Socialist Action No. 77, 9 November 1984
The scan: 077-nov-09-1984-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
SCAB!
THE LABOUR Party discovered on Monday evening that it has another open scab in its ranks. The problem is that this particular scab is the leader of the Labour Party.
There should be no illusions as to the enormity of what Neil Kinnock has done by refusing to speak at the five national rallies of the NUM.
The miners today are under the most vicious attack launched against any trade union, and any section of the working class, since 1926.
The union's funds have been seized. The government is literally trying to force the miners, the women in the mining children into submission through brutal hardship.
Police thugs are operating in the mining areas. €1,400 bribes are of-
SociAlist
ACTiON
fered to scabs to return to work.
defeated in this strike it would shape, drastically for the worse, the future of the labour movement for the next years.
In that situation the NUM, rightly, has turned for support to the organisations of the entire working class. The miners had the right, and the duty, to demand that the elected leaders of the working class movement, Norman Willis and Neil Kinnock, pledged themselves totally and utterly to their support. That is what the TUC and Labour Party conference voted.
By refusing to speak on its platforms Neil Kinnock calculatedly stabbed the NUM in the back. But his action was only a qualitative stepping up of the policy he has been pursuing for months
Since Labour Party conference Kinnock and Hattersley have been
systematically installing the right wing as chairpersons of the key committees of the NEC. Those removed naturally included all the strongest supporters of the miners strike - because it has been the left which has been organising the real mass support for the
In the Parliamentary Labour Par-
Heffer was purged from the Shadow Cabinet and Benn elected. Liverpool council,
alackeu Dy party leadership, even before the miners strike.
In short there is a pattern. Neil Kinnock is systematically using his position, and supporters, to disrupt and disorganise the struggle of the working class, the working class movement, and those most determinedly fighting for the interests of the working class.
Previously Kinnock appealed for unity of the party. That would have been excellent if it meant unity for the
The dates of the five rallies announced by the NUM are: • 6 November, Edinburgh Usher Hall, 7pm • 8 November, Sheffield City Hall, 7.30pm
11 November, Newcastle City Hall, 7pm
• 13 November, Abervan Afan Lido, 7pm • 14 November, Birmingham Digbeth Hall, 7.30pm
struggle. But by refusing to speak on
the NUM's platforms Neil Kinnock is
decisively breaking the unity in strug-
gle of the labour movement.
In any case there is a higher law
than party unity. That is the fight to
defend the interests of the working
class and of the working class move-
ment.
Until now, in the interests of party
"unity, many on the Labour left have
preferred not to reopen the leadership
question. But it would be better today
for an open determined left to fight
than to allow Kinnock to go un-
challenged in his scabbing.
The left wing of the NEC should
publically and openly dissociate itself
from Kinnock's action on the miners
strike. The NEC, or its left wing,
should demand Kinnock's resigna-
tion. The left should decide on its can-
didate to challenge Kinnock for the
leadersms.
No. 77 9 November 1984 30p
Every CLP and labour movement body in the country should openly come out against Kinnock's action and demand he resigns.
It would be genuinely better to have the fight openly now than to be led to disaster in three years time by a scab who used his position disorganise the struggle of the working class. The left needs to organise not only independently of but consciously against Kinnock.
Neil Kinnock by his action on the miners has broken any claim to be leader of the working class movement.
As Kay Sutcliffe, one of thi leaders of the Kent miners wives put it, "Kinnock was elected as a leader of the working class through the Labour Party. If he's not prepared to stand up for the working class he shouldn't be a leader of the working class.'
He must go.
Page 2 scan of this page
Full support for the miners!
ACTiON
Organising the
left NEIL KINNOCK'S scabbing role on the NUM strike this week drives home one of the most fundamental lessons of the class struggle. The labour created to fight against the bourgeoisie -but the role of its leadership today is not one of pursuing that struggle but of breaking up and disorganising it.
Kinnock was elected with the vast good will of the overwhelming majority of the working class aitivists. To certainly had do power a tiny minority and certainly 'disrupt party unity' even if they had wanted to. Any 'disruption' which has now occurred is pure ly and exclusively the work of one N. Kinnock.
"Party unity' has been broken up simply and solely because Kinnock has refused to support those engaged in a serious fight with the That-
government. creasingly tional bloc with the right wing on every issue from Liverpool, through miners strike.
In short regardless of whether anyone on the left wanted it or not, and regardless of whether they expected it or not, the left now is faced with a clear and long fight. government it is simultaneously going to have to fight a long and bitter battle Therefore struggle today!
At one level there is a real step forward. The left of the party has both acknowledged leaders who have proved they can gain popular support and it has at least rudimentary organisation in a number of areas.
Tony Benn has been the left's traditional candidate for party leader tinue to be so for this Parliament. But after that Ken Livingstone, one of the most popular politicians in Britain, is an obvious alternative candidate of the left for leader if one require. Just let Kinnock's supporters claim that Ken Livingstone would 'only appeal to a narrow circle of party activists!
There also exists authoritative organisation in a number OT fields organisation in others.
Committee is building an impregnable position as the leadership of the fight for women's self-organisation within the party. The black section adds an entire new dimension to Labour Party left politics. Out of the fight on local government at least some rudimentary organisation can be expected to arise.
The big weakness is still organisation in the constituency labour parties unions. In the CLPs Briefing has by far the best potential. In the trade unions the situation is still
weak however - which is no accident because
an across the board organisation of the left in-
side the unions would begin to crack Kinnock's
base wide open.
