Socialist Action No. 63, 22 June 1984
The scan: 063-jun-22-1984-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
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THATCHER'S
No. 63 22 June 1984
STOP
CAVALRY CHARGES and riot police are what greeted the miners at Orgreave picket line on Monday. The Tories are determined that the miners will not score a victory in any confrontation with the police and are prepared to use the most open police brutality to achieve it.
Last week MacGregor and Thatcher also decided to blow up the negotiations between the NUM and the Coalboard by demanding the NUM accepts pit closures. The Tories have decided on their political plans for the summer. They want to smash the NUM into the ground and with it strike a devastating blow to the entire labour movement in Britain.
For the last three weeks Thatcher's government had played the 'hard cop, soft cop' game. Through carefully orchestrated leaks to the press about 'divisions' in the government and the NCB, Thatcher sought to create illusions in the talks. Meanwhile the government's real policy could be seen even then at Orgreave and the other key depots and power Slauolls.
The reality is that there is no major concession Thatcher can afford to make to the miners. The government is in trouble on a number of fronts, meeting problems in its confrontation over local government, and falling electoral support. It is locked in a battle with Britain's most powerful industrial union in which the miners show no sign of giving in.
Thatcher's political conclusion is simple - and is why she blew up the negotiations and organised her thugs at Orgreave. Liverpool, local government, and above all the miners must be crushed
few fainthearts may have
SOCiALiSt
ACTIoN
30р
THUGS
dreamt of a compromise, but Thatcher was never interested. She knows that her government today cannot afford any major defeat at the hands of the miners.
The entire labour movement, and Labour Party must pick up that challenge Thatcher has thrown down. Labour's steps forward in the Euro-elections were a big boost. But the whole party must understand that advance will count for nothing if it allows the miners to be defeated.
National and local trade union boycotts of coal are being built. Local Labour Parties are actively building solidarity.
But the entire national Labour Party now has to be thrown behind the miners. Top of the agenda of every trade union branch, and of the first meeting of every local Labour Party, must be solidarity with the miners.
The NUM has to take the lead in spreading that solidarity not merely to the leadership but also the rank and file of other unions.
The key steps in the days ahead to build on the solidarity being carried locally are: • The Labour Party NEC should urgently call a national Labour Party demonstration in support miners. • The NUM should call a national solidarity conference of all trade unions, and trade union bodies, supporting the miners to map out a plan of campaign for solidarity. • The campaign must be built for a national day of strike action in support of the miners.
If the labour movement builds on the victory it scored in the elections to secure the victory of the miners then Thatcher' decision to confront th
NUM can be made a blow from whict she will never recover.
of the
EYEWITNESS AT
ORGREAVE
WE GOT there about 7am. Before 8am, without any provoca-
tion, we were subjected to a charge by the police. The coke lor-
ries hadn't even arrived.
rive after being delayed by pickets at the bottom end for over
an hour.
been out from the start. The police response was to truncheon
down the people at the front, hitting us on the heads and in the
they
side.
The first big shove came when the lorries did eventually ar-
1 was at the front right under the riot shields which had
kidneys.
We pulled back and that's when
sent in the cavalry up the fiele were half a dozen of more Mounties on our flank ready to charge from the
Then we saw a variety of riot police that we ve never seen before with small shields and carrying truncheons. They came streaming from behind the police lines clubbing everyone they caught up with
Even the TV showed that mos people stood around. Bar int had led te were
деного дато онденадаля people tried to get their mates fre from the cops.
The first convoy got through and in the two hours before the next lot, many of the lads went for something to eat. With less pickets there the police charged to move us as far up the road as possible. They forced us across the railway bridge and lines. Past the bridge they kept on charging and charging again, to break up the thousands of pickets that were still in tent on getting down to the plant.
When it was clear that the stree lighting was going to end up on a loca housing estate, the police pulled back to earne we blowers them..ane it was at this point that wrecked cars
alight, purely as a defence against further cavalry charges
We eventually moved off at about 1pm when a convoy of about 40 police minibuses came from our rear. The lorries had already been and gone and we had heard that the iS were to suspend operations for this week anyway.
1 think that the police, the government and the BSC management have decided Orgreave coke is not worth
We've got to see this as some kind of victor: for the NUM
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Building a party of labour
2 Socialist Action
Action Socialist
Europe goes to
extremes
It is ironic that the elections to such an irrelevant body as the European parliament should give such a clear insight into the state of European they are looked back at last weeks Euro-elections will be seen as a real political
phenomenon of all - the simple refusal to vote described it, a 'disaster for the credibility of the
That is a pure and simple gain for the left. attempts of big capital in Europe to knit
organisation still lacks any serious popular sup-
But taking the three countries where there was a major shift in the elections — France, Italy and West Germany — there is a fundamental insight into European politics today
In France the horrifying vote for Le Pen and criticism made of French Neil Kinnock - Sirane cois Mitterrand. In three years the Eurosocialist Mitterrand has brough the French labour move
beforehand. Anyone with illusions in the dream ticket of Kinnock and Hattersley would do well to
As for the French Communist Party its rout government was for its vote to collapse to its owest level since the Second World War
There will be no recovery to anything like the Communist Parties which existed prior to Mitterrand s about a permanent shift in the relation of forces munist Party and in favour of the Socialists.
learnt the lesson of how to protect itset trom the move oMitte radis part to time com munism, to support for NATO and the EEC, to effectively functioning both as the Communist and Socialist Party in Italy, brutally dented the ambitions of Socialist Party leader Craxi exposing still further the cracks in the Christian Democrats
But if France and Italy were the evident short term crises shown by the Euro-elections, overwhelmingly the most soared earlessly three the live
the working class districts of the big cities
If there were a general election in West GerDemocratic Party have an all mar.
strike in France shattered the social calm of post war western Europe. in short term socialist revolution in Europe -hopes that were dashed in the years that followEuropean 'far left'
But both the hopes and the despair were based on a misunderstanding.
started, not finished, political crisis in western Europe. Indeed only today is that crisis beginning to break out with its full force
If you want to see the evidence of that just look around at those Euro-election results.
Editor: ALAN FREEMAN Published weekly except two weeks in August and the last week of December.
Signed articles by contributors do not necessarily represent socias acaon's views.nese are exoressed n editorials. sena a correspondence recarame subsenDions and receipts to Socialist Action Distribution, 328 Upper Street London N1 2XP. (Tel: 01-359 8180) Send all material for publication (including advertising) :o Socialist Action Editorial at the same address. We regret that due to the high cost of postage we cannot :eturn or acknowledge unsolicited copy or photographs amier accompanied by a stamped addressed envelope.
22 June 1984 important result
Eight per cent of the vote in West
goes to a party explicitly against and that means 10 and 12 per cent in
1968 the general That event aroused belief
despair gripped sections of the
May-June 1968 in the social and in saic)
working was
unions, trade
ten mer Callaghan spent
Why join the Party
forces outside taking demands women's liberation and where
policies 1979
Many base for rebuilding Interests
People do not join the Labour Party out of sen timentality. They are 1o0 practical for that. People will only join Labour in targe numbers it defends their interests. The number one problem
rebuilding Labour theretore having policies and activities that defend people's interests policies and struggles tha defend the unions, defend the cities, defend democratic rights, that can really begin to tackle the problem of the economic crisis.
To show just how prac-
doubtedly the number one
electorally for the Labour Party in the
the campaign of the GLC.
Labour's support in London is now at a record high in comparison with the rest of the country. Even Neil Kinnock after nimals trying to shun him - is forced to try
pments are taking place arty. John Ross looks at
1960s, and most of the 1970s
working class became
picture of Labour parwith polytechnic lecturers,
collar workers was had sufficient truth to ugh in recognition. to pick up some of Ken Livingstone's electoral
weeks conference for Labour Euro candidates in London would recognise). And you do not have to be an
GLC to know that Ken Livingstone represents the left of the party, not its right. (although shouldn't
alu were Wally
working women,
supported GLC
believed struggles
terms putting
with all
following. council
city inThat
Struggle
And on the trade union field Arthur Scargill has united the rank and file of the Labour Party in active support of the miners in a way that has not been seen in a trade union struggle in
It is in these fights the miners, Liverpool, the GLC and metropolitan councils,
mass campaign of CND
• the montes ur Labour Party are given
flesh and blood. Policies that remain on paper don't inspire large numbers people. But policies trans ated into struggle do
What is now crucial is
and that that Labou means the Labour left -translates not only elections but these campaigning into real organisational steps ward for the party. This means not just the usual appeals tor more individuals Labour Party - although that is necessary real organisational strateov for up the party.
Fortunately some of the nuts and bolts of this do now exist. What necessary is to fit them in definite policies and goals
them together.
What are the key steps in Links
tant of all, is recreating
Nothing in British
Euro But with
wal every
agenda, its next meeting, up its
miners. must
tion of the
Labour's Pollutal
year's time
the mass campaign defend the
confrontation
has nOW
GLC
for industrial
Me cities
the June
demonstration showed the continuing strength of the anti-missiles movement. 11 is an open secret that the CND leadership did not want, and did not build, the demonstration. Its huge size however shows the huge scope for Labour to build and gain from this mass movement.
Change
Fourthly, Labour must
ture on Women
the single social change the last 30 years. 1ne
votes the Party suffered.
Sule rail of
Labour and
LITe unions. incredible
of wonel
example of Greenham, tire way Hine and
To real selfgovernell
of the Action Committee, is the singi most vital
must take to transform its relations
black be resisted by the
ty,
Sin!
He alu. allault
Britain withdraw
For bet-
News
hotos: GM Cooksor
tant workers will exist.
Seventh, drawing together of these
Hally elements, is the need to build serious youth organisation for Labour. It should be stated openly that the Pys is absurd small. The youth organisa-
West German SPD have 50-100,000 paper and 15-20,000 ac- member. tivists. The LPYS has in reality around 3,000 members far more favourable circumstances.
