employers, extending
wing. But in a move aimed
at concealing such opposi tion allist their own
supporters the leadership did not propose endorsation of any substantive deal but rather the na-
tional committee's go-ahead tor a further round
of talks following which the will ret all 95 to serenion ted
to 55 to sanction the further round of talks.
By a similar margin the committee rejected proposal fix a figure in this year's wage
The focus of this activity will be the Justice for Mineworkers Bill, written by Tony Benn with the endorsement of the NUM to enact the policy decisions of the 1985 TUC and Labour Party conference. In so doing, the campaign hopes to make the issues of the sacked miners an issue in the general election.
Tony Benn was present at the AGM, representing Lne Campaign Group Labour MPs. He has writ-
letter for Labour Parties urging them to take up campaigning for the sacked miners.
Alongside this letter, the campaign distributing a statement be signed by MPs. PPCs and labour
will be printed in labour
Socialist Action 24 April 1987
claim; yet again, the union Will be proposing
'substantial increase' and the demand for a 35-hour week will be part of the discussions on flexibility rather inan a goal around which the membership will be mobilised for struggle election armosphere of re- crown national Kinnock was invited to address the meeting and the TV cameras were wheeled in for the occasion. Kinn
the general theme of the
• A quarter of the 124 delegates attended a con-
fringe
'Ireland: the cause
Labour?' They
London district president, Mick Martin, • explan why union should end its 'hot potato
lo ine irish ques tion. The meeting major breakthrough the union which organises in Ireland. It focussed on employment discrimina-
the Six Counties. • Silberman Trom int organising
committe the trade union conference employment discrimination also sp ce. Large quantities conference
and many delegates indicated their intention of mobilising for it.
STOP
TALKS
NOW!
movement newspapers in the summer.
The AGM registered the growth of the campaign now has regional committees : back-
NUM in Yorkshire, the north-east, the north-west and South Wales and other noncoalfield Newly elected NUM vice-president, Sammy Thompson was elected the campaign's honorary vicepresidenl
• The Midlands NUM is staging a day of action on behalf of the sacked
on 21 April, th latest in a series of stop
which have beer taking place around the country.
11
Meeting
defends
IMA 8 DEFENCE of the ILTA 8 was the theme of a fringe meeting at NUT conference on Saturday 18 April. The meeting was addressed by Billy Etherington, secretary of the Durham Mechanics of the NUM.
Etherington made
strong appeal in support of the victimised NUT members. I'm not just thinking of you as good trade unionists' he said but
perhaps the last bastion ot resistance to allacks on and collapse of the educa tion system'
Billy Etherington drew a parallel between the witch nant mine No l and wnat happening in the Labour Party and argued that what was at stake was fighting back against Tory attacks
'I heard the new president of the NUT
on the radio waxing forth about the Tories but I thought you're taking action against members of your own
against the Tories rathe harder than you'
Billy Etherington said he was appalled by the lack of publicity that had been given to the NUT victimisations. He reminded the audience of the press cam paign of villification directed at Arthur Scargil when the NUM established their disciplinary commit tee. "Two years later and no
in the Net pelled are
suspended and expelled for carrying out union policy and the very same press which condemned Scargil! is silent. Etherington caller for the entire labour move. ment to rally to the victimised teachers' defence.
Raj Ray, coordinating secretary of the Nationa Convention Black Teachers, was another to speak out on behalf of the ILTA 8. The NCBT had issued a special leaflet on the victimisations.
"ILTA council have done said They have just ex wrong' Raj …Rat said. pressed the deep-felt sen umens ormerank anall members who want to figh
Another black ieacher, Rahman Patachany, himself a member of ILTA council and one of the original suspendees, echoed this theme. "The ILTA of
were implementing the democratic wishes of their members in London. They knew that the time to start fighting was before the Bill became law
Marie Price of Notts Women Against Pit Closures was another rally speaker. She warned that if the NUT leadership was allowed to get away with th witch-hunt it could be an
Suspended ILTA of•ficer, Carole Reagan said that the witch-hunt against ILTA reflected the leadership's inability to 'deal with
politically ILTA had shown the way figh against the Baker • Bill. "The main defence of ILTA is to deepen campaigr against Baker' she said
Expelled officer, , Dick North, sported badge which read 'Fight the cut
reinstate the The badge was six years old, he told the rally, and said thai
the past, the union's fighting left-wing stronger now
Page 12 scan of this page
All out on
ON SATURDAY 25 Aprit, CND will be holding a national demonstration demanding a nuclear-free Britain. 11 • comes on the eve of the general election and when Labour's nuclear disarmament policies are under attack from the Tory party and the Alliance.
As was amply shown during Labour Party an-
the US administration is prepared
intervene directly into the British
• LO ensure support for the
policy is protected.
