Socialist Action No. 165, 22 May 1987

Socialist Action (IMG / Socialist League) · 22 May 1987 · 12 pages, 18,044 words read by machine

The scan: 165-may-22-1987-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)

Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.

Pages: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Page 1 scan of this page

THATCHER

No. 165 LAST TUESDAY the Tories issued the most election manifesto put forward by any major party this century. It promised:

• to end council breaking up existing estates and, in practice, prevent councils building new homes; • to break up the state education system by allowing the best schools to uclare UD from the local system and become private; • to consondate exisung grammar schools;

benefit for those under 18; • to sell off the remaining nationalised industries

STOP

VOTE

reactionary

Lax

Dy: these end government. • to housing by

majority voted in favour;

'eliminate for ever' this country.

unemployment

by the Labour leadership.

ACTION

BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM

LABOUR

ticular electricity and water; • to replace rates on propertv bi a regressive and reactionary poll

in the seventeenth century; and other means to any effective powers of local introduce a scabs charter which will allow people to refuse to participate in a strike even if the

• throughout its 77 pages to put forward a programme that would socialism in

This manifesto sets the agenda for what this election is about. lt is not about the manifesto produced - which

is more right wing than even the worst expectation of many party members. It policies of an Alliance whose sole real demand is that Thatcherism ceases to put forward so brazenly its brutality -and whose leaders have declared, in advance, their form a coalition even with Thatcher.

What this election is about is a government which is setting out to demolish every progressive gain the labour movement has made and which has, in this manifesto, announced this more openly than ever before.

The task of the labour movement in the next three weeks is sim-

22 May 1987

SDP-Liberal

Labour government.

willingness to

would do. It means

then in even demonstration, doorsten

portunity

then buy the manifesto and read it.

Inside

• Ireland, page 5

ple. It is to stop that government, and its policies, in the only way that can be achieved on 1l June -by voting Labour and electing a

That doesn't mean letting up the fight against Neil Kinnock, his policies, and what he has done. It doesn't mean having any illusions about what a Labour government

one simple thing. Getting out every Labour vote on 11 June. Between now and

struggle, on every and every persuading people ma on polling day they have the op-

to turn oul the mosi reactionary government this century. If you don't understand why

Tory election

30p

• Kinnock's record, pages 6 & 7 • South Africa, page 9 • True blue Alliance, page 3

Page 2 scan of this page

'No unilateralism please

2 Socialist Action 22 May 1987

ACTiON SOCiAlist

The only choice

is a Labour vote

IT IS fortunate that ninety per cent of those likely to party's 1987 manifesto. Because if they did so carefully, tions, it would seem as one of the most incredible documents ever put before the electorate.

It was summed up when campaign coordinator Bryan Gould appeared on the one o'clock radio on the day launched. It was pointed out that the document was actually now ambiguous on its most famous pledge million in two years. It appeared that more than one quarter of the 'reduction' in unemployment would be accounted for by taking people into training schemes - with no guarantee that they would get a job at the end.

Gould had to admit that this was true. That Labour was no longer even pledged to get a million off the dole and into real jobs.

This is the same on each major issue. Retreat has followed retreat.

radical policy, unilateral nuclear disarmament, • As we has been watered down to the point where it has now virtually disappeared. Gould was caretul to avoid even using the words 'unilateralism' when interviewed on radio. • Any commitment to remove has been eliminated. simply states that Labour will introduce a policy

'gradually diminishing Britain's dependence upon nuclear energy' what degree, is never stated.

• No figure whatever is given for what would be the level set for the national minimum wage

which Labour would introduce.

• The Ministry for

measure in

promised by Labour, is tucked away on page 13

of the manifesto - unlike the Alliance which puts

forward its policies on women's rights as the se

cond item of its manifesto.

If you were to judge it by its manitesto, you

would have to conclude that Labour were a

rather right wing party with still - despite the

best attempts

anti-nuclear 'defence

Tories, and Alliance,

about the 'looney left',

would be hard to work out.

But the one thing the Labour Party cannot

avoid being is itself.

Labour is not what it is pledged to but what it is

based on. Because to carry through their policies

the Tories, and the Alliance, would have to break

every organisation on which the Labour Party is

based. hey would have to brea

unions, to break local government, to break the

tradition of voting for a party based on a free and

independent labour movement.

And inside those organisations today are con-

centrated every major force that stands for pro

gress, freedom,

That is what that vote is about on 11 June. It

is not about Neil Kinnock. Or the lamentable and

right wing manifesto he has produced. It is about

the long term development of socialism in Bri-

tain. It is because there is no way to socialism in

Britain which goes through seeing Labour's vote

chopped down by parties to its right. There is no

to socialism in

consist in strenginening

weakening, the

labour movement.

but for what it is

working class in Britain today.

wants to defeat it. Inal

socialist in Britain should be inside it. That is

why

should vote for it.

vote Labour will never read the

and think about its implica-

the

unemployment Dy one show on this page Labour's most

nuclear power Instead the manifesto

- by what time, and to

Women, the one radical central government organisation concealment - a peculiarly policy. Just why the are getting so worked up and the socialist threat,

What is significant about

the trade

and finally socialism, in Britain. Britain which does not rather than major organisations of the

Thatcher hates Labour not for what it does

- the one mass party of the That is why she is why • today every on 11 June, without equivocation, they

WHEN LABOUR's manifesto was published on Tuesday ment in the lifetime of a Labour government was definitely not among the party's pledges for the 1987 general election. Instead the leadership only underfakes that if the US-Soviet Euromissiles talks break down Labour will 'inform' the USA of its 'wish' to remove cruise missiles reiterating the commitment to scrap Polaris and cancel Trident, the manifesto contains no mention of getting rid of US nuclear bases. In line with the launch of Labour's December, what does remain of nuclear disarmament policy is firmly set in a pro-US, pro-NATO context. But, while Labour is retreating on one of its few remaining progressive policies, Margaret Thatcher is cashing in on the climate created by the Gorbachev proposals, claiming zero option'. CAROL TURNER reports on how the right have sabotaged Labour's nuclear disarmament policies.

AN 'Advice Note' issued ov warworin koad on 11 April warned pros

parliamentary candidates

The forthcoming genera election campaign will ser all kinds of broad nonBally political pressure groups attempting to

luence or win support for their policies from Labour

candidates. It will also see

particularly the Conser-

and SDP-Liberal

valive Parties attempting

smear the Labour Party by

implying that we have no

policy our

have simply

tured" by this or that par-

campaign.

'One of the most im-

portant issues where there

will be considerable pres-

sure group activity and in-

terest will be defence. The

and largest

Pressure groupe uclear

Nuclear

Disarmament.'

CND will 'attempt to

win commitments on par-

ticular issues from Labour

candidates' Walworth

Road warns. It is likely

Not these com

mitments will be contrary

agreed Labour Party

policy.'

Support

In conclusion, can-

didates are offered the

stricture: It is not CND

policy to support or en-

dorse Labour canetones.

Nor is it Labour Party

policy seek

dorsement.

Predictably, the

Labour leadership intends

the maximum

distance between itselt and

the nuclear disarmament

movement during the elec-

tion campaign. But who

GOer Labour Party

leadership imagine it will

win votes from if not the

hundreds of thousands of

disarmers across

the country?

fact, the

summary of party policies

listed in the "Advice Note'

the policy directorate who

issued it are forced into a

downright lie in order

put across the leadership's

i new

UȘ bases in Britain reads:

'Labour will continue

to provide bases and com-

munications facilities for

US conventional forces to

assist in the detence of

Europe ano North

American allies. We wish

¡to • remove nuclear

—we're British'

19 May unconditional nuclear disarma-

from Britain. Whilst

defence campaign last

she supports a 'zero-

weapons from the bases CND wants to close all US bases and communications facilities. This proposal has been consistently defeated at Labour Party conferences.' (original emphasis)

By overwhelming majority at the 1983 and each subsequent

Labour's policy has been to 'unconditionally remove all existing nuclear weapons and bases within the lifetime of the next Labour government' (composite resolution 40, 1983). Votes

Issued advance of the Clause meeting which decided the

the

Clause V meeting of Tues. six azallot day 12 May which was jointly held between the Labour NEC and shadow cabinet rejected any men tion of removing US nuclear bases

Back-tracking on nuclear bases began in earnest al last year s alual wonference. In bis Teesea eil dress to conference. Kinnock listed only TCHI that Labour would close wil. The pre-election rally

atmosphere created in

Blackpool meant that the

majority of delegates were

repared to acquiesce

he launch of the Labou

defence campaign on

December 1986, all men-

tion of the nuclear bases

had gone from the polic

document, The Power To

Defend Our Country.

The second stage of

ditching unilateral nuclear

disarmament came more

recently, on the eve of Nell

Kinnock's ill-fated visit to

the USA. in response to

the Soviet proposals to get

rid medium-range

nuclear missiles in Europe

were then on the

table, Kinnock said that

abour would delay retur

cruise pending

outcome of such talks. Created Thus Labour

leadership has not only

dropped removal ot. US

nuclear bases but has also

createa a aclucial aut

biguity on whether or no

all nuclear weapons would

in the lifetime of

Labour government. TO

reinforce the point, Still

Modern Britain in a ModernWorkd

The Power to Defend

our Country mediately after Kinnock's trip to the White House Denis Healey told the

that claims from Washington 'that Neil Kinnock put forward policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament were completely untrue!

Since the launch of Labour's Modern Britain in a Modern World cam-

at the end of last Walki year, Healey nas oecon the chief Labour spokes person the nuclear disarmament issue. His opposition unilateral nuclear disarmament has been well-known for many

Choosing him Labour's spokesperson ir the election campaign can only be taken as anothe sign the Labour leadership simply isn't

about unconditional nuclear ment.

Right

Healey has already begun the spade work which the right intends to bury unilateralism with. In the first article in the New

recent defen

ce series, 'The dream of

world society Healey ex-

plained that the changing

situation heralded by the

Euromissiles talks meant

multilateralism and

were

out slogans' He argued

*nuclear freeze

butressed by a comprehen-

sive ban on nuclear tests'

A Guardian article of 4

April further reported that

Healey had written for the

USA Foreign Affairs jour

seeking. the

withdrawal of American

nuclear weapons from Bri-

tain we shall and hat

unilaterally

withdrawal 'would have

no limit though we would

to conclude them

well within our first term.

Healey reiterated this

line in one of the first ma-

jor Labour speeches of the

election campaign. Speak-

ing in London on Saturday

16 May, he repeated tha

Labour would set no tim

on discussion with

the USA.

government would 'put to

the United States a cast-

iron case for removing its

HIC Cal weapons

from Britain'

This is a fat cry from the position of 1983 that:

"Conference recognises the

need to

wilt

but stresses that this wil

manifesto

Britain

Labour*

not weaken our commitment to, or our timetable

securing a non-nuclear defence strategy for tain within the lifetime of the next Labour government.

The day after Healey's speech, the published an "exclusive' story on the Tory smear campaign against : Labour and agalls! CND in the 1983 general election. The evidence comes from one of the Secret Society TV series (which originally included the Zircon film, now banned), the screening of which was suppress. ed because of the election.