The mystery. The Militant leadership of the LPYS is hostile to mass
CND women's liberation, black self organisation, gay liberation that could build mass youth organisation for Labour. Steps
The left of the Labour Party building the LPYS, and thereby taking it out of the hands of Militant, the precondition for building up a real mass youth organisation.
course there is much more to be done than we have outlined here But these steps building membership linked to ac individual
tive campaigning recementing links with the unions through support for the miners and
then campaigning on the political levy, defending
the demands establishing black tions, developin dialogue with Sinn Fein reviving and building the LPYS are all steps wnich can Di immediately in the next months.
Out of them can come a Labour Party, and Labour left, greatly strengthened.
And most all Labour Party beginning to do what it is supposed to
defending the people do -who built it and sustain it.
party fighting for socialism anu fighting to defend
of class.
In reality and not just in name, a real party of labour.
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The army in the miners'strike
Wales march with miners
News
The Miner exposes
SINCE the beginning of the miners' strike there have been claims that the army is being used in the dispute. At the miners' lobby of Parliament, the NUM got photographic evidence that the army is involved. This is how the story was explained in The Miner.
& The Government is
using troops in the miners' strike.
Photographic evidence of military involvement has been obtained by The Miner.
The sensational evidence contradicts absolutely Government claims that there has been no such involvement.
Coming on top of resolidarity with the miners.
a day's pay to total 24 hour stoppages.
Among those to strike for the day were engineering union members from the giant Port Talbot steelworks. Their solidari-
was enthusiastically recerved braking miners who have had bitter battles on the Port laibot picket line because of scabbing by the main steel union in the plant.
Railway unions blocked all coal movement into the Llanwern steelworks and dockers from Cardiff, Barry and Newport struck for the day.
Seafarers from the SS Mallin нете the demonstration following their rerusal to touch Ils cargo of imported coal.
Tinge were joined back
contingent black seafarers from the Geest
ships docked at the Cardiff port.
varment workers Irom Ebbw Vale joined workers trom the hoover plant in Merthyr Tydfil in
cell documelts reveaulg major political lerterence in the strike something always denied by the Government almighty row is sure to follow. ine photos, laken al the miners' mass lobby of manet! June shows an Army sergeant driving a police van. LIne vehicle was one of many swiftly deployed as the size of the demonstration rapidly grew.
CARDIFF city centre rang with the confident chant: 'We will win, we will win, we will win', as 10,000 workers marched on the 13 June Wales TUC day of
In defiance of the T C general council, which declared the event unconstitutional, 250,000 Welsh workers took action on the day - from donations of
La 24 hour strike.
By far the biggest and most colourtul came from striking hospital uniform. They were returning the solid support of miners given in the 1982 Ancilliary and domestic staff from all the major hospitals in South Wales walked out for the day.
By Celia Pugh
But pride of place went to the striking miners and EnCH Visiting miners from Leicester and Derovshire held their ban. ners high with those of all lodges the South Wales coal field. Banner after banner followed from the miner's wivesaction groups which are springing up across South Wales.
Yorkshire miner Tony Lowe, keen allalcul photographer, spotted the so erds drivinPatieneen the van towards Square and immediately began clicking away.
Realising what was tried to hide sergeant tried to behind specially screen. and obscure his Tace. but on! llas alread. snatched enough shots.
Camera
The sergeant then yelled at police nearby 'nick that bastard get the camera.' There followed a series of amazing scenes in the heart of the capital ci-
Speakers, Tony Benn and NUPE leader Rodney Bickerstaffe caught the MOOC defiance when they attacked the TUC central councl Bickerstaife declared: 'We
NGA down anc that's why we're here 1oday. I don't care about the constitutional niceties the TUC. You were right to call this action today'
Benn backed this by remarking that 'You don't take astand permission 10 have to ask
Vigorous applause
greed the morrise ene
Harry Harris, GMBATU secretary that his union conterence had voted to donate £1000 day to miners' strike funds. fighting spirit of the mar- Summing the ch, South Wales miners president Emlyn Williams stated: 'We will not be moved. I here is no ques tion but that we are going
The closure plan is to win. dead and now the miners charter has to be resurrected.
As far as the miners are concerned ere witoe no compromise. Victory will oc tillal.
ty.
Tony, knowing that the film would be lost if he were caught, dodged berween police gave chase. It gain-
UTCCIOUS seconds to wind the film on.
He carried on running, miners and threw toe tilm among to one shouting to him to guard it with his life.
With police
LILt breathing down his neck he told the other miners to surround him as he feverishly put another film in the camera.
A fight between one of the miners and a chasing policeman Lont few more seconds before the police got to him.
In of the public and at least four
witnesses, the police demanded the camera, opened ne Dack and exposed the film to the I'll.
Only now will they be
got the wrong film.
Time after time. the Government has denied that troops are involved in the strike, despite a continuing flood of disturbing reports.
pictures shov that the Government has
again peel lying through its teeth.
Political embarrass ment will now be acute and credibility reduced to a new low
Socialist Action 22 June 1984
The sequence of events (from far left): The Sergeant spots the photographer Note the policeman in the background observing. The sergeant starts laying: down the law, apparently, not realising that his army insignia is in full view finally he attempts to use his windscreen shade to obscure his face. Seated next to him and only slightly visible in the original picture is a squaddie in open-necked uniform and beret. The pictures were taken in colour and show the uniform to be green and the insignia above the sergeant's stripes is on an orange background. The police van is of the standard type with a blue lamp above and a blue spotlamp (half obscured) to the fore
3
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Belfast comes
to Yorkshire
RECENTLY the small mining village of Maltby has become the target of police terror. But last Friday, 15 June, local youth struck back when 300 of them
shops.
and the
those Friday's were unemployed youth from
the shops are known to assisted
the miners
Frank NUM
plained:
all the time.'
The main
By Brian Lyons
Anyone who walks the streets is liable.to be
rested bent en up anomess
WOlICI young and old, are targets. Young WUlICIl
who protested at police brutality were detained
and subjected to constant abuse 'slags' and
whore' shouted
Their ace.
But young miners who
they know as pickets are a
particular target.
On the Saturday night
following the youth revolt
cops were provoking peo-
ple as they en OwE
womcas price
55
Torew wolal
through a shoe shop win-
dow.
When people defended
themselves they were im-
mediately surrounded by
van loads of cops. Hun-
dreds jumped out, trun-
cheons at the ready. The
entire town centre was cor-
doned off and for nearly
an hour people were
prevented from going
One young picket,
Ronnie, was batoned over
head for several
minutes. He now says he
won't return to the picket
line.
Many local people now
make a point of stepping
out of their homes at late
hours in a direct challenge
to the unofficial curfew.
The centre of Maltby, with
its boarded shops and
looks like
police patrols,
city at war
seuast.
unesouthitast OLOS
Closures
WED JUNE 27th DAY OF SOLIDARITY
WAFCS AND RAT.I.Y
March and Rally
SE1.
Socialist Action 22 June 1984 ation, and ran through the ensive damage to local
MINER
Dhoto.
Women fight
for their future
SYLVIA JACKSON is
miner's wife from
Keresley in Coventry.
Recently she spoke at a
rally in the city.
TRADITIONALLY
miner's strike has always
been a men's fight. But not
today. We women are not
prepared to sit back and
see our men thrown on the
rao ica aped of the our children future and
our communities decimat-
ed through MacGregor's
policies.
At the beginning of the
dispute we Not-
tingham women herding
Iner MeR Ke siceu ariuoo
picket lines and into work. Region TUC NUM ALL OUT BEHIND
THE MINERS Assemble: 1pm Tower Hill EC3. Rally: 3.30pm Jubille Gdns,
didn't realise But they what they started..
The wives, mums and tiuc
2o away.
aver 1 1101l
LolluliUW.
"Miners'
Strike
Police have sharpened their brutal tactics from
experience in Belfast.
OOlCIa always been divide and
paganda
just it won't work.
on. have got
men, long takes.
They tried
every up miner and tamil
funded by conaon other trade people
have been their right
jobs we're with
just one we ve message MacGregor tonight: back America look after
surrender!
Women interrogated
by police
By Hanna Khamis, Coventry South West Labour Party
FOUR women arrested for obstruction at the Keresley pit picket line were overnight by •the police, ana woken up every houl or iwo to be interrogated
political afutel filiations.
Maureen Shevlin, Julie Khamis. Beth Hens and Derris Whitstone had gone to the picket line to follow up links made wher
wives had addressed the local Labour Party women's section.
The women believe the pol mises mives en welt
miners' wives and. intended to make an example of them. The police rerusel CIEO re cast them after the usual couple of hours, despite knowing
Fighting for
dignity
Joint statement from Bristol Rape Crisis Line and Incest Survivors Group to accompany their £95 donation the
miners.
We declare our com plete support for the
miners and are holding
regular collections.
We see a clear link betiween us and yơu - that is
one of dignity. We fight
for women to regain their
dignity, you are fighting to
maintain yours.
What goes on in socie-
South Yorks
buses on strike
By Martin Hill, TGWU 9/10 branch, personal
capacity
FIFTEEN angry
offices South
Yorkshire County
Council. were
of the Labour
bus in South
Yorkshire. average
Services
COUllLLy.
But feel people not
benefitting EDtt the
'socialist
gnd mel
have
road. watcr
fallen inflation
MY SON DOESNT WORK SO WHY SHOULD YOURS!
they all had responsibilities for children.
Dave Nellist MP plans to take the case up with the Home Secretary They were mi re easeu wituoul bail conditions on Friday morning, and their case will be in court on 19 Oc
Coventry Miners' Rally
Fri 22 June 12 noon
Speakers Corner, Little Park St
Organised by Coven •: NUM: and Confe ty is reflected in the
, Tabe.