Across the board organisation of the left in
the whole party has only really been temporarily
achieved once around the
Mobilising Committee in Tony Benn's campaign
for Deputy Leader. A more informal type of unity
has existed powerfully
strike.
The process of organising this left is not go-
ing to be achieved in a short period. But the
elements are there. It requires two key steps.
The first step forward is that co-ordination by
the existing left must be
fronts on particular questions,
volving currents such as WAC, the black section,
Briefing and other currents are what is required.
An immediate goal must be a conference of the
entire left.
Secondly there is the question of how the
NUM itself is going to settle accounts in the
labour movement.
drawn a line on who is for, and who is against,
the class struggle and the miners strike.
NUM needs to break with its tradition of running
'parallel' with the developments in the Labour
Party to instead turn into the party to help deal
with those who opposed it and supported it. Out
of these developments can
organisation of the entire left inside the party.
Neil Kinnock has chosen war
labour movement. The task for the left is to en-
sure that it is not just one side that is prepared
for it.
Socialist Action. 9 November 1984
movement was Furthermore Kinnock is inopenly in a political and organisa
reselection, to the
To get at the Thatcher
against Kinnock. where does the left stand in that
— and will probably conand rudimentary The Women's Action and the trade Rank and File
around the miners'
encouraged. United conferences inNo issue has more clearly
The
begin to develop
inside the
I AM DELIGHTED with the NUM's call for support from the wider trade union movement. The time has long passed for any serious trade union activist to recognise that the NUM battle in reality is a battle for everybody.
victories on rate-capping, no victories on abolition, no victories on the peace campaign. And the Tory government will have its greatest boost so far.
No other leading union - and certainly no other leading figure the Labour Party - has stood up as the NUM have and refused accept economic philosophy that expends Jobs CUlll" munities. They have stood up in a way no other union. has to the philosophy that says negotiate your way out of yvu can always
a problem.
When other unions in the basic industries have been confronted with Tory proposals, most of them have accepica albeit reluctantly - the principle of redundancies in orael to keep the industry going The NUM have refused to do that and they're speaking for everybody
I am appalled that the TUC took until the congress to make any significant declarațion even OI support in principle for the FOR THE PAST ten days, the Tory press has
led a vicious smear cam-
paign against NUM
president Arthur
Scargill, in an attempt
to divide the union and
end the strike.
Despite the initial suc-
cess in wheeling out Neil
Kinnock to condemn the
NUM's alleged ties with
Libya, the press have fail-
ed in their first attempt to
split miners
weaken support for them
in the rest of the labour
movement.
The complete cynicism
and double standards of
the Coal Board and Tory
government were rapidly
exposed by Tony Benn's
announcement of the Coal
Board's own Libyan con-
nection, following
Sunday Times first revela-
tion'. But while the Coal
Board's contract with the
Libyan governmell
been quietly forgotten, the
Sunday
to sling mud at Scargill.
week the insight
team followed up WILI
blow-by-blow account
Scargill's whereabouts for
the past few weeks in a se-
What's this? Oh, joy!!
It's yet another little report on what to do with the Irish!!
If the miners are not successful, there will be no
NUM. I'm equally appalled at the lackench of the
bench Parliamentary Labour Partv By Jeremy Corbyn
Last weekend was the classic example of this.
The Sundav Times ran the story of the alleged visit to Libva chief executive of the NUM with allegations of Libyan finances to help the strike.
was immediately con-
June lender of the Labour Party.
Libya: more dirty tricks
cond to prove
'sinister
any problems
won't
any more.
their lives.
Abbasi
ambi-
trusted'
suspected
he the
KGB or British in-
telligence.
story the details
themselves: exact times,
places dates of
meetings, many
said by
A PIECE OFTHE ACTION
I simply must get a copy and learn which piece of tinkering they think would make this police state more lovable!
It is disgraceful to condemn the activities of any
on strike without first of all finding out what they are doing. I recognise the right of any union to seek support from trade unionists around the world parliamentary motion to that effect has been tabled, signed by representatives of the Came party leadership
The party ought to know better than to ated by the press re into the mire created the whole allall. Because they did, it then became an issue for cluding details of intelligence officers?
There's cause be suspicious all right But
not of Arthur Scargill or
NUM. Sunday can't have that!
BRIEFING BRIEFING
week.
But the hypocrisy of the Coal Roard and the Tory government was ex. posed • on cue one Hallu condemning Arthur Scargill and the NUM for seek. ing money from trade unionists anywhere in the world, at the same time busy investing money themselves and importing South African coal which is keeping the power stations going.
The response of constituency parties throughout dispute Ila. been magnificent. many parts of the country, it has Times investigation has all the hallmarks of drawing on police and intelligence sources.
In the 1920s the British state had a very active dir
THE SUNDAY TIMES
Fixing the Libya connectior.
And then, of course, the Report will be filed away in this little container!
For even the littlest tinkering would offend the loyalists and we
News
been the making of the Labour Party. The TOO SO the Labour Party nationally, , and the leadership, has to be total support for the NUM. Neil Kinnock, Norman and Arthur Scargill should
marching down the road together.
The miners are leading the battle at the present time. who serious about any cam-
in issue in this country has to support the
and that .. Includes Labour's front bench. ty tricks department - the
Zinovier letter during the
election of 1924 being the most famous. It seems the old firm is still at work.
776 111
But although these reports make very amusing reading they can have a very harm. ful eftect on one's sense of reality....
Page 3 scan of this page
Back to work movement still failing
News
Photo: RICK MATTHEWS (IFL)
DESPITE the hullaballoo from the Coal Board the real facts of this week's 'back to work' movement are plain to see. In the striking areas, including North Derbyshire, the strike is still 98 per cent solid - and this is based on the NCB's figures which the NUM hotly
The Coal Board clearly learned from their failed back fo work movement at the end of the summer and this
LILe Have employed more judicious tactics.