CND's demonstration will De the main opportunity before the election
show the strength support that exists for
disant inedi this country. Every trade
Labour allu Party constituency and branch should be there with their banners flying.
strong Labour presence will ensure that there is no doubt about the commitment that exists within the party to nuclear disarmament.
The demonstration also comes
autre wen the Soviet Union is putting Ivi wara blacticd dilu SuD portable proposals for the denuclearisation of Europe.
When Gorbachev offered a plan to get rid of all intermediate range nuclear wcapolis Ii burope, Illalcher and the rest of the European NATO allies used short-range missiles as a pretext IoI opposing this. Now the Soviet Union is offering a deal onl those.
Thatcher, backed to the hilt by the media,
set turn this down. The CND demonstrallul Saturday 25 April is the opportunity to demand that Thatcher and the rest sign on the dotted line. • March for nuclear free Britain Saturday 25 April. Assemble 1am, Victoria Embankment, London WC2. Rally 2pm Hyde Park.
Gorbachev's missiles proposals, pl
Name .
Address
I enclose chequel
Action for £
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fringe meeting tor
start'.
The meaning of his appeal was clear. Teachers snoula give in to tue stric tures of the Tory govern-
Pay and Conditions Act which elimin-
teachers' rights aLCi negotiate and gives the education minister dictatorial powers to determine their salaries and conditions.
Two days later, on Monday April, the NUT leadership showed heir full support for th Radice line. They opposer a proposal to step up acton involving national campaign of refusing to cover for absent colleagues, withdrawal from extra-school activities, escalating selective strike
tional strike and rally. government's and
union policy. JON SILBERMAN reports. THE sentences were decided by the union's appeals committee - composed entirely of executive committee members following an appeal by national officers of the union against the decision of the union's disciplinary committee that
INNER C
Radice sells
out teachers
LABOUR'S front-bench education spokesperson, Giles Radice, made an appeal at an NUT conference
moratorium on teachers' strikes. Holding out the prospect of a reforming Labour administration, Radice called on teachers to forget the acrimony of the past and make a 'fresh
Instead they issued 'guidelines' to union members on behave within the framework of the Tory Act, and urged a strategy of seeking local negotiations WILI tion authorities to improve
By Ray Sirotkin
The conference debate over the Tory laws exposed for all delegates why the NUT leadership was hellbent on disciplining the Inner London Teachers Associa who have been in the forefront of the fight against the Tory proposals and for decent salaries and conditions.
The proposal for
TWO officers of the Inner London Teachers Association (ILTA) and one ILTA delegate have been expelled from the NUT, and five ILTA officers have been suspended for one year plus a further banning from holding union office for one year, and the other 43 members of the ILTA Council have been forced to sign an undertaking not to break the rules of the union. All this because they took strike action against the Tory
Conditions Bill which eliminates teachers' negotiating rights, in line with
the suspended members be reinstated.
In a move which completely overturns all norms of natural justice, the bro secution appealed, changed the nature of the charge in the process and then those
LONDOR
TEACHERS
ASSOCIATiOL
NUTE
escalating action was mov-
ILTA's general secretary, Mike Loosley
La suspendee and only able to be present at une connerence Conney o Seconded court injunction.
by vacully. member from Bradford lan Murch, the proposal won the support of 41 per cent of the votes on a card vote. Vote
The size of the vote showed that attempts by the leadership witch-
conference combined with
had not had the desired effect.
Attempts by the executive keep their 'guidelines' secret until atter the conterence was over were prevented by the head of steam that built up amongst delegates
The executive was forc ed to back another STAsponsored motion calling for unity with the
DEFEND THE ILTA 8!
charged prevented trom attending the hearing and presenting their defence!
A special motion, signed by some 400 NUT conference delegates, to suspend standing oraers allow a debate on a motion
would have conference the right to hear appeals by those suspendea and expelled was ruled out of order.
The suspension of standing orders was moved by national disciplinary chair, Harry Levitt who additionally distributed a statement to delegates protesting
whereby justice was not 'seen to be
NAS/UWT, which accordingly was adopted almost unanimously. The dele gates won a vote for active opposition to government plans test youngsters from the age of seven up wards anallol recommendations. And they referred back a sec tion of the executive council report on City Technical Colleges .the Tories' privatisation of education programme, on grounds of the need for ac tion.
Election
When Dennis Skinner spoke at a packed STA fringe meeting, he was tre mendously received when, as opposed to Radice, he said he had no intention of
lead-up general election. The 400 people responded enthusiastically present
to Skinner's total suppor
for the victimised ILT officers. done. Levitt, evember fons a standing the union reflected the disgust of a growing number delegates at the overturning of such an issue of basic principle. Two to three hun dred NUT members lobbiec conference to show their opposition.
One delegate who spol in the debate on unity be ween the NUT NAS/UWT in favour of one TUC-affiliated union for teachers was especially warmly received when hi urged unity within the NUT itself through an end to suspensions and expulsions. Meeting defends ILTA 8, pag
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