She is
we come across woman raned
often made to feel it is her owi laull
The ruling class and their media use society's
prejudices in such a way
that those who suffer in
justice end up being blam-
ed, whether is women
being raped people
fighting for jobs. Part of
our job is to challenge the
myths that keep
divided.
Victory to the miners. The
rates, into pay
that cuts
weekend won't
But
response workers
new has been
to The
tacks.
Tactics Besides
side move-
have to
News
Miners'
Support
Committee
etester 56 St Stephens Rd. e ecs Sz30d
Coventry Donations to: D Jones, !! De Compton Close, Keresley, Coventry.
Bristol
c/o TGWU, Transport House, Room 1, Victoria Si, Bristol D..
Manchester
«n kA s Anson Ka Victoria Park. Manchester
Preston t/o .Iohn Parkinson, Trade Union Centre, St Mary's St North, Preston
Huddersfield c/o Friendly and Trades Club, Northumberland St. Huddersfield
Vauxhall c/o Joan Twelves/Greg Tucker, 1 Alverston Hse Kennington Park Estate, London SE11
Southall c/o 14 Featherstone Rd, Southall. London
Birmingham c/o Trade Union Resource Centre, 7 Frederick St, Hockley
Ealing c/o West London Trade Union Club, 33 Action High St, London W3
Southampton
c/o NUPE District Offic
93 Leigh Rd, Eastleigh Hants
Cardiff
Room 219, Transport
House 1 Cathedral Rd. Cardiff. Tel: 0222 31176
Hounslow
c/o lan MacDonald, 220
Wellington Road South
, Middx. Tel:
HOunSIOW
01-577 3429
Medway
c/o Vince Drongin,
wet wav owi Trades
Union Council, 19 Randall
Rd. Chatham, Kent.
Bury
c/o Brian Marden, 061-764
9648
Oxford
c/o Claimants Union,
Princes St, Oxford
Leeds
c/o District Labour Party,
9 Queens Sq, Leeds 2
Lewisham
c/o Labour and Trade
Union Club, Limes Grove,
Lewisham, London
Haringey
c/o Unemployed Workers'
Centre, 28 High Rd
, London N17.
Tel: 801 5629
York
c/o Terry, 3 Scaife St.
York. Tel: 0904 25223
Brent
375 Willesden High Road,
London NW10
Birkenhead
Trade Union &
Unemployed Resource:
Centre, Argyle St South
(next to Central Stn),
Birkenhead. Tel: 051-647
3904.
If vour local support com
mittee is not included here i
we have no address
for it. Send it in!
Page 5 scan of this page
The break-up of India
International
IRELAND
UNFREE
Poll fatigue
IT WOULD have been good to start the column with the revelation that even though the Euro-elections had been interminally boring in Britain, in Ireland... But alas it could not be.
Picture lan Paisley erect in khaki-green popemobile bedecked with Union Jacks driving through Ballymena. Sinn Fein must be smashed at the polls! The Shadow of the Sinn Fein gunman lies across the province! Danny Morrison, the incarnation of evil!' Is this the voice of lan Paisley! Well yes, and then again no.
The man of iron lungs has become a victim of the new technology recorder — better able perhaps to repeat the same thing over and over again than a human being.
Another victim could be seen south of the border. Charlie Haughey bemoaning 'me wounds for me country' held out his hand for reporters to show open sores on three fingers, prolonged bout of hand-shaking. Maybe they will invent a machine for that!
With such newsworthy stories, it is no wonder that minor issues like partition, the Forum, jobs, neutrality and the role of the multi-nationals have been forced into second place.
tune contest for the nationalist vote between SDLP sitting Euro MEP. John Hume and Sinn Feiner Danny Morrison. Hume is apparently using his record in Strasbourg rather than the Forum report as the main campaign issue.
Judge Gibson's acquittal of three RUC men and subsequent endorsement of army shoot-to-kill policies, Hume hopes to clinch the seat by winning transfers from the protestant Alliance pariy.
Morrison on the other hand concentrates on the 'double-jobbing' of Hume, the SDLP's record of collaboration with the British. and the 'dolivmixture' packaging of the Forum which answers none of the problems faced by the nationalist communitv. He hopes that the jack of interest in the election will work against the SDLP whose electoral machine is disintegrating as fast as Sinn Fein's is growing.
In the Unionist camp, the jostling for position between the 'triple-jobbing' Official Unionists and Democratic Unionists continues to revolve around just how much of a threat is posed by Sinn Fein. The theory goes turn to the DUP, otherwise they slip back to complacency and the OUP.
In the South, European issues have featured more. On farm policy, a recent report showed thousands of small farmers living on an average of f25 per week. EEC money now almost unendingly into the pockets of the few rich farmers and ranchers. pieuge of the Worker's underground railway and oil refinery in Dublin, neither they nor the Labour Party have extended their verbal defence of jobs and living standards to an assault on partition which has opened up the South to the ravages of the multinationals whose investment policies have broken up traditional industries and led to rocketing unemployment.
Neutrality made a last minute entry into the headlines last Wednesday with the resuscitation of the Western European Union in Paris. sion of the European members of NATO to use meetings of the Euro-parliament as a caucus for their intervention into NATO was bound to raise hackles in a country where 84 per cent of the electorate are actively in tavour neutrality and already see membership of the EEČ as a threat to it.
Irish CND have been circulating a neutrality pledge to all candidates which has further exposed Fianna Fail's hesitancy. Labour's Frank Cluskey suggested a referendum on the issue. Sinn Fein has now formally endorsed the despite having to change the names of their candidates so that the words 'Sinn Fein' could appear imperialist camperge in the elections. This ntiimperialist campaign in the elections. been endorsed by Peoples' Democracy, mises to be the sole lasting benefit of the whole
— replaced by a mini-cassette
sustained in a North, everything hinges around the
Failing to comment on that under threat oralists wil
seems to flow
Despite the last minute an The deci-
of maintaining
aims of CND and
This and pro-
THE STORMING of the golden temple in Amritsar by the Indian Army has turned the spotlight on the growing political crisis in India. JOHN ROSS looks at the background to the current events and India's place in the 'third world'.
an international point of view, almost a throwback to another era. It was the leadership of the Indian Congress Party, famous 'non-aligned' movement with Yugoslavia's Tito and Egypt's Nasser.
During the 1960s and 1970s that movement had crumbled. Egypt, under Sadat, had moved from being 'non-aligned' to being firmly in the camp of the United States. The 1970s were the era of the US-backed regimes
SuCi Chile. Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay
In East Asia the 1970s saw the rise of the 'miracle economies' South norea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore economies which were fuelled by US bank loans and whose growth was based on exports to the imperialist economies
Anart from a tew individual states which became direct allies of the Soviet Union the most important being Ethiopia, South Yemen, Angola and, Mozambique - the semi-colonial capitalist states during the 1970s were heing tied more ilosely and directly into imperialism than at any time since the Second World war. Ine same pallert Is continuing today with Angola and Mozambique being forced by economic and military pressure into close links with South Africa.
The basis of this intensified imperialist dominaton was cicar. ronowing the working class struggles
western Europe atter 1968, the oil price Increases of 1973. and the economic recession of 1yl›, te imperalist coun tries began an intensified export of capital into some of the more developed countries world'.
Debt
Huge bank loans, which now form the basis of the international debt crisis, were made finance the economic growth of Brazil, Mexico, South Korea, Taiwan and similar SLates Simult aneously their industries were bull up oy alrect ex port of industrial capital from Western Europe, the United States and Japan
the creation of a large scale car manufacturing industry in Brazil classic case.
India was the most important semi-colonial
which tried hold out against this trend. When India gained independence 1947 possessed the most powerful and developed ruling class of any ex-colony and «ore economies of any third world countrv.
The British rulers had always constituted only a tiny proportion of the population of India - - less than 0.01 per cent. The Indian capitalist class had been able powerful all India politica force the Congress Par
In Mahatma Gandhi ly. the Indian bourgeoisie had
India under Indira Gandhi still represents, from
under Nehru, which launched the
found leader and ideology — that of 'non violent resistance' which had simultaneously been able to lead a struggle against the British and prevent any uncontrollable explosion of the workers and peasants.
The Indian bourgeoisie was further sireneunened by the policy which Stalin andthe indian Communist
Seron pursued during are.
Under the political line of the popular front' the Indian Communist Party abandoned the struggle for Indian independence in favour of so called 'unity' with the British against the Japanese. The prestige of the independence struggle therefore fell wholly and completely to the Congress Party.
Non-aligned
With its political posi tion secure, and with the Capanese invasion or civil country shaken war, the Indian bourgeoisie after dependence was able to embark on relatively conererl economIc alu political project.
Economically India tried to achieve a relatively self-sufficient dustrialisation. Participation of foreign capital in the economy was kept low
- per head of the population capital imports into India were only one third those of Pakistan and only
twelth Taiwan South Korea. A large state industrial sector was created. Major economic aid particular in fields such as the steel in dustry and power supply
sought from the was Soviet Union
Politically, 'nonalignment' was an expres-
of the same process. SOU India maintained all its practical links with the world capitalist economy. But it made major defence purchases from the Soviet Union and kept up a verbally 'socialist' rhetoric.
Land
The effect of this economic orientation was increasing economic differentiation
For the majority countly. of the population standard of life has not im proved since dependence. Landlessness among the peasants has increased haiel benneficiary
COle of the economic growth Wal the big capitalist and the employers large farmers in certain specific regions of the country.