Firstly they ensured that the drive for a return
work backed up with a financial reward
Donises and holiday pay.
Secondly they have clearly been saving up those wno wanted ma back for push definite day, rauner 41% 1 encourage them to go back
And thirdly they have centred their fire One weaker area rather than base their propaganda on
the
North Derthe chosen focus, and this is where picketing should be concentrated on turning back
Coal Board's campaign.
By Jude Woodward
North Derbyshire been in a weaker position since the neighbours the scabbing areas of Nottingham and South Derbyshire which has had an impact on the strike in North Derby.
The inclusion of Bolsover in the figures for those
NOTI Derbyshire also affects the DUOLLOIS valuable propaganda value for the Coal Board.
Bolsover NUM is part of the Notician area. Photo• MARTIN CHAKESHA; even though geographically it is in the county of Derbyshire. Since the summer the Coal Board has included Bolsover in the North Derbyshire figures, effectively including part of the scab Notts miners with the Derbyshire strikers.
The attempt to make a significant breakthrouch in North Derbyshire is fur-
ther evidenced by the introduction of a writ to prevent the North Derbyshire NUM spending any of its funds on the strike.
However even on the Coal Board's figures, including Bolsover, the number on strike in North
miners, and try to break the
far the most serious.
actions were also taken last week.
Derbyshire 'working miners were granted High Court injunction or Monday banning the use
area funds furtherance of the strike. This move is clearly aimed at strengthening the back to work moves in the North Derbyshire area, preventing strikers from effectively picketting the scabs.
The move against the Derbyshire area will be a signal to strike breakers in other areas to seek similar oraers
In Yorkshire the scabs are attempting to take control of the area away from its elected officers and
the union the hands of pointed by the courts Thi a receiver
will be on the basis that the High Court has declared the strike unofficial, and therefore use of the funds is a breach of trust. The receiver would run the union on terms dictated by the High Court.
The Yorkshire action has a similar basis to the one members of the NUM Na. pending arallis.
tional Executive which will attempt make individual officers personally liable for the fines on the union.
Shas Waste tee
TGWU also Derby has only declined from 95 per cent in August to 85 per cent now.
Overall the figures for the 'total strike areas Scotland, Kent, South Wales, Yorksnire the North east, and North Derby show a tiny
The courts go to war
WRITS AGAINST the labour movement are now flying like confetti, as the courts go for the kill against the NUM, attack solidarity action with the
Austin-Rover strike.
But it is the legal moves against the NUM that are by
The seizure by the Irish courts of £3 million of NUM assets was a widely publicised blow to the miners. But still more potentially dangerous legal boycott which the Cardin ordered dockers have imposed on scabs haulage LIC twu firms whose court action led to the siezure of South Wales NUM funds.
by Pat Hickey
Separately from • the miners strike, but as part of the legal onslaught, BL has also taken to the courts to attack its workforce. Mass meetings at the company's plants at Longbridge and Cowley voted by large majorities to reject the company's wage offer. After failing to stimulate a back to work' move the company is now using the courts to break the strike Under the 1984 Trade Union Act, which came into effect September, unions are liable to up to £250,000 damages unless a secret ballot is first held to endorse sinke acton. get back within the
off the strike for a secret ballot to be held Clearly such a move would break the strike.
If the strike is not called off the unions will be liable to be sued for damages by BL, components suppliers, dealers, scabs etc. The BL unions decline from 99 per cent on strike on 20 August to 98 per cent on strike this week.
However Coal Board's campaign must be turned back. Safewithdrawn in shits where cover should
Socialist Action 9 November 1984 would then face fines similar to those imposed on the NUM.
The labour movement
to these atust lake u tacks now. They represen the most serious assault on the unions since the imprisonment of five dockers In 19/2 - ana coula also end up in the imprisonment of trade Even now these court ac
, are a serious threat to the NUM's ability to pursue the strike. The govern-
knows that the NUM can continue through the winter power cuts will come. It is therefore aiming to break the strike now. Simultaneously the government trying to push through the whole
ramework of its anti-
because if the Austin-Rover injunction is the • first maior use of the 1984 anti-union laws it will be very far from the last if it is not defeated now.
The TUC has got to ac to stop these legal shackles being imposed the unions. The TUC Conguess ceasons commit unr TUC to industrial actior to ston these laws. Massive industrial action is needed now to back the NUM and to stop the courts.
levy!
are:
• 1 December
Defend Union Political Funds
•2 December
Mineworkers Defence Committee Conference.
real socialist weekend
miners return work. And mass pickets should focus on the North Derbyshire pits to keep that area solid in the face of a massive media and legal offensive.
The strike is not even slightly cracking. Even John Lloyd in the Finan
3 The General Counci of the TUC should be recalled to prepare such action. At present the courts are picking off in dividual unions and in the case of the NUM individual areas — with no centralised response from the labour movement. fact ever since the betrayal of the NGA by the General Council the Tories have been preparing further attacks. Only the miners' strike has held them back.
The fact that the earlier legal attacks on the NUM were not responded to b the TUC has encouraged the government to step up their assault.
The whole labour movement should follow the example of the NUM in its defiance of the courts and the law The TUC should build the miners' struggle and prepare the whole labour movement for strike action.
Given the attacks the different areas of the NUM there should also be campaign build regional strike action.
The entire trade union Hovenell legal attack. The entire trauc unlon moveneat na to be mobilised against it.