The Piers Wooley a former Tory • official, who said: 'At the time, nuclear

were regarded as possibly quite a large pro blem as far as the election was concerned ... . the party was worried that the momentum CND and the Labour Party had gained would accelerate

With a manifesto that completely downplays nuclear disarmament, and with Denis Healey as

Labour spokespersor

he issue for the durațior of the election campaign, there is no fear Labour Party harnessing such powerful supportin

1987. On the contrary, it is Margaret thatchel who

has far captured the high ground the

Euromissiles talks with her fake commitment to a

'zero-zero' option.

Fiasco Until now the Labour

Party has been seen as the

only capable roy in Britain

forming would

government

scrap nuclear weapons and

the rest nuclear

paraphenalia in this coun-

try The Labour leader-

ship's abject failure … LO

mount an up-front cam-

paign since the fiasco

1983 has inevitably led the

party to the position of to-

day whereby nuclear disar-

mament

have been rendered well

and truly ambiguous

The net effect of this

will be a drop in Labour's vote, ithin the party , not an increase.

it is

ly opposed nuclear disar-

mament DolIc who have

now captured control of

that policy They have

done so not by mounting a

frontal attack on what has

been ar overwhelmingly

Analysis

Labour

will win

popular demand in the Labour Party for uncondi tional nuclear ¿disarma ment in the lifetime of one parliament, but by working behind the scenes to undermine that position.

Whilst that was hap Perning thai so-called soft

maintained agnosti silence which allowe gi cale and greater 'reinterpretation of policy. In practice they supported the right wing offensive. By the time the defence campaign was launched last December the majority of the soft left were prepared to welcome it.

The LCC-sponsore

Tribune Willamson Nige wen

defence policy in any way

the dust. Professional publi

. 8C1

packaging and presentin those policies in the wa

HOS

defence campaign They arguesident

The Labour leadership ha

ours to the NATO ma

can

Labour Party membe

have the full authority

donment in the manifest

Page 3 scan of this page

News

day sessioenced in ofe of is My Miless The

announced in one of its key articles: Alliance is seen as untouchable by many on the left. Martin Kettle suggests that, on the contrary, it must be seen as part of the left.

The Guardian, for WoOm •Kettle is a leader writer, has been pursuing a

it declared in its editorial of 19 May that in the manitesto they nave put forward for the 1987 election the Alliance: 'ful. ly justify the ... too glibly dismissed from the lett. to be lust what 1l says a real party OI radical reform it is absurd to claim that Labour now has any monopoly of radical reforming policies. ... the Alliance can fairly claim to be a party of the reforming centre-left.'

line is pushed by Stuart Weir, who was rightly forced to resign as editor of New Socialist for promoting tactical voting, ana by Frank Field - WIlU has also called for tactical

What astonishing about such views is that they almost never discuss the Alliance's actual

— or if they do it is Doncies with extreme selectivity. The Kettle piece in MarxIsm Today, for example, did single policy statement of the Alliance. However, anyone who judge the Alliance now has

formed. The publication of the Alliance's 1987 election manifesto gives ample opportunity study its policies in detail

The first striking, and highly new

Dutciscu feature of the manifesto is

and biguous backing given by the Alliance to privatisation. It states: 'We opposed the das and or of British and British Telecom although would not reverse it .. We supported the privatisation of Rolls Royce... We welcome the fact, British Steel is now operating profitably. We believe it should be retain-

single entity withstand international competition and should be considered for privatisation.

Women

The manifesto goes

Tony Blair, Labour front bench spokesperson pointed out that the Alliance's

that £15 billion would be made in the next five years through the sale ot state assets in answer to questions from the Independent last Monday, the Alliance admitted that this £15 billion would in-

council house sales from the sale of Kolls Royce from the sale of shares in British Petroleum, and as much as ty billion irom the "remaining. stages' of privatising British Gas and British Telecom When asked whether this meant the Alliance would sell the remaining 49 per cent government SLAKe British Telecom it replied: 'That is one option'

The Alliance also made relear existing proa gramme ot privatisation

True blue Alliance

IN THE last months extraordinary attempts have been made to portray the SDP-Liberal Alliance as a would be carried through.

in the public Cobaner sector, and those 'in comDeluve environments could become future candidates tor riyalisativil

Ian Wrigglesworth, Alliance

Cululles spokesperson, COCALCU the position on privatising British Steel

ULl television's This Week Next Week: British Steel should somelling

look at for privatisation because it is a

lighly competitive sphere, and could operate very effectively. • I see no reason in the private SCULUI why it shouldn't go into the private sector.

By Dick Carter

The second key feature of the Alliance manifesto is its position on the trade

This is presented The manifesto states that coyly but precisely. the Alliance have: taken the lead in promoting the extension of postal ballots and internal elections and nave vigorously opposed

closed shops

Ne will also encourage the establishment of freely negotiated strike-free agreements especially the provision of essentia public services.

its conclusion the manifesto rather cryptical-

the Tories, for having:

Tories, for having: voled .. against some of the measures to put trades unions fully under the control of their members.

What this means practice is simple. The

Alliance have voted for every single piece of anti-trade union legislation put lorwalu Dy •the Thatcher government. Indeed they

lave attacked the Tories for not being sufficiently anti-union.

The first 'Green Paper' produced by the SDP on trade unions, 1982,

pecifically criticised the

so the political levy. The

the political levy. The SDP demanded the reintroduction of the 'contracting in' system first imposed by the notosious 1927 Trades Disputes Act and repealed by the 1945 Labour government.

During maners strike Owen consistently attacked hatcher for be-

'too soft' towards the

NUM and the unions. On 8 July 1984, several months before Thatcher resorted to the courts, he declared for example: •Why should NUM funds which, if civil law had been

could under severe threat be left untouched!

The Alliance manifesto makes it clear that every

piece of anti-trade union

egislation passed by the

GovernaCe would remain on the DOOKS InC these previous statements, further

laws will be introduced.

If we from the core. of the Alliance manifesto, which

Liberal

ALLIANCE

carefully tucked away on its middle pages, worth looking at how the Alliance wants do project itself.

Here there is no doubt the subjects it wants to be associated with. The first subject the manifesto deals

plans for the 'reform' of government → establishing Scottish Assembly creating Welsh Senedd (senate), setting up regional assemblies, passing a Bill ot Rights and rreedom 0i Information Act, and in-

proportional LOULCHE representation. The cond area dealt with in depth, given treatment not only in a separate section

the manitesto, Alliance poncies l worch. Assemblies

The party of democratic Covetime l and the party who are for women. that is the way ine Alliance wants to project itself. But if you examine the small print Ical nature of the Alliance poncies come out clearly

The treatment of

in the Alliance manifesto vastly exceeds that in Labour's - to the shame of the Labour Par-

It also contains Ly. specific pledge Labour does not - and

SDD

which Labour should immediately adopt. This is the promise that the Alliance will introduce: 'equal representation of women

appointed bodies within a decade.'

But examine what the manifesto does not say and you find that not all, of the Alliance's policies for are

solutely key demand for

who women

low paid, tion minimum But his,

manifesto. Equally the

time who

women, would be same

drastically hit by the

for

to

of in local services health areas particularly

But,

ment the

Britain

United

SDE Libera to establish a ministry for women.

Turning to the other policies it prioritises, the Alliance puts forward pro posals for Scottish Assembly - the establishment of which is to be sup ported. It also proposes : Welsi assembiv and regional assemblies in England. but the real core of the Alliance proposals

local government comes when i explains that the key issue is the introduction of proportiona representation into local Love Cut This is argued on such grounds as 'proportional representation for local government would stop unrepresentative extremists from controlling police authorities More generally, in the very first section of the Alliance

it is declared that proportional representation in loca government: 'is the answer to abuse of

the Town Hal extremists.' Laws

In short the Alliance is saying 'the Tory way of dealing with left wing Labour local authorities is LOODSO We defeat by other means.'

On proportional representation itself the Alliance adheres strictly to one the most undemocratic of all systems the single transferable vote. This means the establishment of vast constituencies, with five or six MPs, which any democratic con trol of MPs is impossible. Together with state funding for political parties it is another of the ways that

Socialist Action 22 May 1987 the Alliance aims to break the trade union links with Labour as well smashing any •democrati control by Labour Party members over. the actions of their MPs in parlia-

Finally the Alliance is picaged private education and private health care

The core of the Alliance manifesto is mererore cem. it would maintain and strengthen the laws against the unions and the privatisation of the economy the key structural changes brought about by Thatcher. would seek to improve the situation of a small layer

PUBLISHED BY TNE CAMPSIEN DROUP OF LAMOUR MPS

in every

New issue of Campaign Group News out. Tony Benn against 'tactical voting', Linda Bellos on the new witch hunt against the Black Section, Dennis

3 of women while doing nothing for : the great majority of women society would seek to establish system of government which would attempt to prevent Labour gaining a majority and weaken the control of the labour movement over its elected representatives is, short. manifesto for maintaining Thatcherism. not for over turning it.

Anyone who believes that the Alliance is an "anti-Thatcher' force should simply read Alliance manifesto. That would end all the hot al coming from the 'tactical voting' lobby.

Campaign Group News

Tactical voting A staregy for destroying socinlism

Vote Labour

constituency

Skinner on MI5. 43p, including postage, from Campaign Group o MPs, c/o Bob Clay MP, Commons, London SWIA OAA.

Page 4 scan of this page

Labour's problems in the West Midlands

4 Socialist Action 22 May 1987

In Brief

LLL announces Labour executive slate

LABOUR LEFT Liaison (LLL), the umbrella organisation of the left wing of the Labour Party has announced its slate for the 1987 National Executive Committee of the Labour Party.

The slate is -CLP section: Diane A000l. Herler, Ren ,Eric

Ken Liv lestulc.

Richardson, "eNnus Skinner, Audrey Wise; WUIC D OCLLU• Margaret Beckett, Linda

Bellos, Joan Maynard, Short treasurer: Gavin Ann Pettifor,

Strang.

The Labour

Committee (LCC) has • also decided its slate for

tuc colsulucicy ocullvil.

Diane Abbott,

Blunkett, Robin Cook,

vıe acac a

Richardson, Audrey.

Wise.

The difference

berween une iwo stales.

therefore, is that the

LCC is trying to. knock

Skinner off the NEC

and prevent Eric Heffer

being re-elected

Ken Livingstone,

who refused to be on

the LCC sate despite

their nomination,

revealed in last week's

Tribune that LCC

menDers so dil c

persuade Joan Ruddock

to run

votes trom benn and

•kinner he ouoles

LCC executive member

Lesley Smith, who

anackea mh 1 luc

previous week's

Tribune, as arguing that

KosocK soulu slalu

because 'that is the best

chance of reducing the

Skinner'

The LCC's slate is

KENT

MUSIC

"TEST«

DEPARTMENT

Labour conference deadline change

THE last issue of

Socialist Action

reported that despite

the election the

deadline for receipt

of conterence

resolutions remained

Friday 3 July.

Walworth Road

has since decided this

isn't on. The general

election campaign

means that wards and

constituencies, wik eli

will not meet in May,

are unlikex

all the more hypocritical given their alleged support for the demands of the Women's Action Committee and Black OCLLUk within the Labour Party. Meacher voted for the original March NEC resolution attacking Black Sections

Meacher both voted for ine renoa di bllal Ull Atkin as a parlamentary candidate

DulKcil ulaymus o nominent role in the campaign against her.