In some of the poorest states with the highest eve c of landlessness (West Bengal, Kerela, , Andhra Pradesh) the Indian Communist Party and Indian Communist Party
Indira Gandhi
(Marxist) have built up major regional bases against the Congress. In slightly better off areas of the Indian state the Punjab, Gujurat, and Ut-
Pradesh Hindu communalist (notably the Jan Sangh)
the Sikh Akali Da anto ave mao SuDoorl Chaos
The Punjab itself, where the Indian army has
acted. is the richest state in India in terms of per capital income and the most prosperous agricultural area
The strains within Indian society produced by the economic orientation of the Congres Dally already came to a head ir 1977 with the defeat of In dira Gandhi in the general election by a combination
regionalist and particularist parties Gandhi
herself DaCk power simply because no other capitalist force was capable of keeping India together.
Indira Gandhi's Congress party, however, now finds itself squeezed on two fronts. India's siov rate of economic growth is insufficien keep together the centrifugal forces in the country. The artificial state welder together by the British into 'India' already came apart once in 1947 with the partiT1Qn into Pakistan Pakistan then exploded in 1971 with the creation of Bangla Desh. These centrifugal tendencies have only been
Socialist Action 22 June 1984 New Delhi
INDIA strengthened by the economic policies pursued since independence
But the only alternative open to Indian capitalism
that of attempting to speed up economic growth by importing foreign capital on a larger scale would be likely to speed up the economic uneven nesses of the country still further
Confronted with these pressures the policy of the central Indian government is tending to become less and less coherent. On the one hand the government is stepping up moves to import foreign capital - the number of authorisation
collaborations with foreign firms approved by the government has doubled in the last two years SHOOTE
Tapital have increased ten-
But on the other side the Indian government's attempt to move military purchases away from the USSR have fail.
5 -PUNJAB ed. Indian build Jaguar and fighters came to nothing
instead it has forced to go back reliance on production o Soviet MIG aircraft. Tensions between India and the United States have in creased again.
an increasingly incoherent economic and foreign policy ana will rapidly increasing regional and nanna tensions within the country, Indira Gandhi maintains her dominant position in In alan pontics primarily b the fact that other bourgeois force is canable of keeping the country together. Following events such as in Amritsar even her ability to do • so is in. creasingly in doubt.
As the 1980s unfold the Words most populous capitalist state is heading inexorably towards chaos. The storming of the golden temple is just the beginning of the process
Page 6 scan of this page
Black Sections: Here to stay!
Socialist Action 22 June 1984 THE ISSUE of the black sections of the Labour Party is likely to be the major debate at this year's Party conference. Over 200 black activists attended its launch conference in Birmingham last week.
Rebuilding support for the Labour Party after its massive election defeats means creating a new, broader coalition of forces around it. Not a coalition as argued by Marxism
Socialist Action: What is your view on black sections in the Labour Party?
Paul Boateng: very important role to play in ensuring that the Labour Party delivers to the black community at every level, not simply in terms of representation, also in terms of the policy-making functions of the Party.
We, as a Party, if we are to progress electorally, and if we are to create a ge. nuinely socialist society, become a mass-based campaigning parly. Ulner wise we shall die in terms of our capacity to implement policy once we are elected. A Labour government can only implement socialist policies if
capable of commanding public support and black along with women's sections have an impore tre still a Party.
still Party dominated by the white,
simply in terms parliamentary representation, but right across the board that and black sections are a part and a way of doing that.
Paul Boateng Asian and black women have joined unions and fought bosses but Labour has not put itself behind their struggles.
this.
Black sections have a dent black political party!
but tain the autonomously
campaigning irve
Wing about
mass sections, tions which exist.
Anyone
that ple are miadie-class of our
We have to change about.
Today - meaning pacts with anti-working class forces like the Alliance - but a coalition in the sense that the Labour Party must represent the interests of all the oppressed.
Black people must be part of this. But first Labour has to thoroughly break from its past record of betrayal on black rights. Giving black people a voice is a first step to doing
Why should the large number of black activists outside the Labour Party join the Party? Why not form an indepen.
It is vital that black people always re-
right outside the Party around issues of specific concern to the black community. There are occasions when the best strategy is to adopt a
approach that goc. beyond party political affiliations.
But at the same time if we are to br-
the sort of fundamental changes in our society which are going to benefit black people this involves altering the economic and social condi-
who believes otherwise is living in cloud cuckoo land. So if peo-
Serous y concerned about political action then the Labour Party, as a socialist party ana. socialism the only way we are going to bring that
Those that suggest an independent
black party are falling into a trap. They have to recognise that it is not possible to organise around the issue of race alone. Race and class and the struggle against racism and capitalism are inextricably linked.
But that isn't to let white socialists off the hook in believing that all they nave to do is accepl a class allalysis U the problem. also recognise the racial dimension to ans analysis that is going to have any meaning.
What do black sections offer black youth?
Among black youth there is a growing bitterness and alienation not from society as a whole the political process and there is a conscious withdrawal from that process. well not witnarawal, because lot very many of them they have never been part of it.
We have to get the message over that there is a role for black youth, the wider black community, the Labour Party and unions recognise and respect that role. In this black sections, and autonomous black organisations within the trade unions, have a very important, indeed historic, role to play if we aren't to drift into a situation where black people write themselves off politically because other written them off.
The result of this is that black people are beginning not to vote at all, and ananacer and the black community.
How can black activists take up Kinnock and Hattersley's public opposition to the black sections!
Kinnock and Hattersley would have aone Lo ciall they'd had an opportunity to consider the views of the working party which has been set up as a result of a decision or conce
They should have themselves more with the views of the
ty, the membership,
tions to date.
have to opportunity
simply but also from
for
and that for black
ting positions
people have
Party.
They are focus, , both the Labour Party
realis. silent. until
then disaster.
acquainted
that to happen.
black rank and file members of the Par-
views CLPs and the both black and white.
They've voted with their feet on this and have actually established black sections. Therefore I regret both the timing and the content of their interven
Black activists should not lose any
bring home leadership their own views and make sure their local parties do too. This is the responsibility of all members of the Party, black and white. If they don't change their minds, then conference will be the final arbiter
We must not spend too much time wringing our hands over the untortunate attitude of the leadership. Our
only the CLPs, but the trade unions recognise the importance of the right of
members to organise autonomously within the Party.
Won't black sections become just a way
careerists to further their parliamentary careers?
Anyone who believes that black sec tions are no more than a means of get-
black people elected to certain within the Party local and national government doesn't understand the whole history of sectional organisation within the Labour
no means the only or indeed the primary focus o black involvement in the Party. That
and must remain, the GMCs, where ultimately the decisions will and should be made. The purpose of black
sections is to provid basis
rganisation, a basis for the develo ment of policy and to help focus the Party's attention on these issues.
Were black sections to become the dustbin of the Party for all black issues then they suld be an absolute
would absolute But I don't believe that the grass roots black activists will allow
Page 7 scan of this page
towards class unity
Benn
THE PROPOSALS for black sections which have been pressed for some time on the Labour Party by the black ethnic communities are now being considered by the NEC working party set up year's conference. There are many people in the movement, and I am one of them, who believe that the case for establishing such sections is very strong and the party must respond positively.
Labour is, and always has been, federal organisation recognising differing interests or the trade unions, affiliated organisations, women, young people and a whole range of special interest groups. Against that background, there is no doubt whatsoever that black sections would fit into an accepted pattern and provide a strong voice for hundreds of thousands of people who, at present, feel that their voice is not heard strongly enough. We
eed to see that this argument is strongsitting and that conference hears the presented while the working party is case for black sections not only from he black communities but from across he whole spectrum of the party.
Today's conference pportunity for Black activists in the this reason it is a very important event. Hain
I fully support the demand for Black Sections and am encouraged by your initiative which we must press at this year's Party conference. Indeed, in Putney CLP we established just such a section three years ago and it proved extremely valuable, both in drawing in black people who would not otherwise have been involved actively in the Party and in representing nterests and anti-racist policies.
The Labour Party has taken black people for a ride for too long and these rehicles for black self-expression will be an important means both of changing this and contributing to re-building waDour s pontical vase Peter Hain, Vice-Chair, Labour Coordinating Committee
Livingstone
DEAR COMRADES, occasion of your first national conference in Birmingham, I wish to extend my greetings and wishes for a successful initiation. It is a sad state of our racist society that black people are forced organise independently organisations in order to determine strategies and pursue pursuit of equality and justice.
am totally committed to achievement of a society free from racism, sexism, inequality prejudices against any minority or disadvantaged groups in our society. Your struggle for justice is ours too.
By Mike Wongsam
in a personal capacity.
black and desirability
conference.
thing thoroughly
fact in London, In
after last ticular the
place In tne labour movement.
Nobody_
people remain the
election of any
the
and the Labour Party
composed of seafarers Manchester,
riots and systematic
provides an to form 'self-help'
and the 'one-crop' economies.
timenam in 1958.
of the working
black reflected this reality.
The founding
Universal Coloured Peoples tion started development black working class organisations. on the
best
to within
action in
the
and
Harringey where are black councillors?
member of the Labour Party Black Section steering committee,
UP UNTIL now a controversy has raged among the British left, both
white, about the and significance of Labour Party black sections. This controversy will intensify up to and beyond the coming Labour Party
Whatever is said about them which must be understood is that black sections are an established
and will soon become so in other parts of the
Therefore, despite the reticence of the national leadership of the Labour Party to formally recognise them, the essence of the devale must be lo clari wilal altitude one takes to such a develop-
view this is impossible without an assessment of the relationship of the black community as a whole to une rest or briusa pontics and in par-
developments taking
on the left can deny that the Labour Partv has a lot to answer for in relation to black people both here
most implacably
section of the
But what is essential and new is the tendency for black people to join the party in numbers and organise as black
must look back over the past history of the relationship between black people
The first large black communities to
in Liverpool, North Shields and Cardiff. Economic decline and unemploy ment followed the First World War and ushered in a protracted period in which
LOrally broke out, notably in Manchester.