Defend the miners!
Defend the political
TWO important conferences on vital questions for the future of labour movement are taking place in London on the weekend of 1-2 December. These
at Central Hall Westminster, Labour Co-ordinating Committee Conference to
Camden Town Hall,
Socialist Action urges all its supporters and readers to come to both conferences and have a
cial Times had to concede that judged against the from the Coal Board and the BOTU spect of a long winter, 'th figures ... look no more than what one would ex pect " And that is not what the Coal Board would have us believe.
Page 4 scan of this page
Coalville railworkers
4 Socialist Action DELEGATIONS OF railworkers from depots stret-. ching from Tinsley freight depot in South Yorkshire. to Brighton passenger descended on the small Leicestershire town of Coalville last Sunday.
the Labour Club to express solidarity with Coalville members who have suffered seven months of intimidation at the hands of British Rail management for refusing to shift coal.
As Roy Butlin, local
Icauci plained to enthusiastic apclause. 'Our fight is not Just about the miners' strike. It's about solidariiy, working class loyalty, standing up for what you believe in, and pursuing it to the bitter end.
'No threat, no intimidation, and no aggravation wildeviate From what we are doing, because it's right. It's right to support the miners, and cee it through to ulumate
victory will benefit all the working ¿lass.'
The struggle to maintain unity at the depot isn't easy. Coalville is just what it sounds like which wouldn't exist if it weren't for the four local
Two nave already been closed.
The landscape is dotted with stock-piled mountains of scab coal. And, as coal levels at the Trent Valley power reach danger point, both the National Coal Board and the British Rail Board are trying every trick in the book to get coal back on che trains.
Butlin reckons that with 22 million tonnes of coal sitting around, there
is every chance Wlal ulc al
my will be brought in. But
Loe weeks
management will be conti-
in its campaign of
intimidation try and
LUSI the action by
railworkers. Leaflet
So far, the Coalville
men have withstood the
pressure admirably. Butlin
opened the meeting by ex-
posing the lies in a leaflet
handed out bek. a the
ment weCK.
latest attempt to split the
management
worktorce
calls for a return to normal
working on Monday. The
leaflet states Lial
men's refusal to shift coal
has led to the loss of traffic
from Desford colliery,
which shut on 24 August
83!
addition the
leaflet last week, manage-
ment tried to pressure the
Coalville men into moving
iwo trains filled with coa
that have sat at the depot
since 6 July.
Graham Cross,
Coalville branch
secretary, told the meeting
how searched his home, as wel Police
homes of six "These searches
members
show just how desperate
management getting,
said Cross, 'and they have
resulted in three sackings
to date.'
One the Coalville men
had put CasC. the
meeting heard from
whole
speakers. Tommy Taylor,
9 November 1984 depot on the south coast
Over one hundred rail trade unionists piled into
secretary of Shirebrook ASLEF, reported on the severe intimidation faced by Federation members in
'Although it's a his depot. disgrace that only about 50 per cent or our membership has responded union appeals, the half of the depot which remains at work is only shifting about 20 per cent of the normal movement of coal.'
Tommy Doyle, secretary of the NUR at
freight depot brought gretin orkshire from 3000 South railway workers. We are no longer the sunny, days the Doyle said. 'Now there is a real threat of power cuts. The lies and threats will continue.
By Doreen Weppler,
NUR member
"Management made concessions. But South Yorkshire
satisfied with what is still happening. Our branch executive committee
the next meeting. of our district council will be considering a resolution to call on the national leadership to take national industrial action lo stop Hil-
timidation. The answer to
management must colle
on a national level.'
warm welcome was
extended to. the NUM
SocaKes. Brian Walker,
branch secretary of
Newstead colliery in Not-
tingham, Jolned
the platform by Malcolm
Pinnegar, one of the 'Dir-
ty Thirty'.
Pinnegar paid tribute
to 'the magnificent job of
Coalville
who are stopping the
movement of 135,000 ton-
nes of coal each week.'
Beauvoir
He mapped Oul the
plans of the NCB to shut
down pits up and down the
country, DI Ulsills
everyone jobs at the Vale
Beauvoir 'Then they privatise Beauvoir.
Well it'll be over our dead
bodies that any mine will
returned to private
owners.
But for many of the
railworkers at the meeting,
the one speech that was
closely followed was from
Tony Donaghue. He
brought fraternal
greetings from The
of the NUR, as
well as from the Federa-
tion as a whole. Donaghue
pledged support from the
Federation. Your union is
behind you,' he said.
'We are doing
can at a national level, at a
district committee level,
and at a branch level. And
today is an indication of
Mantle
Strong support for
N•U•R
auto
HANDS OFF
RAIL
WORKSHOPS
Lane depot in Coalville Will not be lett alone for carrying out the decisions of the Federation.
Derby
While Donaghue's message welcomed, many members from the
were critical of the lack of a national lead. Jerry Hughes from Derby put it plainly. we say we need a regional one day strike. The EC mennocI says support should come from the members. Well we back the Coalville men. We're ready, but where's the call from Unity House?'
As Roy Butlin told Socialist Action, "This meeting will give a boost to our members. But it's im-
DUl Lalll that WIO
nave come Coalville take the inspiration they have had today back to their depots and branches and act on it. 'We hope members wil be butting resolutions at every level
and the Federation.
Policy
'We hope all actions
taken by members in line
with union policy will be
backed, and that calls will
go oul lor a campaign to
reinstate our members
who have been sacked
'The rail union leader-
ship would strengthen our
fight if rallies wert
organised in the front line
areas, support
railworkers and miners.