Robin Cook has an article in last week's Tribune putting forward his candidature for the NEl. He aoesn l even mention women or Black secuolls

As Livingstone "The WEbLe louic.

LCC should ask itself whv it continues to give priority to work on women and black issues whlle volng lor tluse who do not

The reason is that for the LCC supporting the demands of women and black people within

the party is just a tig

leaf for hiding its real goal which is to attack the lett.

Last year the right

wing gave strong

support to LCC

candidates. The

'Forward Labour'.

organisation called for

votes tor bilnkell,

Meacher, and Ruddock.

This year the right wing

will almost certainly

endorse Blunkett,

Meacher, Cook and

Dalyell.

The CLP elections

look like being a

straightforward battle

between a de facto right

wing-LCC slate on one

side and a left wing

endorsed slate on the

other.

LAS CALAY

ALESAM MuAe

for i atn to Ayer Centertury)

•RALLY- Midday SATURDAY®

REDSKINS

Mines Not Missiles Festival All tickets f4, children under 13 free For details contact Mary on 0227 45616

sufficient time to

transact this business

for an early July

deadline.

The new deadline

for receipt of annual

comerence icsulalvls

to be to be printed in

the preliminary agenda

is now Friday 24 July.

Resolutions must reach

Walworth Road by fırst

post on that date

All CLP secretaries

have been mailed with

this information. Make

sure your party is aware

of the new deadline.

THIS WEEK Neil Kinnock will launch Labour's election campaign at a major rally in Birmingham. The choice of venue is not acidental. In this election, as in every previous one, the fate of the Midlands seats is crucial to the outcome. Labour will be defending four seats where they have majorities of less than 1000; and there are several more that they need to win if they are

mingham the West

district elections

ingham, Walsall,

well. In

12,000

40,000

The was five

seats Alliance

this trom

Spellar,

thfield,

Knowles, ingham's Groub.

Chest on the

the Labour

everyone

vice chairs council committees.

the women's, and race rela-

ed.

Company) radio interview on Monday

back-burner. But he's wrong.

aort coldinser veren

tutulse,

making sure that the needs

'of black people are met in

whichever

Iwa)

specifically on Black Sec-

wnal t in say-

ing is that

discuss all these constitu-

tional matters and so on is.

arter ine elecuon

He went on: "There are ways in which

Illariy

can tackle racism.

tackling racism

In reply to the question

of how essential the Black

Section was

Grant said: No.

acisin

don't think it is an essen-

tial way. I think it is just

one way of doing it, andl

think there are other ways

of doing it.'

'We can do it, for ex-

HuD C. by having

number of independent

black organisations af-

filiated to the Labour Par

There are whole

number of scenarios that

we can construct. I'm say-

ing that I don't want to get

bogged down into a one-

track way of thinking.

He also explained that

black Labour PPCS had

already approached

charitable institutions for

tions and equal opportunites commitices aespilt opposition from 300-strong picket outside. The message to the elec-

By Mick Archer

torate was fighting

of women. gays was not our and individuals vith

hold up.

themselves Coll t like

ass' rse, DUldvd

done nothing to

But confronting Bir-

Midlands more im-

amongst them We D ovucH and poverty Unemploy-

uCul Daı wa 20.8 per cent in October 1986 compared with : a national average of 11.7 per

The city also boasts the highest proportion of

long-term unemployed in Britain with a quarter of its claimants out of work for over three years.

However, even these figures hide the huge dif-

Terences Li eAs OcLwCc.

ACCORDING TO Bernie Grant, 'Black Sections are not the be-all and end-all as far as I'm concernon an LBC (London Broadcasting

Labour's prospective parliamentary candidate for Tottenham explained that the Labour Party Black Section was a constitutional issue to be put on the

funds a black

caucus.

Black MPS would be

all over said

Grant,

Section is complete

has

the the

The

laloul

Black issue ex-

tends far Nt ti

Labour and far

First, most em-

the

Labour

nable seats wouldn't be

Black

elections an

fighting for

different areas of the city. In the Birmingham Core Area, wc ves lally inner-city wards, the

rate of unemployacnde ment is 34 per cent. Not sur-

many of these DIslikiy wards have a substantial black population and it is the disproportionate unemployment and deprivation that they suffer which has fueled the struggle insiae tne local Laboul Party for stronger action on issues of race.

This situation is placing enormous pressure on ine Labour controlled local authority - particularly its social services calicalivl and housing departments

Grant is wrong: Black Sections are the issue

Grant

black representation exists

within the Labour Party.

Years of black people

throwing temselves on

the mercy of a white and

racist Labour Party had

produced precisely

nothing.

The issue of Black

Sections is not primarily a

'constitutional matter'.

the only basis for wikin the the alliances

within labour move-

ment that black people in

this country r need.

Black Section is

not some optional extra on

the anti-racist agenda.

There is no way that black

people or women, can

ngnl lor mel nociavi

without organisation.

Black Sections are there-

fore not 'one among

many' organisations fight-

ing racism within the

- in a context of increasing cuts in government grants Since it took power in 1984 the response of the Labour group has been to maintain the level provision through massive rate increases ta sercetirl first year) and creative accounting, while attempting to build up alternative employment opportunities

the crisis ridden manufacturing sector. The bid for the 1992 Olympics and a f120 million conven. tion centre are the fruits of this strategic approach.

Meanwhile its pleading with central government the council has flaunted its low-spending

labour movement, but are at the very core of the strategic fight which has to

"the Party leadership, that rea-

the

Section

witch has been

black members parlament

like the Section But

happy

place

democratic organisation

can be blown course,

parlia mentary establishment

is designed

to But what

OI a

democratic organisation

Thạt why Bernie

Black

among ways

tackling Black

liberation,

fight

News

record on basic facilities reminding Ridley that: Of the 36 metropolitan housne atone has the second highest pro portion ol population overcrowded dwellings, the fourth highest proportion in accommodation which is not self-contained, and the seventh highest proportion without a bath/wc.

It is these conditions and the failure of the local Labour council to convince people that they have an alternative to them, which

the real roots of Labour's problems in Birmingham and which if not tackled will cost them dear

be won 'enlightened

how good

particular is

of ute cole

Cilereu door of

intentions

finally, out. Only democratic and

Ci kreD

course

Every socialist

Britain

Bernie stood up

against „ DOnCe

Socialists only

achieved by the

organisation

whether be of the

Bernie Grant's

Salc icul on Black

Sections : wrong

and from

Page 5 scan of this page

The election in the six counties

International

mediately, boost support for the pro-Anglo

REDMOND O'NEILL reports.

WHEREAS in Britain the key question in the election will HOW Alliance Albours vote and secure a can

for Thatcher. In the six

for Thatcher. counties ruied bv Britain in the north of Ireland the issues are quite different. For a start, none of the British parties even exist in Ireland, and the unionists will, as always, win. As Hilda MacThomas writes in the 14 May edtion Republican News Lne

: Fein' rymandered six counties,

here won't be any surprise: the inbuilt unionist majority will, as always, get most of the seats.

"The elections will focus, as always, on the national question in its present dạy manifestations: unionists will ask for massive unionist VULG

Hillsborough (Anglo-Irish) Agreement and against Sinn Fein; the Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP) will ask for a massive nationalist vote for the Hillsborough ment and against Sinn Fein

ind Sinn Fein Will ask for the vote of at those who want the British to leave and the Irish people determine their own future as a unit.' Sinn Fein will be slanung canuidates In constituencies in the north of Ireland.

Atipresent a of the sit

counties' SaLA Westminster are held by unionists, two are held by the SLP and one, West Belfast, is held by Sinn rein's president Gerry Adams. The chief goal of both the British and Dublin governments in the election will be to defeat Sinn Fein and build up the main supSOMETIMES A SINGLE event is so stark that it immediately exposes the true character of a society. The massacre of the nine young Irishmen IRA volunteers and Loughgall RUC barracks on Friday 8 May was just such 'an event.

It was claimed the civilian 'crossfire'. But as Gerry Aris suell of Sinn Fein, pointed out: 'It's obvious that there was a killzone around the barracks and whether IRA volunteer or passing civilian, was to be killed.

went on: 'What happened al Loughgall

very highest level of the British

aulllilislidtion. The godfather of the British colonial ad-

acciaea Inal

had to punished, decided that this struggle had to be ended.'

The IRA was outnumbered and outgunned in a carefully planned SAS ambush. There is no doubt at all that the volunteers could have been arrested.

WHILE THE British parties are carrying on their battle in the run up to 11 June a totally different general election will be going on in the north of Ireland — one of the best indexes that no part of Ireland has any place within the British state. Here the battle by the British government is to deteat Sinn fein, prepare the ground for future deals with the unionists, and, most im-

Irish Agreement Social Democratic and Labour Party.

porter of the Anglo-Irish Accord — the SDLP. That means the decisive contest will be in West Belfast.

LIC MIP. vOte Cane Over

Bloody Friday

- eight one civilian outside

But there was no intention lake prisonels the outset the decision was

By Redmond O'Neill

IRA volunteers who escaped the ambush are reported

you ground after capturn

ground after capture.

Ate bodes were otte! with bullets. But, in addihad also OCCI haradully shot through the In the aftermath, Fleet Street crowed with delight and in their glee some were more frank than WISC Take the In-

dependent's editorial: "It is even implea inal ll was somehow ungentlemanly to encourage IRA men to

Recently is has been putting pressure on Dublin to speed up a "West Belfast development programme" through the inter-governmental con Terence aseL up by the Anglo-Irish Agreement)

SHIC DOC WINI included a speedy demoli-

Divis and Unity flats, the creation of a fourth college of further cancanion and an enteronse zone, has been designed with the declared aim boosting the SDLP's electoral chances for West Belfast.

The main problem for the SDLP. that thẻ credibility of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in the nationalist communities in the six counues Is al all all time low. It has delivered no improvement in the lives of the nationalist population. The RUC'S disruption of republican funerals, followed by the Loughgall

has outraged nationalists.

Seamus Mallon, deputy walk into an overwhem. ingly effective trap. Such al kullCHILs and misplaced and they blur distinction be ween-methods appropriate for dealing with sophisticated and ruthless paramilitary terrorist force, , and those that obviousiy intolerable in a democratic society.'

Perhaps the 'democrats' writing the Indeserters leaders have not been informed: cicior was ned on an a.Ireland basis in 1918. In that election whelming majority voted for independence and Irish unity. Nonetheless Britain imposed partition on Ireland without a vote and by force of arms. It has been maintained by force ot British arms ever since.

Six years this month, in May 1981, Bobby Sands, put the demands

prisoners for political status 1o the test of the polis.

Westminster with 10,000

leader of the SDLP, will aiso nave to contront lnest issues in defending his nar-

seat. Here the main fruit of the Accord is 'cross border security cooperation' which means in practice increased repression and a line of British army observation posts along the border whose construction has angered local farmers,

The unionist parties, the

June against the combined

SDLP, the /unionist

British government.

friends and supporters

vital campaign.

Election Fund, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin.

more votes than Margaret Thatcher got in Finchley — but thev still let him and nine others like him starve to death, in a vain effort to criminalise a struggle that has gone on for 800 years.

at Loughgall?

As Martin McGuiness put it: 'What happened at

oughgall will forever be remembered renusands and thousands Those

people shocked and angered at the wanton murders young Irishmen by the soldiers of a foreign army holding no legal or moral right to bear arms on irish soul.