The black population were forced
communities and were prevented from organising within the structures of the labour movement.
The same pattern followed the next wove of immigration giter the second World War, due to the labour shortage
of the There was a re'60s, with riots in Notting Hill and Not-
In all of this, the mass organisations
class played a reac tionary role and black people fought main y rearguard actons in delence of their communities. The direction taken
political organisations
OI Campaign party.
Associaof which was essentially largest from necessity outside the structure of
However, the changes taking place
councillors' stand is good - but
In many strikes like this at Fords black workers have been among the most militant in the labour jorce. in working class politics today open uf the possibility of a new period in black political organisation.
economic depression, within which the black community is a particularly op pressed sector of society, the results of the last general election show that elec-
Labour mas veen pusncu back into its traditional strongholds: the big metropolitan centres.
Champion
In this context a section Labour left has grasped that the only credible way to rebuild Labour as the mass party of the working class is to assemble forces such the movement, the women's movement, the unions - and now the black movement — under the banner of Labour.
It is the existence of this minority current on the left, but with mass proportions, which marks a breach in continuity with the traditional outlook of the Labour Party. This makes a space for black political activity inside the
It is not insignificant that the most advanced expression of this is the Liv. ingstoneite left in London, where the
concentration of the population is (according to the 1974
57.7 per cent of black people live in the south east).
ABC +0
Pork asia
OUNCILLORS AGAINS
The increased activity of black peo ple within the Party is the impetus for the demand for a Labour Party black section. Over 200 black activists attended the black section conference in Birmingham.
It is now crucial, if this progress is to be developed, that the Labour left as a whole takes up and champions the demand. It is perhaps not surprising that Kinnock and Hattersley are opposed to a black section. They the women's section tion of the Party would not only apply pressure on questions that affect black people, but would probably become a of the permanent left pressure on the Party on all questions.
In this context, while the Militant tendency's position against black seetions is not surprising given their position on other similar questions, their arguments must be refuted, as they provide a 'left' company's opposition to the black sec-
Bob Lee, in last week's Militant explained: separating blacks from the rest of the party might actually serve to undermine
workers who are already active in th party at a grassroots level. black The fact is that very few black people are active at any level in the party, despite the fact that a growing number of black people are joining.
Socialist Action
A real step
of the Party.
between, realise as with that a black sec CULTURE
strument disunity. By tant cover fronting
cover for Kinnock and
class unity. class unity in a
SM
slavery. the basis
the stated nature of
the kind
22 June 1984 7 pressed minority they need to organis to ensure that their demands are taker up in a serious way by the mainstream
But more serious in Militant's argument is the claim that black and white unity already exists in the Party. This r patently not the case. At Party conference the black faces are few and far
, black candidates are not put forward at any level of the Party.
Outside the Party black people have
deeDl ingrained racism within the working class itself, and this is reflected inside the structures of the labour movement.
A black section is precisely an in-
overcome existing talking as though black and white unity already exists the Mili-
up the real problems conblack people, and the figh that will have to be waged within the working class to create a basis for real Seperatism
commitment by the Labour Party to carry out a genuine anti-racist polic would solve the problem. But unless th black section is organised to fight for such a policy, it will never happen
Finally they argue a black section mainstream of the party.
IS that they are not there now. As Dian
the Labour hypocritical for people to go on abou the black section creating when they haven't complained abou the white separatism that exists in the
Given the process of realignment in British politics today black community and the Labour Party. It begins to pose the real issues of
more profound wa than at any time since the abolition o
But class unity can only be built on
of complete and absolute ecuality of representation at al ever of the movement. Any other kind is only disguised disunity
The argument that all that black sections are about is lobbying for more MPs or councillors both misrepresents
aims of the black section itself, and totally misunderstands the
British politics today. The black section is a first step in the fight against the racist division of the work. Ing class, and tererore a sep loward:
of unity the working class needs to build to take on the Tory and ruining offends. , class offensive against our rights
Page 8 scan of this page
10 days to shake cruise
8
Nicaragua
ON MAY DAY this year, Commander JAIME WHEELOCK, one of the four main leaders of the Sandinistas, spoke to Chinandega, in the North-west of Nicaragua.
we reproduce some sections of the speech dealing with the problems economy military aggression on the country's borders.
On this May 1984, the people Nicaragua are engaged in struggle, a struggle that is still necessary to attain national sovereignty and to attain a higher standard of living and social progress.
How different it is from the May Days of other
such as 1963, when worker and student demonstrators were massacred; such as in 1965, when workers were repressed and tortured; such as in 1978 and 1979, when some workers' leaders were murdered, imprisoned, or sent to the torture chambers.
How different it is to-
with the people Ud y holding a demonstration
freedom, celebrating with joy the Day Workers.
We are poor. We have inherited debts. Gestuction, and a people living in extraordinary poverty. We still have a long way to go
reduce LCIO the number of children who have no shoes, to eliminate GREENHAM WOMEN are calling for ten million women to mobilise at Greenham and around the country for 10 days, starting on 29 September. Each woman taking part is asked to get 10 others along 100.
The Greenham women's protest has been the most successful action of the peace movement, a key factor in the growing unpopularity dentist. has forced the pace of C.ND.
The has reacted by using state coercion to stop the protest at the camp. And now the exivance of the camp ander threat. This raises a big issue for CND and the tabour movement.
All unilateralists must support and organise to maintain the protest Greenham, and the right
women Groanse within the peace move-
ment. This is not an added extra — it plays a vital role
defending the ment's commitment to anilateralism and to mass action perspectives.
Everyone must organise to ensure te success
of the September action.
women line Party and trade unions are
Socialist Action 22 June 1984
The workers
in power
agricultural workers in
His speech covered a wide variety of topics. Here
confronting the Nicaraguan in the context of the world crisis and
the general poverty of this country. But there is a fundamental factor that must
of
Mayorkers participate in
all of the state's consultative bodies. There are no decisions on the economv or prices. on sub. sidies or wages, on which the working class. through its organizations, does not exoIes itself in a militant way. Workers participate directly power through
CDS's (Sandinista Defence Committees), through nousanes of organizations, and in assemones died dievving and raising produc-
Power
But most important of all is the fact that the revolu-
leadership, the Lullal y Sandinista Liberation Front, is the organizabon WOrKCIs. the organization that returned power to workers after taking it away from somozaism
We have given power to the working class, and it is the working class that holds power here! inspired by the example of
Greenham DcaLC women. Miners wives have shown their support. and many Labour Party women's sections double up as Greenham support
By lona Aronovsky,
Newham NELP
But the Labour left
must force the party
jeadersnip to lake up lit
issue, and show that the
party as a whole is suppor.
ting the camp. For in-
stance it could coordinate
a rota of women's sections
to visit the peace camp.
we should call for a big labour movement
women's demonstration as part of the 10 day action.
of CND
should mobilise in support
National Callp.
CND and especially Labour and Trade Union&.
CND must build the
10-day action and make
sure it's a big success.
You will remember the period after the triumph, when Somoza had left us a devalued all economy in ruins, a coun-
in debt. What happened in those first months? There beans because nobody had planted any. There was no rice because that had not been planted either.
Eggs were in short sup ply because all the chickens, all the hens, had disappeared. And what happened! The DECC eggs tripled or quadrup!ed. Whv? Because there was a shortage. And when goods are scarce Dul wages continue to be paid at nor-
WECI there Is the prices of the items that are scarce go up.
Scarcity
We were short of certain products. Sugar, for example, was not scarce, because had sugar. Milk because we had milk. was not scarce, But
eggs, meat, corn and beans
What did we scarle. we could no During 1980 and 190 we produce, imported. maintained ourselves LIC basis ot imports. on the basis of international
using our hard cur10alls. rency to buy corn, milk beans and rice. And the shortages were not felt: there was no longer a scarLIly
But following these
phenomena, we have suffered others. First among them is the fact that the Sandinista People's Revolution coincides with
The crisis striking blows at all poor economies. Even some strong ones have had to
unel currencie and throw thousands of workers out of work. We have been fighting against this international crisis, trying to prevent the workers' economy from being hit.
Last year, for example, we exported a lot of coffee
we prouuctu rice, beans and sorhum
Level betore in history of the country.
But this production is insufficient, because from the beginning we wanted to give our people the best. We wanted to give the peasant more food, the working class more food, and at cheap prices.
The products we sell
are guns prices. The products we buv on the international market are going at very high prices.
In short. companeros. 1979. and since ticular from 1980 to 1983. Nicaragua has lost • In International trade, because
the crisis, about $2 halon. That is We have lost through selling our products at the price they impose on and
us.
Inrough buyulig goods, again at the prices they impose on us
Year after year. the
Only the workers and peasants will go all the way
country losing some $400 million. What could we have done with that 52 billier We could have given more support health care, we could have built Houses
have strengthened Could our economy luld
That is, in a nutshell, there al c today certain products or wnich Inere are not enough to meet the needs of all workers.
The problem of food of shortages. will
resolved in the long term. But we are not going 1o be able to emerge from this wtuation shoriage one as pegave alicia tional crisis that forces us to assign priorities for the hard currency we have left after we pay for the oil, after we make payments on the debts — that forces
ChOOsc DC WCCI medicines or houses, milk
tue have no paper mills "
toilet paper). deodorant o bab; tovs. We will have to keep assigning for this hard currency
It is important that the people understand that some elements of the shortages are part of the price the people of Nicaragua have pay for real development. For we are setting genuine priorities tor the use of hard curren cy. We are going to spend it only on things that fill an effective and fundamental need of the people.
Speculation
We are using hard currency to buy, first of all, medicines and milk for children, for mothers, fo the sick, and for the com batants. Secondly, to pur chase oil to keep the economy tunchonig Thirdly, for production
And there remains the problem that wages are very low and are not sulli cient to buy products of primary necessity.