And a recalled Guards and
Shunters Grades Con-
ference indispensible
today.
LESBIANS and gay men support the miners! This was the message, loud and clear, from a delegation of 30 lesbians and gay men from London to pits in South Wales on the weekend 26/27 October.
"The London lesbians and support the miners group, formed only LICE already months collected 1an more has
than £2000 for miners in Dulais valley, as well as organising successful public meeting which attracted 100 people. The group's success has accelerated the formation of other groups up and down the country.
By Polly Vittorini
The delegation was our MOST triumphant event
yet, and an eye opener to
concerner two very
different life styles came together for a while.
Perhaps the most
significant of the
weekend was at a rally in
support of the miners in
Swansea, where a young
woman representative
from the group was invited
on the platform, alongside
Dennis Skinner, Jimmy
Knapp
Notts Area NUM.
COTGRAVE
RIKING MINER
Derby solidarity demonstration, 10 August 1984
Lesbians & gays
support the miners
Heathfield The applause which greeted her words was tremendous: 'We all face the same police violence.
We're all fighting the same enemy: so let's go forward to smash this Tory govern ment together, without prejudice. No to the oppression of lesbians and gay men - victory to the NUM!
This was our first mass platform — it must be the first of many. emoonal point or ose Certainly the
National solidarity
conference
ARTHUR SCARGILL and Tony Benn will be speaking at the National Solidarity conference on 2 December in Camden Mineworkers' Defence Committee.
The committee was established on 4 October at the Labour Party conference in Blackpool at a 700 strong 'Defend the NUM' fringe meeting. The meeting had been called to alert the labour movement to the threat posed by the legal attack the High Court on the NUM's right
By Valerie Coultas
The writ for contempt of court' had been served on Arthur Scargill two days tenuel inside the Labour Party conference after the debate on energy had taken place
At that meeting a statement was circulated to all participants 'declaring resente industrial action
the National Union of Mineworkers to be an official strike' Since that ume a number ol other labour movement bodies
repeated the 'contempt'
The national solidarity conference will be open to
labour movement bodies to send delegates, solidarity committees and
Women Against Closure groups are invited to do the same.
Coming after an eightmonth long battle the
NUM against the NCB to
keep pits open it will be the
first national forum for
the grass roots and the left
MINERS
SUPPORT
GROUP
weekend was a benefit for
the miners that night.
Speeches were followed by
a sight I have never seen of
gay couples mixed
couples freely dancing
together
Not for a moment had
the group expected to be
so warmly accepted and
visible
Undoubtedly the
weekend was an historic
occasion. For the first time
links have been made bet-
ween two of the most
unlikely sections of the
working class against the
News
Town Hall called by the
leaders of the labour movement to discuss stepping up the action.
TUC and Labour Par-
conference decisions on this must be implemented. Arthur Scargill
campaigning and down the country on this
On 2 December Labour Party members can push forward the cam
for national Jalal
tion in support of the NUM.
As Xmas draws near the and their families will need more
food parcels and presents, although this is vital. They need to know that they a0 not stand alone.
The day before te this conference the holding a national meeting
defend the Politica Levy. Socialist Action sup. porters should delegated to both events and arrange transport to
members to trave down for the weekend.
London Labour Briefing, along with the Briefing Youth Commission, plans to hold a social on
Saturday evening.
Registration for
Mineworkers Defence
Committee conference for first delegate and f
for every extra delegate from Cranwich
N16 (01-981 3289).
YSTRADGYNLAIS
enemy. On the
one hand the miners.
traditionally macho, and
on the other, lesbians and
gay men, traditionally
despised
Colossal amounts of
prejudice were wiped
away. This event must be
seen as a precedent for fur-
ther such links.
• Lesbians and gays sup-
port the miners meets
every Sunday at 6pm in the
Fallen Angel, Graham S
off City Rd, London N
(Angel tube).
Page 5 scan of this page
News
TWO HUNDRED Greenham Peace Camp
peace weekend.
the most enthusiasm.
They spoke about their experience of police violence, how had hardened their resolve to
and how the Will. perience had affected their own lives. I've got feelings about the world now, and they will never change.'
The radicalisation of women and our leading role in the peace movenell. la led us feminists to welcome and support the struggle miners and the organising
women in the mining communities.
The response of women sessions Nicaragua and the struggle against nuclear weapons in the Pacific shows our internatonalsmn However, the question of support for
camp and its future was thoroughly discussed. Armagh women's prison
miners
SEVERAL hundred women attended the London region Labour women's conference on Saturday 27 October. It was the first conference to directly elect the women's section of the London region committee, and a full slate of left-wing women were elected.
The conference listened to several specially invited speakers. However it
da Quigley, an Armagh DESULT for three years, that was the most moving. During you could have heard a pin
Making the link
- which way for
Greenham?
For more women from the and all over Britain gathered in Nottingham last week for a women's
Notts peace women are very actively supporting the miners and Women Against Pit Closures, and the sessions led by women from Blidworth evoked
Women arc urgently needed at the camp. But the WOrKSLUD VIl future of Greenham placed too much emphasis on spontaneity and individual without addressing questions of how we can organise consistent support nationally, through our groups and through demands on CND
By lona Aronovsky, Newham Greenham Support Group
There is no reason why this cannot be done. And women in Lonaon groups will be meeting to discuss
support of London region CND LICI LOBOOT Labour Party women's
Another workshop
London women support the
drop in the crowded hall.