'Our position is quite clear those young men who were there, in their hands, had every right and every justification to be there. They were there for us the Irish people. And those young peo ple who laid in wait the people who murdered

they are the ter-

'There are some people

Official Unionist Party (OUP) and lan Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party

or have agreen s

pack. even Enoch Powell's 548 vote majority for the Official Unionists in South Down is danger. According Republican News 4,000 new voters, mainly nationalists, have registered in the constituency since the last

The unionists are hoping for a hung parliament in Britain so that they can try to cook up the kind of deal the Callaghan government agreed in 1978 which in-

Station at Westminster from 12 to 17 votes. Stuart Bell, a Labour spokesperson has already indicated he would be interested in such a deal though this has been denied by the party leadership.

The SDP/Liberal Alliance have indicated on a

they would consider further concessions to the unionists including "devolution' for

Overall the aims of the British establishment in this election are to defeat Gerry Adams In west Belfast, to maximise the SDLP's vote and, at a later stage, to pull the unionists discussion with the SDLP aiming at further undermining supbackground will be stepped tor sinn Fein. The uD mintarv operations and repression, carried on with Dublin's support policies in the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

averse cir ELECTION FUND

SINN FEIN is contesting 14 constituencies in * the forthcoming Westminster election on 11

forces of the parties (including Alliance and the Workers' Party) and the

Money is urgently needed to enable Sinn Fein to contest this election and funds are low after the 26-County election campaign. We are appealing to

the Republican Movement at home and abroad to help us in this

All donations (which shall be acknowledged) should be sent as soon as possible to the Sinn Fein

was oe me new rans volunteers deserved it. The

it! The volunteers lived in tnis countr and the people who killed them don't live in this country, don' country, and have no place in this

Speaking at the funeral of Jim Lynagh, which was attended by 8000 people,

the lesson: 'Loughgal happened because

Br this sland and pam

this island and Lynagh and the IRA were in Loughgall last Friday because no other organisa Ireland but the republican tion institution movement is prepared to oppose that British presence.'

The terrorists Loughgall were the SAS and their in London. ucuucides were the young men who died.

In Brief

gays rights launch ON Friday 29 May, lesbians and gays will be lobbying Labour headquarters in Walworth Road between 12.30-1.30pm.

The object of the exercise is to present the Labour Party leadership with a charter for lesbians and gay rights. he charter will be New Statesman sacks

lesbian and gay

journalists

SO much for the idea that the middle classes are more "enlightened' on the question of minority rights and sexual freedom.

new slatesmar editor John Lloyd has recentlv sacked two journalists, Jane Dibblin and Andrew Lumsden. 'Economy measures' 'was the reason given. But it just so happens that Dibblin and Lumsden were the only two out lesbian and gay lournalsis on the New Statesman's staff

Writing in the

NUPE stands firm on reselection IN A clear snub to the role of deputy general secretary Tom Sawyer, delegates to NUPE conference rejected any moves away from the automatic reselection of MPs.

Sawyer, a member

of the Labour NEC, has supported the attempts of the right wing to overturn 1986 conference decisions anu to change tie present selection

Composite resolution 10, passed by NUPE conference on Monday 18 May, still bes te made tos are

being made to reduce the

MEETING in Bournemouth, delegates to the recent TASS conference rejected discussing resolutions which opposed the Labour Party Black Section.

Under pressure from the rank and file, resolutions against the back secuan were remitted

In February, Socialist Action reported that a conference resolution from the South Wales area of TASS argued

Socialist Action 22 May 1987 5 Charter for lesbian and

drawn up this weekend at a national conference organised by the Legislation for Lesbian and udy Kigills Campaign

The conference takes place on Saturday 23 and Sunday 24 May, at the Camden Centre, Bidborough Street, WC1 (opposite St Pancras station). It is an open conference Guardian on Monday 18 May, Andrew Lumsden said: *John Lloyd tells me that an overtly gay journalist cannot be regarded as sufficiently outside the subject to be

homosexuality-related

We look forward to the departure of women and black lournalists from the pages of the New Statesman! After all, if the oppressed are allowed to speak for themselves, white middle class men may cease to be regarded as 'experts' and 'champions' of such causes!

accountability of Labour MPs'. The composite 'strongly supports calls that the controversy not be reopened'

It also urged all NUPE representatives to 'campaign vigorously for the party's selection

NUPE conference remitted to the incoming executive composite resolution 1l This noted the need for selecting more Labour candidates from working class backgrounds. It welcomed the consultation initiated by the Labour NEC and called on NUPE to fully participate.

TASS conference rejects

anti-Black Section moves that establishing Black Sections leads to "segregation' within the

The resolution also attacked Black Sections as 'divisive' a familiar theme for those who have debated Militan on luis anc other issues of self-

The South Wales resolution was backed by at least some of the Morning Star wing of the union's Broad Lett. TASS No 12 division also submitted a similar resolution for debate at the West Midlands regional Labour Party conference earlier this year.

Page 6 scan of this page

HOW KINNOCK WEAKENED

Socialist Action 22 May 1987 ty

AFTER ishing ears of thement

- anti-working class government this century, how can there even be a doubt that Labour can win the election? Even more so given that Thatcher's government, contrary to its claims, is not popular? Thatcher, even if she were to win, may get a lower vote than when the Tories were defeated in 1945.

Yet the record of Labour's populariA ter the disastrous defeat of 1983

the aisastrous aereal Labour's support recovered to 39 per cent in the polls by April 1984. It still stood at 39 per cent in November 1986 - that is no gains were made in more than two and a half years. Since then, after the 1986 conference, Labour's support has fallen to around 30 per cent. Labour stands at a lower position in the polls at the start of the election campaign today than it did in 1983.

In that time each policy advocated by Neil Kinnock and the right wing has been justified by its supposed role in winning this election. How then could the Labour leadership's policies lead to a situation where Labour entered the campaign with its support at such a low level?

To understand look at the policies clearly pursued during the last four years. During that time a bloc of the right wing and the majority of the 'soft left' has led the party. To examine the problems facing Labour today, look at the policies pursued by that bloc.

When he was elected Kinnock was known on the left as the person who, in 1981, ensured the defeat of Tony Benn in the deputy leadership election. Kinnock secured the re-election of Dennis Healey as deputy leader to Michael Foot. It was of course the policies pursued by the Foot-Healey team which led into the disastrous defeat of 1983.

What was involved was more than just individuals or one campaign. Kinnock showed by his actions that he was against the left leading the party which would have been the effect of a Foot-Benn leadership team. Kinnock was determined that the Labour Party should be led by a bloc of the centre and right -with the left excluded from effective Dower.

Kinnock applied the same formula to his own leadership campaign two years later. In the 1983 leadership contest it was clear Kinnock was going to win the election within two weeks of its start. Kin-

LABOUR

LABOUR IS entering the election fighting a deeply unpopular government. Contrary to claims of widespread support Thatcher in 1983 won only 42 per cènt of the poll - the lowest vote for a government with a safe majori-

in parliament in British history. This time Tory support is likely to be still lower.

Knock set about ensuring that his deputy would be Roy Hattersley, the candidate Tatic!

Meacher, then the left's candidate for deputy leader.

When it appeared Meacher was gaining ground Kinnock gave an interview to the Mall on Sundav in september 1983 describing Meacher as "weak as hell'. The reasoning which led to the assault on Meacher was summed up by one of Kinnock's aides: Meacher as deputy leader could have been a problem concerned about Hattersley's failure to act.'

In addition to knifing Meacher Kinof 1983 nocks team aiso worked Evans and Alex Kitson of the transport workers to ensure the TGWU's vote was acnverca to malicisicy Kinnock fought to ensure that the Foot-Healey centre-right team which had presided over the disastrous defeat of 1983 would be recreated in the new team of Kinnock and Hattersley. At all costs Kinnock Wals should not be a "left' bloc leading the party. This decision dictated the course of the four years that followed. The decision of kind centre must bloc of the right and centre must lead the party was in line with his whole political career. When he was still part of the left, during the 1974-79 Labour government, nock was in favour of left protests.

He was never in favour of the left, or the rank and file, possessing power in the party.

While presenting "democratic socialist, and attacking his opponents for not being Kinnock has consistently shown himself to be an elitist centralist - opposea lo democracy both in the party and society.

This, given the political blocs he supports, is logical democracy strengthens the lett weakens the righe While building himself a left reputation in the 1970s Kinnock always did so from positions which left the real centres of power untouched. He joined the Campaign for (CLPD) soon after its formation in 1973.

But he opposed CLPD's central demand, mandatory reselection of MPs, until 1977 — and then adopted it only when support for this demand had become universal on the left. Kinnock felt that reselection was an attack on the autonomy of the Parliamentary Labour Party — and defended MPs against criticism by those

But Labour has been unable to exploit this. , The party is entering the election trailing the Tories by 10 per cent in the polls.

Labour's standing is lower than when the election was announced in 1983 — and it laces an uphill battle. This is despite the fact the right and centre, which

outside parliament.

Michael .OI public campaign during the

centralist power of the British state.

We were THE FIRST consequences

with Moss

Labour in 1983,

Kinnock's campaign manager that there

plained the choice not

Wing against them lest we Kin-

himself

'democrats, the compliment by

every opportunity. - as the extension of

and

Democracy

lead the party, have justified every policy since 1983 by its supposed role in winning the election. JOHN ROSS looks at how the right wing has sabotaged Labour's run-up to the election — and at Kinnock's four wasted years. Most importantly he looks at what the left must do about it.

Also symptomatic was the one issue

which Kinnock made a vigorous

1974-79 Labour government — opposing devolution for Wales. Kinnock defended the

On every major issue Kinnock was to take the party to the right. This was the inevitable consequence of the decision to lead the party in alliance with the right.

of

Kinnock's policy, and in purely electoral terms the most decisive was that not to undertake any campaign against Labour's most threatening rival for votes — the Alliance. This was despite the fact the Alliance came within a million votes of this election.

and is Labour's main rival in working class seats.

In last week's Tribune Robin Cook,

in the leadership contest, and Labour's campaign manager up to 1986, clearly ex-

to campaign against the Alliance and the results that against followed: Back in 1983 I urged that the only relationship we should contemplate with the Liberals and the SDP was war to against knife... Instead for most of this parliament we have refrained from campaign-

boost their credibility, which speaks volumes for our confidence in making telling criticisms.

It was even possible last autumn to hear some members lamenting that the Liberals and SDP were not doing better, ped. But in the eccentric hope that it would help us overhaul the Tory lead in the polls

'The Liberals/SDP have not repaid Labour

refraining from criticising Labour for fear of enhancing our credibility. They put the boot in at

"Time after time documents leaked from the Liberals, or the odd unguarded remark by their leaders, have frankly stated their objective, which is not to put Labour. Mrs Thatcher out of office, but to smash

Opposition reason that any Labour figure who urges our supporters to cast a tactical vote for the Liberals/SDP is naive beyond belief.'

Cook is wrong in explaining why no campaign was carried on against the Alliance. It is because a serious campaign against the Alliance is precluded by a bloc with the right in the Labour Party for the Labour right is increasingly in favour of an agreement with the Alliance.