Imports to saturate the market solve it Subsidies will not solve it.
the because midst of an aggression. The phenomenon of shortages, companeros, we are going to have with us for some time.
What has exploded nere in ane mast of the
phenomenon om ehonges
Ine speculation The Ministry of internal Commerce says that pound of corn
International
should cost 1 córdoba, and yet when you find a pound
the market, what does it cost? Eighty córdobas a medio, 8 córdobas pound COr dobas. First of all there is anaren "in une prices, secondly, the official price is not being respected even though there is a subsidy.
Ukav. do three things. The first thing we are going to do is finish the reorganization of wages, so that we do not have one truck driver at a
mill making 6,000 utal cordobas (a month); another 10,000 and another 8,000. All should make the same There should be uniformity wages Incentive
Secondly, we are going to establish realistic wages not the wages of two years ago we are going to give a reasonable wage increase,
workers a material incen-
Fi he good worker 1s going make more money. He who produces is going to make more. thère is going to be a standardization of wages, an increase in wages, and in-
better tenuver workers.
other two measures will be the
We have to in tervene in distribution. We
direc products through secure channels. We have to remove ducts from channels where someone is taking advan
heroic larc patriotic efforts of the
peopie in acrense, m un economy, and in work for Ine Ture
How is it possible for us to have here workers who cut sugar cane 10 or 12 hours a day, receive their pay, and toen speculator,
speculator,
over to a criminal, to a parasite who cannot even be called a revolutionary?
Page 9 scan of this page
Sexual Politics
WIGAN Pier Revisited, by Bea Campbell is an important book. There are now two fundamentally opposed strands of thought in the women's movement. bell leads one of them.
This current argues that the women's movement should abandon 'childish, leftist' ideas fighting the ruling class, and that advancing the interests of women centres on persuading the ruling class to take money 'privileges' from working class men and redistribute them women.
The second strand argues that women's interests will only be advanced at the expense of the ruling class and that women must therefore fight, with or without men, against the ruling class to achieve their just demands.
This current argues that this struggle can coincide with the interests of the broader movement to the degree that the labour movement is forced to learn that it cannot win alone; that it must champion the struggles of all the oppressed.
In this article JANE KELLY explains what is wrong with Bea Campbell's ideas.
BEA Campbell's work articulates a legitimate frustration experienced by women, with the workings of the labour movement. encing oi our voices, the exclusion of our demands, dominated practices, all these she opposes. At the same time she provides a left-feminist cover for her co-thinker and fellow communist, ( Eric Hobsbawm, Marxism Today's project of the creation of an anti-Thatcher alliance-commonly known as a popular front, classic Stalinist compromise with the bourgeoisie.
How does she balance these apparently contradictory and incompatible aims, and earth does she get away with it?
By using the language of feminism, but blurring the important distinctions between radical and feminist ideas, she confuses the identity of the enemy. She gives priority to the fight against the male trade union and labour movement but ignores, on all but a few occasions, fight against capital. She therefore
the fight for women's rights within the labour movement alone, instead of both there and in the class struggle.
Apparent
Her apparent radicalism appeals to some women, acutely aware of the shortcomings OT the male
but as unsure Campbell appears to be, of the main enemy. Is tne probien oppressor, or man as the agent of oppression? The confusion sewn by her conflation of radical with socialist feminist ideas produces pessimistic and reformist project. If she succeeds it will confuse and derail the women's movement, which is at last making real galls Labour Party and trade despite the Thatcher government: and it will be our undoing.
She gets away with these deliberately unclear and confusing Decause or tue lack or any developed tradition of Marxist theory in Britain, eltner in the labour movement or among feminists. Her speeches, her feminist demagogy, her City Limits, Marxism Today ironic name if ever there was one), and ner Dooks, all try to win over those women who, theoretical framework, cannot spot me laws and lan to recognise tne similarities of her apparent radicalism and Hobshawm's
Bea Camp-
of
and
to
labour
The sil-
male-
and
political
the
how on
socialist
the larger
guised retreat into popular frontism
project, the
evidence of the forces.
labour
as Bea
man as the temporary,
chapter on the telling, systematic
for politics.
Attacks
inside the
unions,
NUM, the romantic,
ideas, recently, of any
political or historical analysis. articles in
(an
lacking
pessimism and popular front politics.
A debate on her work Is, tererore of great importance. First because she uced represents part of a retreat from the feminist demands of the '60s and '70s in the face of Thatcher's attacks, a retreat that is evident not just in the politics of Marxism Today and sections of the LCC, but is also visible in the recent work of Betty Friedan and Germaine Greer. Important secondly because it is, at the same time, a dis-
of the the Euro-communist wing of the British Communist Party. And although the majority of Labour and trade union leaders deny any interest in such a
formation by Frank Field and an SDP peer of the openly coalitionist Rainbow Circle is
existence or such
The pessimism which underlies this project also informs Bea Campbell's recent book Wigan Pier Revisited, an attempt to rewrite Orwell from a con-
stance. miners is especially both of her wrong analysis of the period and of the way she misuses feminism to back up her reformist
She attacks the masculinity of the
male myth of their invincibility, the lack, until very
commitment to the transformation of the conditions of work of the women in ine mining
-all this without any
She names, but doesn't explain. the compromise between coto g labour which underlies labourisen, she ignores completely Britain's imperiat ist past that produced and paid for the compromise, she fulminates against but gives us no way of overcoming the sexist and often racist character of the British labour movement. Indeed. she
For feminism and
class struggle
blames the 'political settlement between men and women which 'prod
historic compromise capital which closed their socialist imagination' (page 229).
And her pessimism leads her into positions which are just plain wrong. With false gloom she claims that last year's vote in the NUM against fighting for more pay and to save pits confirmed the suspicion that gone are the old ways of fighting the class war that we've all been raised on and still have
power to excite me' rhetoric of the rallies had a kind of doom about them'. She then uses the collapse of the NHS strike in '82, in fact sold out by a leadership unprepared to fight, as proof that the long war... can't be won the miner's way' (pages 114-5).
True
While it is true that real changes will not be brought about by purely economic struggles, and that the divide between trade union and political organisation, the product of labourism, will have to be overcome if we are to move forward, it is clear now that with the right leadership, as in the miners' strike, it is possible to fight 'the old way', and in so doing to change the balance of forces truth is that she, like her friends around Marxism Today, oppose class struggle. She can't allow that it is the
forward, because it contradicts their analysis of the period and also cuts across their reformist project.
What is more, her position renders her silent on what the women in these same mining communities have been up to. These 'immigrants in their own communities' (page 98) have not only backed up the militancy of the strike and have often been firmer than th mes in supporting it, but hare gone way beyond what they theresetres thought they conid do: organising romes's marches, speaking tours and support groups, joining the women at
Greenham Common. Yes, the mining women have been inspired by the exwith ample of the Greenham women, but the point is that they have both recognised that the miners' fight is their fighttics of the strike-both have recognised that if the miners win all progressive demands will move forward.
Both the actions of the Greenham women and the mining women are visible proof of the gains made by the women's ...'the Campbell is right to point out that in the second half of the '70s 'the economic conditions demands' (page 63) evaporated, she leaves out the real gains won and not conceded, both at a ideological level. The defeat of Corrie in the face of the huge, feminist campaign to protect which forced the TUC for the very first time to back a fight for women's rights: the fact that despite Thatcher's attempt to force women out of work and back into the home, this has not happened.
Lost
than men during the recession but they have clung on to employment, part-time and low paid, because they The know what it means to return to the home. The right to work, the right to control fertility, the right to meet together without men, fight against sexual harassment, these are gains which have been won as a result of the women's movement and have come to millions of women who may not see themselves as feminists but who nonetheless agree with the demands.
The problem for women who dis. like Bea Campbell's pessimism, and who disagree with ber sniping at the Laboer left from the sidelines, is that without a theory of the oppression of romes in a mate-dominated, capit-
alternative.
Socialist Action 22 June 1984 Engels
women We must reproduction understood by and I MER when now.
Photo: VAL Works
Bea Campbell
redistribution workers'. -however 'masculine' the tac-
While
we for its (WLM) from another. political and
abortion rights,
recognise Women have lost their jobs faster
the right to women
there is no coherent Virago £4.50
successfully argue against the false naivety of Bea Campbell's call for 'conversations' (pseudo-feminist for alliances), and call instead for socialist feminists to fight for power inside the labour movement, without returning to the theories of Marx and
on class, and working to develop ideas on the oppression of
within that framework, WVC will not be able to defeat the reformist ideas of Campbell and her ilk.
The recognition of the political nature of personal life has been a major achievement of the women's movement in the last 20 years. It has had a real impact on the lives, both public and private, of many women and men; but in and of itself, it is not enough. To develop a set of demands and tactics on how to achieve them,
place the oppression of women within the broader framework of the relations of production and class analysis. Such an analysis will recognise that the sexual division of labour into unequal parts is one element in a system of production and
which can only be using the tools i of Marxist analysis.
Despite the weaknesses in the work of Marx and Engels on the oppression
women, their writings on the subject is where we have to start from. To understand the role of the family
women's position within it Engels' book on The Origin of the Familiy cannot be overlooked. The relationship between the development of the fami v and the state as a resull of economic and productive relations, the transformation of the family as a productive unit during the industrial revolution, the recognition that the employment of women I outside the home was in the long term progressive—none of this can be overlooked
we formulate our demands
That Bea Campbell works outside this framework is evident when we look at her demand for a 'feminist incomes policy. This seeks to re structure the family income, to redistribute labour and wealth within the family, among working people and 'last but not least, there must be a
from employers to
This last is simply a sop-last and not at all, is what it really means. It is a pay policy which transfers income within the working class, between the sexes, instead of from the bourgeoisie to the working class. It is the policy of the right wing of the trade union and labour Party bureaucracy. not prog ressive or feminist. It is upside down:
not overcome the divisions within the working class by taking
one group and giving
It is an analysis which plays into the hands of both the right wing and
like the Militant alikeboth argue against positive action for oppressed groups as divisive, neither
that these divisions are already there fostered and cultivated by the ruling class and used against us. Both positions are wrong: we must support the organisation of oppresser
not in order that they may fight their own class but so that the whole class can fight the real enemy.