The conference was also addressed miner's wife from Notts we receiven eluusale applause. Unfortunately Halloul on the
By Eve Oldham
miners' strike wak presented as an emergency in itself an indication that the miners' strike was not sufficiently addressed in the submitted the normal way. This by Joan Twelves from Vauxhall women's section movilg the emergency resolution.
raised important questions on how we take our struggles ш ponuca parties and the official peace
But Lovell. general questions of the direction of the women's peace movement, the role
ot mass action, our cam-
cruise. they relate to CND alu ILs police wore tol fully aired.
We can't forget about these things despite our excitement about the miners' strike. The next women's conference (probably Manchester) must look at these questions.
we must
Continue the Sippin D
real SUDDUrI women's right to organise in the peace movement it's just not good enough for CND Council to decide whether or not women can have our own conference.
However, the conference Nottingham scotches any views that women are more reacnonary unan men, and lne dreary notion that pushing Jorward struggle divides the working class.
However even the emergency resolution was weak as while it did call for a message of support and a
TOE women's sections to use in building SIDDONE criticism of the role of the
leadership Varu the strike.
However the London
organising a week of ac-
the LOI SHION miners the end November. This will provide Labour women with the opportunity to show that they really do support the miners. It should be
by every women's section.
THE SCOTTISH Labour women's conference was held over the weekend of 27/28 October.
It was divided into two parts, with the Saturday given over to workshops. Several women's sections had written to complain Ca Doll LOUS format as once more crushed all the policy-lakig into one day. This had been the
arouncil for extending it to a two-day conference in the first place.
By Ann Kane, Glasgow Pollock women's section
We were told the workshops were to bring forward new women and had all educational role. But when found only delegates coul
speak at them, giving the lie to this argument.
The Women's Committee argued that only delegates should speak the conclusions from the workshops would form the basis of a new policy document to be presented to the Scottish regional committee.
Clearly as the Scottish committee under no obligation to take account OI the views of the women's conference anyway, conclusions based on workshops are likely
than those based on votes.
The workshops were a
organising women's movement with
aneudo heminist ideas be
pseudo feminist ideas some members of the Scottish women's committee.
Scottish Labour women meet
On the Sunday the two most important motions debated were on disarmament and on the women's organisation.
On
derence posite
was adopted which confirmed unilateralism. called for all US bases out, and for a cut
conventional defence spending. also instructed the Scottish women's committee to tour the Labour Party in
Again support for Greenham and
24 Organise all May, International Women's Day for Peace,
THE LEEDS miners'
support group has
been very successful in
building solidarity
with the strike. MICK
FOLEY talked to two
members of it,
BARRY EWART and
JON APPLEYARD,
about what it's been
doing.
The group was originally
formed from a resolution
from Elmet CLP
in the mas area. This
in the Leeds
alca
went the District
Labour Party which set
the group up
The original aim wa
to collect £1000. In the
first week £3000 was col-
Tected and raised
over £55,000 to date.
What role does the coun-
cil play?
The council provides
Socialist Action
On women's organisa tion Maryhill, Dumbarton and the TGWU was also adopted unanimously This called for a Scottish rules conference, and expressca support lot a la tional rules conference for LIC in the Labour Party. women's organisatior The
composite made it explicit that a rules conference was necessary to give women a chance debate and maybe change, any rules put forward.
Unfortunately once again the LCC prevented
Leeds support group
clothing
freezer meals and
premises for the pit shop
It also organised a Bills
Connolly concert which
raised £8000 for hardship cases.
What's been the political
impact of the strike?
Since the dispute began
over 150 miners have
joined the Labour Party,
primarily because of the
rank and file involvement
of party activists the
miners have liked what
they see despite
chronic national leader-
ship.
What about violence?
We have been on the picket lines which have
generally been peaceful.
up in massive numbers with horses alle riots gear that troubles Stall The extra policing for
9 November 1984 the Women's Action Committee holding a tr inge ference. They counterpos
local government to the
allanget by WAC
It WAC's demands are to be won it is vital that it is organised well as nationally, so thai pressure can be built up on all fronts. Women in the Scottish LCC : who claim to support WAC should show that they do by help ing get it organised stop blocking the develop ment of WAC in Scotland the two scabs at Allerton Bywater have so far cost £70,000 a week.
County councillors present at picket lines
nave been horrified the actions of the police A resolution was subsequently passed unanimously by the District par-
WEST LON
MOVEMEN
SUNDAY 11 7020O to 4.15pm • NOVEMBEI
Hounsio Civic Centr
Page 6 scan of this page
plend the n Defend the
EXT YEAR every union will ave to hold a ballot on the estion of whether it wants to intain a political fund. It is oney from political funds that esently pays for affiliation to * Labour Party. But under the aries' new law, most
apaigning activity that unions ight undertake would also have come from a political fund.
Thatcher hopes to both dermine the Labour Party's
ancial support and to severely
it the field of activity of the nions by a single measure. ETER HAIN of the Labour cordinating Committee, explains
implications of the Tories' law ed looks at how we should mpaign against it.
RICH party financed by ands derived from the sale of honours and from large subsidies subscribed by realthy men, is trying to disable a poor party which carries on its work by odest controllons from nionists.'
IMILAR denunciations to this one rom a 1927 May Day manifesto may tell be directed at the 1984 Trade Union Act. But, if so, they nderestimate the full significance of his latest Tory law on trade unions, ecause it contains perhaps the most erious challenge to its historic unity id strengin which le labout move
ent has experienced this century. The
is break the links between the
the links between dions and the Labour Party and alter de balance or class loices.
In 1983, 47 unions affiliated 6.1 illion members to the party and connouted £2.9 million VUl
itical funds - nearly 80 per cent of
carty's national income.