It is trade union leaders such as Laird, Hammond, and Grantham who

have envisaged a deal with the Alliance. It is journals such as the New Statesman which favours tactical voting. It is the right wing that have policies which make possible a coalition with the Alliance -in fact on policy there is little difference between the Labour right and the SDP.

To fight the Alliance it is necessary to unite the left in the party against the right

exactly the formula Kinnock and Cook have always rejected. Kinnock, by basing his political line on a bloc with the right, prevented the possibility of any etfective campaign against the Alliance Labour reaped the whirlwind of this at Knowsley North, Greenwich, and in the threat the Alliance poses to Labour's vote. It is anti-Tory votes going to the

and not to Labour, that threatens to keep Thatcher in power in Kinnock's policy was a refusal to consequence fight the Alliance the second, and most important, was setting the Labour leadership's policy against every mass struggle which developed

Thatcher. is in the workplaces, in trade union struggles in demonstrations, in the movement

the missiles, in anti-apartheid struggles, in every type of mass campaign and movement, that the real motor of the relation of forces between the classes exists.

Good policies are vital if the potential of struggles which develop are to be tap-

without struggle nothing whatever will be achieved - including achieving the relation of forces to elect a

The most disastrous of all Kinnock's policies was failure of the Labour leadership to support the mass struggles that erupted against Thatcher. The Labour leadership thereby aided Thatcher in defeating these struggles, set back the working class, and shifted the relation of forces against

This policy started immediately Kinnock was elected leader with the attack launched on the NGA by Eddie Shah at Warrington. No support was given by the Labour leadership to the NGA and supposed 'violence' by the strikers was condemned. The same policy was continued with the lack of practical support given to the Wapping dispute. It reached its culmination in Giles Radice's appeal to the NUT conference for the teachers to call off their strike during the election. Simultaneously with failing to back these struggles the Labour front bench put for-

ward their own proposals that limited right of the trade unions.

Dwarfing all other struggles aga Thatcher was the miners strike Not ly was this the greatest struggle against the government but it was a ly popular struggle inside the work class. This was clear both in the invo ment of hundreds of thousands of wo ing class activists in solidarity with t miners, and in the more passive respor measured by the opinion polls.

As regards the solidarity the Fin cial Times called the miners strike greatest civilian mobilisation since Wo War II'. As regards the polis, by the c of the strike 70 per cent of Labour Pa supporters backed the miners. Even m extraordinary, given the barrage of me hate and hostility, was that at the end the strike polls showed 47 per cent of t population believed the miners had be justified in striking - with 46 per ce disagreeing

Forty seven percent of the enti population supporting the miners mea there was an easy majority in their su port inside the working class. It is wor noting that not once in the last tour ye has Labour itself enjoyed 47 perce support! So much for the 'unpopulari of the miners strike.

The Labour front bench's record the strike was disgraceful. It was cle from the outset the government had pi voked the and was Clatte organising the attack on it. The gover ment had prepared the strike when opposition.

Tony Benn, in the House of Co mons on 7 June, showed clearly the t tions of the government: "There has be a great deal hypocrisy about! government not intervening. They deeply involved

'The police are preventing peace! picketing. They have set up road bloc introduced curfews in the villages a provoked on the picket lines.

"There have been cavalry char against unarmed pickets.

Page 7 scan of this page

magistrates have come in and introduced bail conditions that amount to a sentence

a sort of exclusion zone for those who have been convicted of nothing... the government have turned off every source of funds, including social security, to starve the miners back to work.' Yet the Labour front bench did not spend its time exposing the preparations and operations of the government but denouncing 'violence' by miners. Kinnock refused to speak at the rallies supporting the miners called by the NUM.

Even within parliament the Labour leadership was pathetic. It forced virtually no debates in the House of Commons on the strike It moved no vote of no confidence in the government. While Campaign Group MPs spoke at over a thousand meetings in support of the miners, the Labour front bench tried to say as little as possible - and what was said was dways directly damaging.

Despite Labour front bench sabotage the impact of the strike on the popularity of the government was clear. popularity began to plummet rapidly in late 1984 as the impact of the strike was felt. Tory support fell from 44 per cent in September 1984 to 36 per cent at the end of the strike. In thè aftermath of the strike it plunged to a low of 30 per cent by September 1985:

By the end of the strike, in March 1985, Labour led the Tories by four per cent in the polls. By September 1985 the Tories were in third place. With Labour leading the Tories in the polls and by the end of the strike more people supporting the miners than opposing them, the miners strike had shitted the entire political situation in Labour's favour.

What smashed that lead was Kinnock's speech to the 1985 Labour Party conference attacking Liverpool council and launching the witch hunt. established the drastically right wing tone of the 1985 conference, and set the scene for the two years run in to the general election. As this speech, and its impact,

is one of the central myths peddled by the Labour right it is worth looking at the facts of what happened.

to myths Labour's soared after Kinnock's speech to the 1985 party conference. The reality is that the speech, and the right wing 1985 conference as a whole, followed by a rapid deterioration in Labour's position.

In September, the month prior to the 1985 conference, Labour led the Tories by five per cent in the polls. Conservative support was at a low of 30 per cent. In addition to Labour's lead, the Tories had lost support to the Alliance since the summer the miners strike started.

Immediately after ference, and Kinnock's speech, Labour's position began to worsen rapidly. December two months atter the conference, the Tories and Labour were neck Tory and neck — a worsening 01 Labour s position, compared to the Tories, of five

months.

Westland crisis, breaking out in January 1986, led to Labour pulling ahead of the Tories again.

The same pattern occurred after the 1986 abour conterence l'his was brobably the most stage managed in the party's history. Hysterical support was given to Kinnock. A svstematic campaign to weaken the lett prior to, and at, the conference saw Eric Heffer and Margaret Beckett removed from the NEC.

As Labour went into the conference it led the Tories by four per cent. Within a month every opinion poll showed the "lories overtaking Labour. By a month later Labour was three per cent behind Lac orIes This of Labour's position compared to the Tories in two months. The right wing conferences of 1985 and 1986 were not simply politically but

even more ridiculous was that Liverpool council had never lacked popular sup

campaigns against Labour the council right wing consistently won the local government popularity elections

despite a policy of blatant bribery by the interim administration of Sir Trevor was Jones Labour Economist last week was forced to comment: "The three point rise in Labour's share of the votes since last year suggests that most of Liverpool's working class voters have accepted Militant's explanation of Liverpool's financial crisis. The continuing collapse of the Tory vote -only 9½ per cent of Liverpudlians now vote Tory. 1985 con- version has been rejected by Liverpool's

By voters of Liverpool could see the Labour leadership could not!

ly this year was not in Liverpool but where Labour's right wing policies hit Only the home - once again made worse by the

Switch hunt. As Ken Livingstone summarised in last week's Tribune: light of particularly bad (local govern-

right) should be honest and accept that the publicity generated by •tersley's letter warning Linda Bellos and Bernie Grant to stay out of "his"

Labour vote in Birmingham. Also the Tory

happened without the ecutive Committee's disgraceful removal of Sharon Atkin.

damaged Labour

electorally

What made these Labour own goals

Even this year, after the Liverpool

disqualtied - and have made

well entrenched. won again. The

goes into the election.

- shows that the government's

However what the they are

Where Labour did devastatingly bad-

'In the ding in

ment) results in the Midlands they (the

in 1966 Roy Hat-

city backfired, producing the collapse of the and IMF

capture of Nottingham would not have

National Exits potential voters.

The hysterical publicity generated by the witch hunt against the Labour Party Black Section following its meeting in Birmingham undoubtedly backfired and loyalty,

electorally in the assaulted

The Alliance, Labour's main electoral rival, are in fact quite clear that it policy llas

Socialist Action votes. reform every

is corrupt right wing Labour administrations which provide them with their easiest targets. Tony Greaves, organiser of Liberal councillors, noted in Liberal News in March: 'where the hard left is most entrenched - Lambeth, Camden. Haringey and Brent - the Liberal and Alliance presence is sparse. Where we

substantial and lasting breakthroughs, the hard left has not been

In Tower Hamlets (where the Alliance made spectacular gains) all the advances were made while the rotten old right, white, middle aged and male, still ran the council.'

Taking these policies into account it is clear why labour trails in the polls as it labour

With its policies Labour has assaulted its core supporters. The trade unions, the deprived cities such as Liverpool and Inner London, are the bedrock of Labour's support. How far

successful in their struggle against Thatcher determines whether the relation of forces exists to elect a Labour

The Labour leadership has svstematical v talled to support. and ir many cases directly assaulted, the core of Labour s potental support In these circumstances Labour's stan- Party

the polls scarcely to wondered at. It is as suicidal a course as when Wilson introduced incomes policy

which delivered Labour's popularity a blow from which it has never recovered, or when Wilson and Callaghan introduced the incomes policy

cuts in 1975-76 which created the conditions for Thatcher to be elected in 1979. No party ever gained support by openly attacking those who torm

Furthermore it is not just Labour's long term supporters that have been attacked. Any new group which it is impor-

has systematically

The most brutal has been the assault on the black community. Here the party's

been simply, and bluntly,

22 May 1987 7 racist. Every black newspaper in the country, many very far from radical, has denounced the deselection of Sharon Atkin and the attack on the Labour Party Black Section. It takes no intelligence to know what is involved when an MP like Frank Field, who directly calls for a vote against Labour, has no action taken against him but when a black PRC, such as Sharon Atkin, is removed. It is pandering to racism.

In terms of the simplest electoral calculation the most extreme refusal of the labour right to take up what 1 necessary comes with women. Labour's 45...

own opinion polls snow that womichag ed 25-45 are the key group for winning

opinion polis done for Weekend World on 10 May show tha women, together with young people in general, are the key voters who can be persuaded to change their mind. The In! dependent of 15 May noted: "Two opi nion polls conducted by MORI last month show • among women voters, particularly in the 25-34 age group,. allegiances are weakening. When support for the Conservatives has dropped, it has dropped fastest in this group

But, apart from Jo Richardson's heroic struggle to get the policy of a Ministry for Women with Cabinet status accented. Labour has rejected every

that would have produced a powerful Labour women's organisation. The energies of Labour women to go out and win women voters to Labour have been totally thwarted.

It is these policies which explai

why Labour is facing an uphil battle in the election. The Labour leadership has assaulted almost

single that could possibly be won to support Labour.

It has also attacked, or deserted, Labour's potential international allies and kev international struggies. it nas backpedalled on unilateral nuclear disarmament, it has refused to give an une: quivocal pledge to break all links with apartheid, it has refused to promise real aid to Nicaragua, it has refused to take the decision to withdraw from Ireland.

This determines what has to be the key task of the left during the campaign, and after. It has to support all the mass struggles taking place during the election — starting with the civil servants who are so correctly continuing their strike action during the election. It has to be able to put together the coalition of forces that can rebuild the mass support of the

movement means understanding that the decisive relation of forces between the classes is not generated in elections, and still less in the House of Commons, but in the mass struggles that take place between elections and outside parliament. It means understanding that Labour can win support only by itselt supporting, and not repudiating, those who form the base of the labour movement - and defending all the organisations, above all the trade unions, that form the base of the Labour

means understanding Labour must put together a great alliance or forces which i support — the traditional working class, the unemployed, the population of Wales and Scotland, women, the black community and its in‚ternational allies.