So Bea Campbell's project is to manipulate the understandable antag. onisms that women feel towards the labour movement, in order to reorient feminists away trom fighting in the trade unions and Labour Party for & voice. It is interesting that her own party, the Communist Party, (guilt of some of the worst practices sexism in the movement) is ignored i
ner trade: precisely because aer ow
roject is linked in to the popal
their own ends--ends which will be a much opposed to the interest
interests of the working cases i
Wigan Pier Revisited
By Bea Campbell
Page 10 scan of this page
10
Fix no
rates
THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT conference takes place in Sheffield over the weekend of 5-7 July. Labour councillors together in an attempt to hammer out a united strategy to fight Thatcher's local government axe. We print below a discussion paper presented (in their personal capacities) by London council leaders for consideration by Labour Groups, constituency parties and trade unions prior to the Sheffield conference.
THE THATCHER government's rate-
legislation capping completes the establishment of a Whitehall dietatorship over every local authority.
Together with cuts and manipulation of grants means that councils can no longer сагту out their mandates from the community to provide much-needed
services and protect jobs.
All Labour local councillors are being told they
government policy, which
the Jul burdens of the economic CrISIS on lne backs or Dul communities.
Abolition of the GLu and the metropolitan counties is being fought all the way with the active support of the unions and communities.
ference endorsed a policy of non co-operation abolition and support for all councus waica reruse lo implement cuts or comply •ith the rates legislation.
Liverpool
Liverpool's defiance of Tory poncies that broad fight can be mobilised around the
struggles of a local Labour council. The point al which every Labour-controlled authority
Call be united is the end of one financial year and the
beginning of the next. The
action to each is the levying ot a rate
A refusal to levy a rate or precept will unite each council in the same action,
al the same time. In the face of such a challenge,
the Tory government will
councillor from town and
county halls, or deal with a
breakdown of local
government. The City of
ondon, too, will face a
crisis of confidence in the
money market.
Next Week:
The LCC Strikes Back!
In Socialist Action next week we will publish a reply by Geoff Hodgson to John Harrison's sharp review of the book The Democratic Economy, and the LCC
Socialist Action 22 June 1984
The local government debate
and local parties will get
It is not that we are setting out to become lawbreaker. mme racks uar under the legislation it is no longer lawtul for councils to carry out the policies which they were elected.
Other tactics have been coistered. Mesonaton of an authority ratecapped under the legislation cuts off the option of protecting services and JoDs Dy increasing Tales IU compensate for grant
For other hard-pressed authorities,
DrOSUCCI of levying further major
will male i can. longer be politically acceptable or even practicable. No Labour authority, rate-capped or not. Is asking for the right to levy high rates.
Central
Our common argument against the withholding of central
funds raised through taxation from services to meet local needs.
call budgeting, whilst levying a
does not provide the basis for unitv because of dir. ferences each authority's financial position.
The which each authority would run out of funds if at all would differ. Confusion as to when this would happen. would weaken the united action of workforces and the local community.
Similarly, calls for mass resignations of Labour councillors poses the dangers of temporary Tory control. Even successful re-election, does not aller the really lacing councillors, unionists or working class communities.
Majority opposition is Laboar attempt to relieve
councillors of direct responsibility, leaving council workers and those in need of the services to fight Tories in control bureaucratic machine. executive replies to Barry Winter's letter of resignation that we carried two weeks ago.
Refusal to levy a rate 01 d in order to confront the Tory govern-
Call only succeed with the support of the trade unions and the local communities. Council workers know that failure to fight will result
thousands of in tens jobs being lost.
Labour councillors must declare now that thes will defend services and jobs and demonstrall willingness challenge the government at one and the same time. Then trade unionists can be rallied to that platform.
The community knows that their services under threat. On seeing a determination on the part of councillors and workers to defend services John Austin Walker, leader Greenwich council Ted Knight, leader Lambeth council Tony Ritchie, leader Southwark council Ron Stockbridge, leader Lewisham council John McDonnell, deputy leader GLC
democratic rights it will respond fight.
The Labour Party leadership — the National Executive and Parliamentary Labour Party must give full support to an agreed initiative by Labour-controlled authorities. The Labour Party local government conference in Sheffield in early July prothe opportunity develop common strategy which can Willie Labour authorities at risk rate-capped not.
Labour councillors, local government workers and the communities we serve cannot wait for the of future general election. The time for action is now.
Merseyside Trades Union and
Labour Movement Campaign Committee
National Fightback Conference
Saturday 23 June, 10.30am to 5.30pm
Philharmonic Hall, Hope St, Liverpool speakers include:
Tony Benn, David Blunkett, Ken Livingstone, Arthur Scargill, Dennis Skinner and Eric Heffer
delegate credentials (up to 5 per org) at £2 each: Andy Pink, Conference Arrangements Sec,
Rm 41, Municipal Buildings,
Dale St, L69 2DH or phone: 051 227 3911
SHEFFIELD CITY COUNCIL
Services Worth Saving
Exeter victory:
EXETER's right wing were disappointed last Friday when the general committee heard chairperson John Sheppard rule out of order resolution to expel the three editors of Exeter Labour Briefing.
After receiving a copy of a letter from Tony Benn. support of th editors. Exeter's "soft left' chairperson was persuad ed to rethink
By Carol Turner, Labour Against the Witch Hunt
The result? Briefing was abproached in a tine spirit of compromise:
the name, we'll rule out the expulsions. This the editors did, agreeing to rename the bulletin Devon Labour Briefing. The technical niceties were forgotten ap-
withdraw from all untenable position.
argument that 'Exeter Labour' was the sole property of the local Labour Party the original grounds for expulsion - just didn't apply to the joint Labour Parties of Devon. what's in a name? Now the Exeter bulletin can look forward to building on its short period of notoriety -welcome addition to the Briefing fold.
ABOUR
expulsions withdrawn
4 June, Dear Mark,
Peter Labour Briefing.
ana are widely
such — hence Labour Herald
conference policies.
CLP
on the basis of recent decisions, your expulsion and reinstate you all
party now working together so well,
You can, of course.
avert this problem before it arises. Yours fraternally, Tony Benn
News
I was concerned to hear that the executive of
the Exeter Labour Party are recommending to the
GMC, on 15 June, that you and your two col-
leagues be expelled from the party for editing Ex-
ing are published in different parts of the country, As you know various editions of Labour Brief-
broaden the discussion of problems facing the par- because they help Labour belongs in any legal sense to the party as Nowhere has it been argued that the name
There are many groups inside the party which use the word Labour in their title, even when some of them support policies that are at variance with
I hen the register was approver! at conference i! was made unsolutel: clear. by ine zenerai secretary, that his has not going lo oc interpreted he the NEC, as any sort of official approval tor expulsions based on the views or activities of those who held minority opinions in any
If by chance the GMC were to expel you, and your colleagues, from the party on these grounds, it would be open to you all to appeal to the NEC Were you to appeal i am almost sure that the NEC
would disallow
But of course the best thing that could happen would be for the GMC not to proceed with the mo. tion to expel, when it meets on 15 June. With the not want to damage our prospects of Victory in the we really do next election by starting a series of expulsions sending a copy of it to John Sheppard, as a coutesy quore this letter and 1 am to him and the officers of the Exeter party, many of whom I have had the privilege of knowing, and working with, over the vears. I am also sending a organiser, in the hope that they may be able to help natonal agent and the regional
Page 11 scan of this page
Left begins to organise
News
NALGO
THE 2000 DELEGATES, representing 700,000 members, who met in
victory when they collected £32,000 for the miners.
€25,000 to the miners' strike from national funds, and decided inside to match pound-for-pound a collection taken at conference. delegates, and now £64.000 will go to the NUM.
Solidarity was also extended the sacked NUPE cleaners at Barking Hosma we conrerence sent a unanimous message of support to NUPE's day of action and instructed the NEC coordinate
action by
ALGO members
But the debate on Youth Training Schemes saw a defeat which wasn't reversed. Previous policy
refusing approve YTS schemes unless they paid £52 per week watered down when the restecuon was dropped this year.
For the third year running, despite improved
black vi rallisaliul members, the resolution on fighting racism the union was defeated. But delegates voted for a day of action on 4 July in support of Muhammad Idrish, black member facing deportation.
Some gains resulted from the left organising during the last year: mos notably the fight against nrvau onaneores bian and gay rights. NALUU has lilc beginnings of a national strategy to fight privatisation.
NALGO will now endorse industrial action which is unlawful as a result of the employment and abolition laws. The general secretary John DaIv, aided the left by refusing to give any explanation or apology for his part in the TUC sell out of the NGA and delegates voted
severely criticise his role.
Surpisingly NALGO's
Southampton
health workers
fight for unions
HEALTH WORKERS in Southampton have been on all-out strike since 11 June, protesting the sacking of
NUPE shop steward Steve Ferris. A 24-hour picket is stopping supplies to Southampton General Hospital, including oil and oxygen.
Other local hospitals have held sympathetic strikes and striking South
Wales miners have been on the picket line. Steve Ferris told us, 'It started when Mtala-CiCl ic acu an agreement which allow-
carry out duties as secretary of the NUPE branch.