Now, section 3 of the 1984 Act will
io: of their members by March 1986 umons lU win
::der to retain their political funds
heir party affiliation.
the ballot goes against maintain-
= political fund, then it will be il-
al for the union concerned to remain
iated to the Labour Party.
ical fund would effectively cease to
and both the union and the party would be in breach of the law if
present formal Labour links were
rehow maintained.
Furthermore, the new Act attacks it= rights of even those unions not atfiLared to the party. Unions without
rical funds could be prevented from
ducting public campaigns in the
because the Tritical objects' contained in the 1913 Trade Union Act has been updated.
Campaigning
The old section 3(3) of the 1913 Act alowed unions to use their finds for campaigning activity of a tradly political kind provided =ain purpose' was to pursue unions'
objects' (ie, castrial or economic interests). Erder the new Act such activity has to * inanced out of political funds if its "main purpose' can be shown to be to persuade people either to vote or not to ace for a political party or candidate.
VALGO's campaign in the spring c: 1983 which included very effective rational newspaper against public spending cuts could be sopped under the new Act, admitted a givernment junior Minister during its committee stage in the Commons, because NALGO has no political fund.
In short, if any public initiative by a union could be construed as influenc-
Ig support for or against a party ment of the day caught by the legislation.
This is not the first time that there has been a legislative attempt to restrict the political role of trade unions and to end their links with Labour. 1908, trade unions had for over 30 years and without restriction used their general funds to pursue political objec-
including representation parliament. But, that year,
sagement in tne Usborne case lauc iris practice illegal.
the Liberal
system of 'political funds' from 'general
secret political activities.
trade impose new restrictions on unions.
by 37 per cent.
this attack was reversed. could of their
an individual
Peter Hain The
filiated to the Labour Party,
the 1913 Act
Party is union and
their local Labour Parties though there 1S and many 'full'
scale disaffiliations in
general near its
members' in- viability of the Labour Party.
But Instead
between Labour and the unions.
advertisements
political levy
Employment then it, could be
Prior to 1966 1970 1974 1979 4. a court
Socialist Action 9 November 1984
After the Osborne case there was a concerted campaign by the unions to legalise their political activities. Eventually a compromise was introduced by
government. The 1913 Trade Union Act made provision for a
separate funds, from which members could 'contract out' if they did not wish to support their union's
This system survived until the Trade Union Act of 1927 when the Conservatives decided to take advantage of post general strike demoralisation and
The net effect of the 1927 Act was to reduce union membership of the par-
However, when Labour came to office after the war,
photo: GM COOKSON
Having a political fund does not mean that unions are automatically at-
though almost all have done so. Establishing a political fund is a process governed by
deciding to use that political fund to affiliate to the Labour
La separate decision. Under rules people contributing to the political fund through their regular contributions become 'affiliated members'. 'Full' members join
directly, considerable overlap levy. members are 'atfiliated' through their unions as well.
Clearly, the consequences of largefinancial and organisational terms would be serious, especially coming on top of the party's
bankruptcy. But, pal ticularly after the 1983 election debacle, the new Act could threaten the very
saw of concentrating on the method of paying the political levy, the
1984 Act seeks openly to break the link
was contrary to the impression given in the Green Paper which preceded it. Entitled Democracy in Trade Unions, that
Green Paper, issued by Norman Tebbit in January 1983, signalled the Tories'
intention specifically to legislate on the
puts In fact, the Act makes no mention
of the method of paying the political
TABLE 1
% Increase in Trade Union Members since 1964 Affiliated to Labour
0.7% 0.3% 5.2% 18.3%
Instead the government negotiated an agreement with the TUC under which 'contracting out would remain, albeit in a looser form, with unions promising to make more effort to inform members how to opt out.
This was greeted by the Tory right as a considerable government climbdown, while many in the trade unions
victory secured reasonable negotiation. In fact switch in tactics brought several advantages for the Tories. It stands a better chance of cutting the unions off from Labour and crippling it financially. deflects the charge of discrimination: of imposing restrictions on unions funding Labour whilst leaving untouched company financing of the Tories.
But, perhaps most important,
June about movement on defensive: by giving members the right to vote on a political link decided by
Affiliater to TUC
6.5% 12.9% 20.1% 45.7%
The threat last time: the demonstration against the Industrial Relations Act; 1972' their union generations ago, the Tories can present it in terms of extending democratic rights though their appeal democracy' is hypocritical - for example, it did not operate in GCHQ - the truth is that the Tories do strike a chord when they complain about the gap between the leaders and the led in the trade union movement. the However, to see the new law merely in terms of punitive measure against an electoral competitor or an act of malice against trade unions would be to miss its full significance.
SDP
The Tory right had begun to questhe tion the system of union affiliation to Labour with increasing regularity after Thatcher's 1979 election victory. in 1981 a broader position emerged when the formation of the SDP produced a criticisms from its leaders against the union link. In the autumn of 1982, the SDP published Reforming the Trade Unions which attacked 'contracting out'. Norman Tebbit's Green Paper followed in January 1983
After the 1983 Labour just having scraped into second place in the popular vote, political commentalon spect of the Alliance becoming the major opposition force. At about the same time to the Director manazine in which she cited the USA as an ideal, saying she
Even unlulls.
'union
USA Tatute
in the
Then • consensus tor inis
barrage
document entitlec been withstanding
election,
This began to canvass the pro-
example
Mrs Thatcher gave an interview
favoured two major British political
operating 'within the same framework of free enterprise'
The obiective was clear: to make Britain 'safe from socialism' by reducing Labour to a rump leftist group, with the implicit assumption that the Alliance would take its place.