Labour can still do well in these elections. Hatred of the Thatcher government is so deep, and the Alliance are so much more clearly becoming seen as second class Tories, that despite Kinnock's record of the last four years the working class may turn out to vote Labour. But l woe desoile not occausc ol. wilai has been done under Neil Kinnock's leadership.

If Labour is ever to be rebuilt as a truly mass force, above all if we are ever to have a Labour government again, a totally different policy to that of the last four years must be pursued.

Page 8 scan of this page

Elections and

8 Socialist Action ON 11 JUNE supposedly the highest democratic authority British society, a general election, will take place. But on that day, while 635 MPs, and a government, will be elected, no elections will take place either in the great institutions of the state or in the companies that control the economy. They will remain as unelected, and as little accessible to democracy, as before. COLIN ROBERTSON looks at the elections that won't take place on 11 June — and at the difference between the government and the state, and at some of the classic Marxist writings on elections.

When Margaret Thatcher dissolved Parliament and called for the ll June

The Guardian, that bland section of the capitalist media, reported the event with a short, almost unnoticeable article headlined Civil servants take reins in poll run-up' (11 May 1987). The gist of the report explained that 'Mrs Thatchers decision to call a general election means that for the next month the day-to-day running of the country will be left to what has been called the 'permanent government' - the senior civil servants, under Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary.

The Guardian was right. Top civil servants are the 'permanent government', more exactly they are one of the bourgeois state institutions that are permanent. No top civil servant will be elected, re-elected or lose his/ her post next 11 June. In fact no top civil servant is ever elected. They are all appointed.

The operations of bourgeois democracy are structured in such a way that those institutions which are essential for the rule of capital (civil service, armed forces, the judiciary, secret services, etc - not parliament) are never exposed to the 'vagaries' of popular opinion expressed through the ballot box. Furthermore, the selection of people at the top of the permanent' institutions of the bourgeois state is carefully carried on through special and carefully monitored apparatuses -public schools, military acadamies, exclusive clubs and such like. The heavy bourgeois class bias, arrogant elitism, and strong esprit de corps displayed by these apparatuses is inherent in their ruling class nature. Anyone familiar with the selection process for a military academy or a public school, will readily concur with this assertion.

Viewing the state in this light there is a characteristic deviation of reformism/Labourism. It is not simply that they stand for reform - - nor simply the fact that they are for elections have a cherished belief that substantial socialist reform of the capitalist system is possible through the existing state machinery. In a nutshell retormism has an unwitting or deliberate confusion of the state and the government which remains the single most dangerous piece of petty-bourgeios ideological revisionism inside the workers movements. It is the source of innumerable legalist, constitutional and democratic prejudices.

It was Eduard Bernstein, the reformist German socialist at the beginning of this century, who popularised the possibility of utilising the existing state

machinery to transform society. Since

the debates that followed the difference

over LNC possibility of transformation of capitalism

socialism, using the existing state, has

been the line of divide between refor-

mists and revolutionaries.

Marxists do not conclude that elec-

tions do not matter from the fact they

do not believe the existing state can be

used to achiere socialism. Or that what

defines Marxism is an anti-electoralist

stance, or, to paraphrase the German

22 May 1987 'left' Communists, that Marxists reject categorically 'any return to parliamentary methods of struggle, which have become OBSOCIE politically. (Lenin, munism, an infantile disorder).

Lenin's famous pamphlet on ultraleftism is a harsh polemic against the

Communist German ultimatism. In it Lenin takes them to task for their cretinism: 'how 'parliamentarim has become politically obsolete if 'millions' proletarians are still not only supporters parlamella lanisi general, but even frankly revolutionaries"?' Lenin put the finger on the contradictions of the ultra-lefts and accuses them of wishful thinking. If the masses continued to have deep illusions in parliament ard the existing state, it is not possible to destroy these illusions simply denunciations. It is necessary to show in practice that these institutions cannot achieve socialism inal ine bourgeoisit democracy capitalism.

Another well known brand of 'left' communists were the Bordigists, a taction of the Italism Commupist Party, who argued against standing for, and participating in, Parliament, because it corrupts. That parliament corrupts is indeed true However, Lenin pointed out that the Bordigists argument was absurd. The police, logic of the Bordigists' argument meant telling the working class not to trust them either -rupts then power, which the Bordigists

capture ticipating in parliament would corrupt them even more. As Lenin put it: To ex-

press one's "revolutionary

by shouting abuse at parliamentarian op portunism, only ticipation in parliament, is very easy; but because it is very easy it is not the

solution to a difficult problem, a very

difficult problem

To have a Leninist position on the elections has nothing to do with concluding that the question is to capture a

majority in Parliament and implement an 'enabling act' in order to change the

socio-economic basis of the existing

system into a socialist one.

that elections are one of the many and forms which the class struggle takes in

countries dominated

democracy

constitutional and

democratic prejudices are particularly

firmly rooted.

Universal franchise and elections

are not in themselves part and parcel of

the bourgeois democratic prejudices

Lenin talked about. It took hard and

mighty struggles by the Chartists first, bourgeois and the Suffragettes later, to win the

democratic right to vote On the contrary the Marxist criti-

que of bourgeois democrary Is inal

there are not enough elections - not

that there are too many. In particular

that elections are not extended into the

state apparatus, which is completely peaceful not elective, into where the 'dictatorship

reigns. The illusion lie in the conception

that counterposes legality to force and

in not understanding the nature of the

bourgeois state itself.

Lenin wrote in

Revolution, regarding the Paris Com-

mune, that 'The Commune, therefore,

appears to have released the smashed

state machine "only" by fuller demo-

the state

historically and Left-wing Com-

brand of

anti-parliamentary can it be said that

and 'legions' of

"counter-

propaganda or

• and, indeed, will Tor 11 barnament cor- recall.

against par-

spirit" only exactly

condemning par-

from bourgeois democracy.'

capitalist society itself, ownership of capital,

It means

by bourgeois that is 'where legalist, either stifles

bourgeoisbreak with existing legality.

take cluded from the elections.

because dedicated to or into the economy

capital'

of the working class.

The State and

cracy: abolition of the standing army; all officials to be elected and subject to

'But as a matter of fact this "only" signifies a gigantic replacement of certain institutions by other institutions of a fundamentally different type. This is them:

case of 'quantity being transformed into quality: democracy, introduced as fully and consistently as is at all conceivable, is transformed

into proletarian

Lenin noted that the nature of

the private sets limits on democracy is always hemmed in by the democracy: 'In capitalist society narrow limits set by capitalist exploitation and consequently always remains, in effect, a democracy for the minority.

Marxists stand for the defence and extension of democratic rights. If, as is very often the case, existing legality

OI. suppresses people's democratic rights we call on people to

This does not mean that elections

place under bourgeois democracy substantially alter, or have the potential to alter, the fundamental class character of the existing state. Such elections leave the fundamental structures of the state intact. The existing institutions of the state are ex-

No decisive, long-lasting advance towards socialism is possible without the destruction of the state machinery

the state apparatus serving capital. The destruction of the machinery of coercion in the hands of the bourgeoisie is the fundamental strategic line of march

Does this mean that democracy is in contradiction with socialism? Not in the least. The much talked of 'dictatorship of the proletariat' is the substitution of bourgeois (i.e. highly limited) democracy by the most complete extension of democracy to all fields. The first

historic example, the Paris Commune of 1871, was characterised by the total accountability and recallability of all functionaries at any moment, including the judiciary and the police. No material privilege was accorded to

"the reduction of the wages of state functionaries to the level of a worker's wage', as Marx put it, was the fundamental against bureaucracv Hurthermore the Com munards first decree was the suppres sion of the standing army and the in tegration of armed force into society:

Such steps ensured the democratic. participation of all the people in the running of the affairs that concern their lives at all times — not only during elections, nor indirectly by simply voting for somebody who will run their lives on behalf of them. This is in contrast to bourgeois democracy which ensures that people participate as little as possible in the running of their own lives at best are able to vote once every five years to elect a small group of people to parliament who are not even directly accountable to those who elected them in the first place.

True democracy makes every political institution accountable to the people. Bourgeois democracy does not, and cannot, even expose the essential bodies that guarantee bourgeois rule to democratic scrutiny, let alone make them elective. It confines elections -by its nature and in order to protect the private ownership capital parliamentary bodies and local government. No elections will take place on Il June for the civil service, the army, or the boards of the companies that control tne economy. The elections on 11 June will decide the MPs in parliament. It will decide who forms the government. It will not alter who holds state power in Britain. On the contrary the elections on Il June, touching only a tiny part of the capitalist state, are designed to ensure that state power remains exactly in the hands of those who held it before.

In Depth

Seeds the atro

International Viewpoint

carries news, documents and analysis of working class movements trom around the world and is indispensible reading lor all sociallsts

In the latest issue are in-depth articles on El Salvador and South Africa International Viewpoint is available from most left bookshops, or by › nost tron Other Books, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP.

Page 9 scan of this page

'COSATU is indestructible'

International

Rail strike deepens A MASSIVE stay away by students and youth rocked the sham whites-only election in apartheid South Atrica. They joined the 26,000 rail workers who have been out on strike for eight weeks and striking postal and telecom workers who have been out for over a month.

Immediately following the stay away, in the early hours of Thursday 7 May, two powerful bombs were exploded COSATU House, the Johannesburg headquarters of the Confederation South African Trade Unions.

The bombs caused ex- ripping tensive damage, away the ground floor and leaving the building in a state of ucar collapse.

The attack was no isolated event. It was the third attack on the COSATU offices within a fortnight, and is part of a wider crackdown on the unions by the apartheid state.

In addition to causing injury to two people in the building at the time and generally disrupting the

the attack was bartolar blow lo lie lan strike, depriving the rail union SARHWU of its VES COLC Within 48 hours of the

bombing. union offices had been at-

COSATU's offices in East

Engineers campaign

AFTER BEING held in jail by the apartheid regime for seven months Moses Mayekiso, general secretary of the Metal and Allied Workers Union (MAWU), and four other community leaders from Alexandra -Mzwanele Mayekiso, Mdakane and Obed Bapela — have been committed for trial on 3 August at the Rand Supreme Court. They are charged with high treason — a charge that carries a possible death sentence.

The 160 page indictment against the five asserts.

throw, usurp or the authority of the state wild scarnious defy or subvert the authoritv of the state. I hey are ac-

custo o alexando ene

Alexandra and render the area ungover-

establishing what the state itself calls 'organs of people's power'. ple's pose corre said to boe These organs peo-

people's courts, and street

lock and area committee Other accusations include that they campaigned

the Alexandra town council, and 'so-called col-

THERE'S one thing that's certain following the South Africae whites-only election.

There's not going to be any move by Botha towards reform.

The fact that seats were

ained by Botha's National

going up from 126 to 133 doesn't disguise the

Fact that the NP's share of the vote declined from 56 to

2.4 per cen

'he aspirations of th

Progressive Federal Party

he New Republican Parts

2½ million workers London were burnt down,

Germiston they WC1C smashed up and the catering and commercial workers union.

CAWUSA's offices

ed.

negotiating team have been Themba the securiti Numalo, al V of the

union has also detained

which imprison-

prime

LaNC Stallu UI

actions well as the

will intimidated.

lie offices and NOL

Save the life of Moses Mayekiso

Paul Ishabalala, Richard

laborators'; and that they organisea d and changed street names.