I reruseo lo recoguise their right to do this, so thev sacked me. Management antered the agreement so if unilaterally
I had agreed to attend any discussion hearings would have meant 1 accepted their right to do
Brighton last week for NALGO's annual conference turned a defeat into
Conference rejected an amendment to donate
This set a target for
oun polic! now includes suppor: tor councils engaged in deficit budgeting. But each branch still has to fight alone.
By Carolyn Sikorski, branch secretary Newham NALGO (pers cap)
in some branches, par ticularly those with Tor employers, this lack district and national support has meant little actons to protect johs and services. However ower Hamlets NALGO
IS Tenuy takile duac lulc all out strike action against the Labour council's attempts to victimise library workers taking action against closures.
If NALGO is to successfully protect public sector jobs and services the left need to organise around action and policies and to gain control of the union. must alsa organise in lne Labour Party.
Attempts to organise a national Broad Left over ine last years have progressed slowly: Many members fear that it would be a front for Militani (who made no real intervention
the Communist Party (who distinguished themselves by arguing against instructing members not to cooperate with abolition, and in tavour of a secret ballots to decide).
The lett must organise to support Tower Hamlets
tatisince the 1982 dispute
we nave bulli up a strong union organisation to defend services and staff. We intend to oppose privatisa-
CuLLOI which is why management
for the unions. have CUNt
They knew a sacking like this would provoke a strike but they have met a strong resistance. We have 500 people out General, and the Princess Anne maternity wing and pickets are covering entrances, 24 hours a day. The strike is hitting the adHUNSALOH
'Apppointments have been cancelled and waiting lists are growing. This is an
important dispute. = we lose it will be a real blow to trade unionism.
'If we win then we will be in a good position to stop privatisation and defend patient services. Wall giye trade unionism a boost in the area.'
nalgo
a halgo
and Liverpool and, longer-term, to develop a strategy Vi laluldi aclivl arallısı Tory attacks on the public SOLLUl
e apo comins 10. oranise are coming up. ington and Camden branches have organised meeting on rate capping, abolition and cuts when
THE MUHAMMAD Idrish saga will continue on Wednesday 4 July, at the High Court, London. He will appear before the Lord Chief Justice ina delayed appeal court hearing-a final appeal. Muhammad is threatened with deportation if this appeal Is unsuccessiu. ne is a founder member of his
known as a black activist.
peopie are dened full citizenship the United Kingdom, and consequently around 250 leave this country every month as a result of current immigration laws. They can be imprisoned without trial: the Home Office makes charges, appoints adjudicator, and the final bu ony de ieu the Home Secretary himselt.
Fortunately. in Muhammad's case,
CIAL
nalgg
OFFICIA
PICKET-
deleglocal ates meet to discuss pay
Later in the vear there will be privatisation meting supported by the Wandsworth, Bury and Westminster branches In the autumn, a broad left conference to hammer out policies and action, and to seriously organise around
Muhammad Idrish in court again
union have supported him at last week's NALGO annual conterence.
By Bob Smith, campaign treasurer
On the evening of the hearing, 4 July, an anti deportation rally will be held at Friends Meting House Euston Road, starting at 7.30pm. Prov-
include, suraken Tony Benn and John Daly
NALGO, wella. Muhammad himself.
That same morning, beg-
inni be maunted piside
will monted outside the High Court Strand.
* For transport details, Cokerti your NALGO branch. For further information on the campaign contact: Barry Lovejoy, 30 Antrobus Road, Handsworth, Birmingham B21, phone 021-523 8923.
y rotacl.
DEPARTMI
elections, will be held. All NALGO activists should attend.
The NALGO left and kicking. But without national organisaton ana a voice in tne Labour Party it will not be strong enough to swing the union into action.
Says Bernard Regan NUT executive member
overwhelming
tion.
agree to arbitration. strength and separate struggles. because
reference for arbitration.
terms of reference'
cuts in jobs.
don
27 June.
with the same Education boss Keith Joseph
for what it is
and of the miners.
Socialist Action 22 June 1984 11
Photo: GM COOKSON
Keep it going
Despite the commitment to strike action by
majorities of the National Union of Teachers members balloted in the current selective action, the executive of the union has no confidence in the possibility of winning the teacher's pay claim through ac-
Instead the right wing leadership, have placed their hopes in getting the employers to
The Socialist Teachers Alliance, the biggest left organisation in the NUT, has been campaigning for a programme of escalating strikes and united action with other public sector unions against cash limits. Currently over one million public sector employees are linked up against the government — a pro• gramme of joint campaigning would give
confidence to each of the
If teachers' pay is referred to abritration the NUT leadership will call off all action and the whole outcome of the claim will be in the hands of the government who have the right to accept or reject any arbitrator's recommendations. The right wing want arbitration
it provides them with an alibi whatever the outcome. They even refuse to limit the employers' room for manoeuvre by laying down restrictions on the terms or
The employers however have no such inhibitions — they are insisting on 'acceptable
- an indicator that they expect teachers' pay rises to be paid for out of
They have talked about 20,000 jobs for every one per cent above cash limits. The STA is against calling off any action, it is for stepping it up. All the strikers from East Lon-
schools last week joined the NUM demonstration on 7 June. In London the STA is at the forefront of organising for strike action in support of the Kent NUM on
A meeting of Burnham, the negotiating body has been called on 22 June and the STA is calling for a lobby of this and demanding that the union negotiators demonstrate their intention of defending teacher's pay and jobs
commitment dispalyed by
A failure to do so will expose their policy
La sell out - not just of teachers but of other public sector workers
Page 12 scan of this page
WHITEHALL IS budget problem. After a month of meetings between city council and Department of the Environment officials, the men from the ministry have finally admitted they can't make ends meet.
redundancies and a big increase in rents, doesn't br-
2 million target.
With such conclusions before him, Tory minister Patrick Jenkin can't have
looking forward to his Tuesday meeting with Liverpool. Perhaps that explains the smiles on the
of Liverpool MPs and councillors at their press KULLCICICC mediately following, when
spoke of a 'fruitful discussion'.
Fruitful or not, Jenkins has made no offer, and Liverpool's ruling
ahead with Group its Will budgetmaking meeting for Wednesday 11 July.
manifesto commitment means spending £270 million on the ci-
plain terms: an illegal budget all astronomical 170 per cent crease i falco.
This has forced even Inland 6 months f8: 12 months €15 Overseas (12 months only)
Europe £17: Air Mail t 24 (Double these rates for multi-reader institutions)
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SOCiAList
ACTION
Liverpool
ACT NOW
TO STOP
THE
TORIES
STUMPED by Liverpool's
Even cuts in services, together with voluntary
ing Liverpool's projected rate increase below an •naccptable 37 per cent — and it could be as much as 70. And these Whitehall figures still mean spending
£13 million more than Thatcher's
the last bastion of private enterprise out in the open. crease, said Berry Marsh, Even a di chairperson Merseyside Chamber of Commerce, be disastrous. We recently made a calculation that on the basis of a 60 per cent rate rise, there would the potential loss of 13,000 JODS I le private sector.
By Carol Turner
Talks between Jenkin and city councillors may not have broken down, but the results of the joint officers' report make Labour's position clearer than ever. There IS for negotiated compromise on Liverpool's budget. If the government won't con-
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cede Liverpool's just case, the labour movement as a whole must force them to back down.
On 11 July, Labour
will — yet agair - presen
ts original budget to th council meeting. This
time, it will be backed by the Department
vironment's own figures O LIC CLY. • discussed without The has
without moying one inca.
fightback conference
Liverpool ComIng
Saturday must be the first stage in a united lightback
by all Labour councils fac-
ing the Tory axe in the
months to come.
It must be tre stepping stone for a demand at the recall governmen conference (in Sheffield
5-7 July) ELIC
labour movement joins
behind all Labour
councils in a united and
determined fight to keep
public services and protect
council jobs.
This fight demand:
that no council wavers.
the Labour Party leader-
ship get or une rence an
stand firmly on the side of
Liverpool and all
prepared to act now to
stop the Tory slaughter.
* *
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state.
for the rights of us all.
TEN YEARS ago in Red Lion Square Kevin Gately died. He was killed because he believed in all that is best in life. He hated racism. He abhorred the violence of the
That is why he picketed the National Front meeting in Conway Hall. And that is why the police beat him to death. Like Blair Peach and the miners he dared to fight
His death was not in vain. He left us a heritage. !t's a heritage of inspiration. Ten years later we salute him and all those like him who put humanity and decency above the squalid interest of capital and its hired thugs.
gets moving
newspaper and our printshop.
for the miners,
starting reader will De
for $250 from a reader in Lousiana USA.
of the details premises.
Socialist Action
SOCIALIST ACTION is running two funddrives simultaneously this summer. For the miners our supporters are raising thousands of pounds every week. At the same time we are starting to get organised to meet our goal of £50,000 to secure a new premises for the
If you don't think both are possible read on...
Socialist Action, has now helped to set up three international tours — (wo to France and one to Germany. On the first French tour over £400 was raised for the NUM. On the German tour 6,000 marks have been raised in a two week tour. The second tour of France is now
In addition Socialist Action is active in support campaigns in every part of this country. It is because we are able to make that type of contribution to building support for the miners that our own fund-drive is also off to an excellent start.
At last week's NALGO conference 141 copies of Socialist Action were sold, and £15 collected for our fund drive. In Lambeth, South London, one
running in the Lambeth halfmarathon and is already sponsored to the tune of £100 if he can complete the course. We've even had our first donation in dollars — with a cheque
How it is necessary for all our readers in every part of the country to start their activities to meet their fund-drive targets. Already in our national offices a large part of our efforts are devoted to all
procurig new and better
Ideally we would like to move in the early par of the autumn when the loss of trade for the printshop would be least damaging. Over the summer we will be looking at every way to reduce our costs so that we can concentrate all of our resources on the move — thereby securing the longterm future of the printing operation and the newspaper
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