By Rich Palser

This is the first time the charge of treason has been brought acaist activists in. volved in building organisa-

fact that one of those on trial is the general secretary of a major union within COSATÚ, the Confederation of South African Trade Unions, also symbolises the strong ana ever-growing links between the trauc union movement and the community-based people's Comitees.

Messages of protest from the labour movement

White election results mean more repression

and the Independents were dashed bv the loss of more than one-third of their combined seats, and their vote nearly being halved.

By Ray Sirotkin

Their plans aimed at reforms, ›acked by the ousliess imperialism, have disintegrated.

The real beneficiaries have been the Conservative Party who have increased their support and have become the chief opposi-

TUR®

Jimmy Knapp and SACTU resources, but our democratically elected shop and the thousands of rank and file members who have built COSATU as an effective voice of the working class.

COSATU is indestructible and will ticulate the aspirations of the ppressed and exploited We are an tant force that will shape the new democratic south Africa, free of oppression and exploitation'

COSATU affiliates have been giving major in this country can play an

ing the of this political for

: live. but the AEU the

the case of Moses

an alliance between the AEU and MAWU The

such al. alliance altci organising a special meeting to near a representative oi the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU)

meeting, SACTU representative explained the repression being meted out against trade unions in South Africa.

tion party in the whites-only parliament. The fascist Herstigste Nasionale Party have been marginalised.

Botha olaved or white

the state, of hiend with,

the state emergency, torced the political climate among whites away from

thought of reform ne cecon renected uaus. Any notion that the main political option …ine Pretoria regime would take up negotiation with the ANC is proved nonsensical.

It may well be that a certain section of the business

OF THE

assistance eight-

developed major

betweer

The say

bosses The rail have also

from notably the (NUM), postal and telecom (POTWA), municipal

and

Other aspects of this alliance will include taking up solidarity with strikes led by MAWU, taking up the cases of other detainees who are MAWU members. offering to host MAWU representatives visiting Britain, campaigning to educate AEU memebrs on Tire situation South Africa, and trying to pro.

MAWU.

The district committee is planning to maintain an ongoing contact the London office of SACTU

follow the alliance .through.

Messages of protest calling for the dropping of all charges and the release

Botha, Union

Buildings Pretoria 0001,

South African ambassador, South Africa House Trafalgar Square, London WC2 Copies should be sent

Flowers Mews, off Archway Close, Upper Holloway, London N19 3TB.

community does want reform, but the Afrikaaner verdict, particularly in the rural areas remains clear.

coudlly took place as the regime killed six railway workers,

arrested leaders of the rai union, SARHWU. and al tacked the headquarters of COSATU.

The intentions of Botha's regime are clear and the fuel will come from his right, as they organise against any concessions being made to the black majority and demand increasca repression

the workers

March Andrew

the inSuerdo e and working and

of black WUI KCLS. whole history attacks on

Rail and Harbour

worker and

of solidarity. Mbengeni

labourer

said: beat uS

working leave.

'That is what the strike is all about - it is about being beaten, being called "kaffirs", being dismissed without and being paid starvation wages.'

The strike spread

Strike solidarity

• SIXTY rail workers

including over half the

national executive of the

NUR picketed the South

African embassy on

weunesuay Io May.

They were there to

hand in a petition

signed by more than

4KN rail workers

with esse South African , solidarity

rail strike and protesting

the killing by the

Pretoria regime of six

strikers. The embassy

retused to accept the

petition.

NUR general

secretary Jimmy Knapp

said that rail workers

'were shocked to hear Sbuth Africa. They

South Africa.

have now been on strike

for eight weeks and are

still prepared to show

guts and courage for

what vou and take for

granted.

Knapp called for

'solidarity to sustain the

struggle in South

Africa' and explained

that in handing

petition. the NUR

leadership was demon-

strating its 100 per cent.

support for SARWHU.

The NUR call for

of the black South

• WUKEN

union who have been

imorisoned as a

consequence of their

fight for basic human

rights for their

members. We protest

strongly al wue general

brutal oppression of our

black South African

comrades' he said.

•AM emergenci

international campaign

has been launched for

the release of Themba

Nxumalo with

representatives from

rapidly depot

nationwide, showing the level of organisation achieved SARHWU,

conditions heavy repression. their

during They

their slogan 'organisation

history of • has mees survive their

La day. Their curren

state of

the industri

legal rig! strike picke the strikers have shown audacious acts to disrupt the movement of goods -refusing hand over truck keys, organising Britain, Ireland.

Netherlands, Sweden and Canada sending protests to the South African government.

We

detainees.'

• In the NUR, Rail Against Apartheid has deepened its solidarity WOK WIL IL SINECI ULUL Collection sheets for the

and information on the strike is beine circulated to all NUR branches.

Over the next few week, hundreds of NUR activists will assemble at national conferences of the various 'grades' covered by the union.

The will be addressed hy RAA speakers ant collections will be held as well as other solidarity action initiated.

• Up and down the country NUR members. often alongside activists or the AnI-Aparteld Movement, have been

buckets and leaflets

Socialist Action 22 May 1987 'sleep-ins' depots, and dumping containers to block access to depots

and In Johan

with 4000; and Rand in

This of worker Pal phiets

result,

face not only cramped sex comodation but in addi-

tion

The

the rail

NUR Jimmy

this and the labour

support.

COSATU

raising money fo SARHWU. I Nottingham, £500 was collected during May Day activities, a series of leatlets have been produced and a socia ten

on the strike are being continually updated. The SARHWU strike was a central theme of the May Day activities and £70 was collected, a further f80 raised through the production of a special SARHWU poster.

Throughout South Yorks, solidarity with the striking rail workers is fitting in closely with work being done by the NUM and Women Against Pit Closures.

• In London, RAA is organising a collectior at Ford, Dagenham with the local stewards.

TGWU convenors in the PTA and Body Plant enthusiastically responded to a RAA approach. The plants will be leafletted before the collection and RAA activists will be turning up at the plant gates with banners an

boost the strike fund.

Page 10 scan of this page

Youth against apartheid

10 Socialist Action 22 May 1987 THE LAUNCH of the South African Youth Congress (SAYCO) in April, bringing together around 500,000 young people organised in 150 regional youth congresses is an important step in strengthening the struggle against the South African regime. Launched in conditions of elaborate secrecy, SAYCO's slogan is 'Freedom or death, victory is certain'.

EPHRAIM NKOE and SIMON NTOMBELA, representatives national leadership SAYCO are visiting Britain to appeal for solidarity with their struggle.

"The of South ed in the last year are Africa LIC under 25 As Ephraim Nkoe ex-

plained: "youth are at the port our forefront of every struggle politically, against the Hul ally. "The SAYCO itself was an im-

portant element in the success of the recent two day. stayaway.

By Anne Kane

Their to Every attempt

organise and lead this acly hy

the regime: ANC Youth League, established rands was banned

1960; the South African Movemenl the Soweto emergence nepresentauve LOACH. which led the students revolt against racist kantu' education, were banned in 1977; and COSAS, formed in 1979, was banntremendous repression ed in 1985. aimed halting the In addition to direct

repression the regime has Licu weaker une youth's action by suppor8000 people over ung organisations Ilke the

Inkatha Youth Brigade and coercing youth five months alone, and the the ranks of the vigilantes. bulk of the 25,000 detain- Simon Ntombela ex-

Behind the coup in Fiji

LAST THURSDAY, 14 May, the newly elected government of Fiji was overthrown in a CIA-backed military coup. Despite reported concern by Buckingham Palance the Queen is still the constitutional 'head of state' in this former British colony — the ruling class in this country is hoping that the government of coup leader Lt Col Sitiveni Rabuka is able to survive. Machinations orchestrated by the Queen's representative in Fiji, the governor general, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau, are aimed at protecting the gains of the coup against a background of a rising tide of opposition.

Mobilisations started in the northern part of Vita Levu, the largest of Fiji's 300 islands, Indians closed their shops and a strike disrupted the airport on Saturday 16 May to protest the coup. Shop and transport worker strikes were reported to be continuing on Monday 18 May. There is strong support for the ousted government, a coalition led by the Fiji Labour Party, which was elected into office on 11 April.

This was the first time since gaining independence in 1970 that Fiji has had a new government. Labour Party president Timoci Bavadra was the newly-elected prime minister. In the following article 'Fiji elects non-racial government', from the New Zealand paper, Socialist Action, JOAN PHILLIPS reports on the Fiji election. THE coalition won 28 The defeat of Ratu seats in the rian Houst Mara has aroused concern of Representatives, com- among the imperialist ared to 24 held b former Located the Time nice Ratu Sir hub of the Pacific and the Kamisese Mara's Alliance most economically Partv. developed of the indepen-

This election victory dent Island countries, Fiji marks a step Torwaro TOr • all Ill oul talll alca Fiji. It is the first time capitalist investment. since independence that ar Australia and New election has. astermined by Zealand, in particular, clusively economically dominate Fivoting along racial lines. jI. for example. As well. 1t opens up the the terms of trade with Fiji possibility of a series of democratic reforms in the Australia's favour and country.

plained: 'high levels of unempicyment ana repres sion are used the suppor vigilantes.

•Whereas in the past we could concentrate our efforts on the regime, now we nave lo beware or une vigilantes and the tiltrators In the process we have lost some of our people, our leadership and organisers.'

More than simply over-

regime sabotage the

students, SAYCO's mation has take account of the widening composition

ailu political focus of those youth in struggle Since

banning COSAS continuing economic crisis has seen more unemploved and township youth drawn into action.

ZEALAND Zealand's favour.

The imperialist powers in the Pacific are especially worried about the government's declared in tention to ban visits to Fijian ports nuclear-armed and powered warships. Members of the ruling coalition have also

joining Vanuatu as member of the Movement of Non-aligned Countries.

Media

he news media in this country has portrayed the election Labour Party-National Federation Party coalition as a victory of Fijian Indians the largest population group. ing - over indigenous bijians, who are 46 per cent of the population.

situation

trade SAYCO

banned, support November, stayaway srand.

youth; and

UDF,

ing the

jians racial lines.

platform ism, an

creased health, social

of Britain,

contains segregated

Until

voters.

however represented

Federation dominated

and

and tenant

been

even

which

aiming

to being helped and

Witwater-

SAYCO

with

of both In-

multiracial-

- anti-nuclear

and inon and program-

country's

racially-

system of

now, Ratu

The National Instead,

SIMON U

Party by business-

rather

farmers who

electoral

Eleven-year-old South African

Kaduka, recently

prison. Nearly 9000 or suen vown nove been detained in the first five months of ine sure o emergency.

COSATU

Simon Ntombela explained that solidarity, the main reason for Visiting billaln, now more crucial than ever. Although the run un to the white only elections show•ed that 'the racist political monolith is beginning to crack' having got his manCala Botha is now launching a head

U11 with the movement.

Aware What is needed in Britain is straightforward. Firstly we are calling or the youth and students in Britain through their organisations to keep youth and the entire population aware of atrocities committed by apartheid

'Secondly we are calling for action to put

of atFiji Trade

ban and

support rural

of mering enrects drought, and

world price. as mination 'Indian'

For the

In however,

the Federation

tions.

allegiance Indian

farmers, worker however.

Nine the 14

Bavadra's cabinet

al c

both and in-

the All youth in

recent have shown, tial exists to organise

the last Movement which agreed steps

ference Ol gallising

action mark - 16" South

of these, with

Many section

limiting solidarity

do exist, such Birm-

Manchestel

done

The SAYCO's visit is clear help build an AAM nanonalyouth section solidarity with SAYCO,

• While in Britain, Simon Ntombela and Ephraim NKo€ are available speak at labour movement meetings and can • be con-

the AAM office on 01-387 7966.

the April New this had

chiefs,

digenous the

ensure only indigenous Fijians can govern.

indigenous

com-

In practice this places control

the the hereditary Fijian Indians denied the

Protest demonstrations held

and petitioning callall launched.

the

new session.

Prime Minister

ed on be

are bent destroying

In Depth

'New

realism'

THE TGWU has been hitting the headlines recently. Britain's largest union has traditionally played a left of-centre role in the labour movement. But reports in national and KLal newspapers indicate sharp differences within the union about its future policies.

By Bill Andrews, TGWU

Ron Todd's election as general secretary was hotly contested Welsh Georg Wright, regiona secretary. Allegations ballot rigging led to a re VOLC

eelected. Yet at the 198 biennia delegate ference (BDC) shortly afterwards, right-wing challenge was mounted over acceptance of Tory trade union laws witch-hunts of socialists and olner Issues disagreements and melia series leaks since then point to continuing disagreements

Todd members of the executive Long-runlig

regional seinetary in he

regional south-west; over the dismissal and subsequent reinstatement of left winger, Alan Quinn, from the executive; and the recent publicity 'Lon doners tor Labour shor disagreements spilling over into areas of general concern in the labour move.

men New realism' — modi-

fying the role of the unions to render them more comPlent temple pees reso

employers capitalist politicians clearly gaining ground the union

'Londoners for Labour', chairperson Nicholson

openly critical of the left-wing London Labour Party relnorcing anti-Labour Party propagand oi Norman Tebbitt and the like. It is launched at a time when the TGWU as a whole ploughing resources and effort into Senior Colman

FOUR months into

their dispute in defence

of union organisation

and the 100 striking

engineers at Senior

Colman in Sale, nea

Manchester. are sti

going strong.

Latest solidarity

moves include meetings

at Manchester airport to

ensure a boycott of scab

air distribution product

by the transport firms

and to stop installation

system at the airport

itself.

Other equipment

destined for use in a

North Sea oil rig is

bottled up at East

Anglian ports where

dockers have imposed

blacking Senior

Colman's convener,

Graham Wyatt was

touring Gt Yarmow!

and Lowestoft bad

Page 11 scan of this page

- which way will the TGWU jump?

London busworkers fight 'competitive tendering'

In the Unions

*Trade Unionists for Labour'.

werwale anony-

propaganda culating the union WalLo members of the danger OI 'the hard left making monkeys of us all', il Calling enquiry into ballot results.

AI LIES DEDEC aCuVIL in a union which, officially at least. trowns on organised political debate, reveals that the climate within the union has shifted further to the right than for many

Further developments expected LEIS year's BDC in July. The 1985 conference passed a strong resolution against any government in„necc e WilOE ates on balloting etc, yet Labour Party/TUC policy, New rights, new responsibilities, would also certainly compel the TGWU to alter its rule book, undermining the principle of independence and tying unie union members industrial disputes. week.

A Greater Manchester support COCe IRA Dee! established for the strike. Much needed finance continues to come in especially from miners in tne noru-easl.

Secretary of the strike committee Lony Lowe, explained how the solidarity move had put the strikers on a new "high'.

Boosting support are new exposures COLCC INS CIC company's chairman, Professor Roland Smith. Smith was deeply involved in the

House of Fraser, and LS ION appointed chair of British Aerospace to take effect 31 Auguste

It's also rumoured that his union-busting activities are making to tale over & Britsh Rail.

It seems that the executive has swallowed this

ine just as in the field of econotulc policy, wnere the executive esolution leaves out anv reterence to nationalisation tionalisation. or 1 vila The pasals which ire economte pro-

limited to Kevnesian measures, will not tackle the roots of the crisis.

The dangers of a new round of incomes control under the guise of a 'national economic asCoN ment' will also be debated. Region O's resolution, for Craige COLORI the union to 'total support for the Labour Party, for their work of reconstruction' given that 'there will

be a language of Wave lu priorities'.

Where this would leave the union under another Callaghan-type ment is not spelt out. reversal of polica on reselection Labour MPs; full support for Labour's plans to build up the military and its commitment to NATO: con-

PUBLIC BEFOK

PROFI

OFFICIBL PICKEI LINE Ford THE 1/1107 TGWU branch at Ford Dagenham has organised a rally for its members on 'Whv vou should vote Labour'

the 27 May •ocakcls al meeting will be local Labour candidates ane dooor. Tony Banks, Bryan Gould and Jo Richardson

A special leaflet has been issued IoI Ilass distribution. The leaflet calls on workers to say 'no' to the eight years of Tory attacks

It goes on 'All the great freedoms and social reforms achieved in this country - the vote, trade union rights, universal education, the national health service and manv LIOTC were won by the struggles and sacrifices of working people Nothing has ever been given to us.

*The Labour Party

tinued efforts to gain

backing for the witch-hunt against soc austi eSOLOIs along these lines are all on the agenda.

Another key area of debate will be over the accountability of the general executive council (GEC). The new Link Calutpaign, overturning polic

arelil labour, coulo and should have been determined by the BDC. Yet the decision to launch it at a rally before the BDC

well condoned rather than criticised. ancie ae ao leocia on the agenda that would approve more power for the GEC.

In the cals ahead TGWU members will need

union that will back them fully in conflicts with the employers and their government. Independence from the state, GenOcy aco. and socialist policies must nol be surrenderca on lne altar 5. so-called 'new realsm'. transport union,

paign of industrial action.

UNDER Tory government legislation in 1984, London

Transport took over uhe Tunc ons or neoe GLC-controlled London Iransoort Authoritv and se about splitting it up into

• Lonvarwus coubauic don Buses Ltd (LBL), London Underground Ltd, and separate engineering, building works, lift and escalator businesses, with others to olow.

The aim has

OcCIll 10 cC ucse ucwiy cicalcu companies to compete with outside firms for the work they were originally doing. On the buses this has meant parcelling up the routes into

itself was set up to give our class a volce aginst the bosses'

Tories and the Liberals. Our rulers would like nothing better than to umn me cock nack o years: which is why their WarCis Dack Luc ncs. back the Alliance as a fall back or call for tactical voting (meaning vote Alliance).

AHVLHUY LO KICK

the Labour Party in order to knock us. Iner know a failure to vote Labour on our part Is an open invitation to attack jobs, wages and working conditions.' Teachers THE NUT and the NAS/UWT have decided to continue with their campaign of strike action during the election period.

NUT deputy general secretary Doug McAvoy

Ron Todd THE STRIKE by 20,000 London busworkers on M May was to be the start of a campaign of protest by the TGWU, against the effects of the competitive tendering of routes and services. Now the TGWU has decided to pursue the issue in the courts. ROB JONES, a conductor at Stamford Hill bus garage, argues that the basis exists for a powerful cam-

districts and networks which are then put out to competitive tender. entecis on busworkers have been devastating, rour thousanc jobs were lost in 1986 and LbL blans to axe anothe 3000 this year. In the last three years, eight halase have been closed and four more are threatened. Conductors have been ticularly hard-hit as more anc nore roues aue converted to one-person operation (OPO) in preparation for them to be put out to tender.

In an industry where rest-day and overtime working has boosted wages to a

said that if the action were called off 'our members would not understand and the

the issue had gone awalt is wholly appropriate for us to

rights during the democratic process of an election'

The NUT's inner London division, ILTA is proposing an escalation of its own ampaign against move Dv ILEA t compulsorily redeploy 1300 teachers. They are calling for national union backing for a strike on 4 June. The national union officially backs the call for reopening of negotiations on th redepio ment issue but ILTA met ILEA on 12 May, the Labourcontroled edueation authority refused to discuss the issue. tranera

passable level, the sudden «OD W DA wazca caused hardship for many

a direct wage cut of f10 to f15 per week.

Now, with the drive to OPO covering 82 per cent of the fleet and virtually completed, LBL bosses are targettting driver operators

wale productivity deals. On two occasions LBL bosses have tendered for, and won back, routes on wages and condions cieretl on mese agreed with the union.

At Potters Bar garage most of the staff took redundancy or tranierrea In order to overcome staff

LBL IUS. DIC CaLCe busworkers Norbiton with the option of taking a £30 per week wage cut, transfer to another garage perhaps miles away, or face the sack. With this kind of Halarenelt. worucI LBL are understaffed by 1000 drivers.

Dissatisfaction with the

The defence campaign for the victimised ILTA officers - suspended and expelled by the NUT leadership for unofficially organising

with union policy - is holding a rally 18 June. Dennis Skinner will be one of the speakers.

NUM RETIRING vice-president of the NUM, Mick McGahey, union's South Wales Area President.

Dutfield, took the occasion of the area conference to launch an attack on Arthur Scargill

McGahey gave his support to six-day working at Margam. He told the South Wales delegates 'many areas would welcome your •no•cn or bie opportunity to work six days.

1.5: macer :a1

job is now so widespread that LBL have had to resort

near-lying auvc! tisements in the national press at exorbitant rates to recruit staff to replace those who prefer to take their wance amongst ine tour 'million unemployed.

By pressing ahead with OPO concessions. manage. ment have created a single slalus fleet and allel eliminated the old divisions

conductors/crew and OPO drivers. The new-found unity amongst the WOlKOcC was enec edr the solidity of the strike ac. tion. the first tor over 30 years.

London bus committee chair Peter Gibson said that the success oi the action would guide the committee on the next stage of the campaign.

Busworkers will be • looking tor a campaign tc escalate the action and to forge a fighting unity with especially London under-

Dutfield, whose support for six-day coaling is well-known, pitched in against Scargill for failing to find a replacement for tne nanonal concilanor.

and not being 'honest, realistic or consistent' in accepting new technology and its implications.

But for the first time, , Dutfield did speak of the six-day coaling project being scrapped. After denouncing as 'hysterical and misguided' criticism of six-day coaling, Dutfield opposed the idea of a breakaway if the union rejected the projec! nationally.

Telecom A SECOND striker has been sacked by BT within the

First John Treadway

Socialist Action 8 May 1987

No

TENDERING!

Sound and railworker who have also been affecte vy tne bicak-up or lne oi authority.

The one-day and selec tive strikes being aired hav alcauy DolnlCC minds of many to such : united calvalzl . dustrial action. tub guard at Finsbury

Larry Herman, said voted by five to one for in austna acuon against In SaliC problems faced busworkers. Many uluci

grat we ser are ajn

should together with the TGWU.

alleged abuse during the strike itself.

SNOW. activist, John Deason, has been given his cards. Deason was called uD to ‹ management interview to discuss alleged

application form. When he asked for the questions to be put in writing, he was summarily dismissed.

Both Deason and Treadaway are member: of the London branch of the NCU which has been the target of a succession of lesser victimisations and

witch-hunt. Six branch officers resigned in the midst of these attacks, weakening the union al a crucial time

A branch meeting has been called to bea calls for withdrawd ol their resi camap: the

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