The opportunity for the Thatcherites to carry through their strategic allack on ine ponca. unity of the labour movement must be seen against the background of the latter's relative
with recomposition of the class system
There have been important changes
composition of the working class, which have been reflected in the make-up of the unions (notably in the growth of white collar and public sector TUC members) but nothing like to the same extent in the Labour Party. Consequently, the Labour Party's political base in the trade union movement has
seriously undermined NotLabour Parti rhetoric about a unitary Labour/union move
more than ever before there are now 'Labour' trade unions and 'non. Labour' trade unions the membership ratio being not far short of 50:50
change been fairly dramatic. Between 1957 and 1977, for
the proportion of TUC organised trade unionists affiliated to the Labour Party declined from about 70 to 50 per cent. (Over a longer time span the picture is even more dramatic
Page 7 scan of this page
political levy
nce the proportion of TUC members the party stood at 93 percent in 13.) From 1964 to 1979 en Labour was in power for all but ur years — TUC membership shot up 46 per cent, but the number of trade ionists affiliated to the Labour Party se by only 18 per cent (see Table 1).
The Post Office Engineering Union the only major new union to affiliate the Labour Party in the
Recent ballots 282 and the CPSA in 1983 showed marities of 8 to 1 and 2 to 1 respectively gainst establishing political funds and abour links. Almost all the existing abour' unions first affiliated in the arly part of this century when the par-
was establishing itself arliamentary wing of the trade union hovement. Voting
The fall in TUC union membership f the party reflected itself electorally po. In voted Labour cent of trade inionists 974 this had fallen to 55 per 979 to 51 per cent, and by 1983 to 39 984 Found a recovery to 48 per cent, cent (a MORI poll in ut one not sufficient to reverse this ong-term trend). If the actual numbers of trade unionists voting Labour over his period is taken, the picture is quite tark: between 1964 and umber dropped by two million while he number of TUC members rose by wo million (see Table 2).
In addition, closer inspection of the
ers
nalulc
for instance, unionists voted Labour
union membership!
unc laboul
'non-political' unions In which
nant.
chosen In
transcended politics'
political role
some unions
engage in ing'.
interests.
Commons
Furthermore terventons ,. nave been
a period
aims and demands movement' This
DOS -Wa NALGO in arena.
become politicians for a week,
the Only during
mass action as a serious option. Thatcherism's
by October
Collec
Post September
activitv of their union.
they were doing so, Teasoll
1983 the
local parties.
of Labour's affiliated trade membership hardly suggests a fighting force for socialism: in 1983,
four million trade - about two nections million less than the party's affiliated strong lor
The Thatcherites may indeed have ample. had a closer appreciation than many in
movement itself of tenuous basis of the "political' dimension to British trade unionism. In some ways the formal link to the Labour Party has obscured a reality of a relatively
tradition British sectionalism and economism have invariably been domi-
wilelici
Even the name Labour Party was NUPE
1906 (against the left's preference for Socialist Party) because the majority of trade unionists involved 'wanted a name for the party which
Despite the TUC's formal decision in 1899 to establish a party of Labour, British unions have tended to see their
in highly ambivalent Whilst there has always been a wide margin for political action, with
conducting overtly political campaigns from time to time, generally unions have acted politically only to restore or advance their ability
'free collective bargainInvariably, their political activity has been pragmatic and instrumental: particular political initiatives by particular unions would be in response to particular challenges to their sectional
from
lar or these political 110mainly parliamentarist. The terms of the TUC's 1899 decision were quite specifically 'to ensure that working class opinion should be represented in the House of Commons by men (sic) sympathetic with the MORI
the labour reflected at tHos which saw legitimate political action as being confined strictly to the electoral Only
This legacy of pragmatic parliamen-tarism has encouraged union leaders to turn up to Labour Party conferences.
and wield their bloc votes almost in isolation from memberships not really involved in their unions' political role
crisis periods (such 1970-74) would the trade union leadership see more overtly political forms of
instinct that the Labour connection with the unions was vulnerable is underlined by evidence win that rank and file trade union support for the party is much weaker than Is filiation often assumed by those active in the labour movement. For instance, a 1974 study of a major union, the Union of
Communication)
Workers, showed massive member ignorance and disinterest in the political
Only half of those paying the political levy realised
and there is no suppose inal inis was un-
Ly Ad of hally tens have become
less influential and less active within
partly demographic problem: unions with the
strongest Labour ties historically tended to be those based mainly around urban areas with close links between industries and communities. Their con-
party were quite cultural and geographical reasons — the miners are a classic ex-
But these (mainly manual manufacturing) unions have declining in numbers and influence, whilst others (mainly white collar and public sector) have grown
Furthermore, as has been pointed out: 'Whilst it is clear that there are mining constituencies, and may once have been "railway", constituencies, or "engineering" towns, it is doubttul
• there are ASTMS cities, counties.' (Ken Tony Topham, Trade Unions in Bri-
Trade Unionists Voting Labour
1964 6,077,980 (73%) 1974 5,501,100 (55%) 1979 6,185,280 (51%) 1983 4,098,900 (39%)
% is of total TUC membership
Furthermore, there has been declining proportion of party activists
manual and predominance on constituency general committees of members from white col-
public sector unions sometimes This has ennot arnialed lo lie party. couraged the constituencies to become more culturally and politically distant from their union base.
So what are the prospects for winning the political fund ballots? In a
poll conducted Unionists for a Labour Victory earlier this year, four questions were put in a survey of members of affiliated unions
Although the overall proportion wanting to maintain affiliation to the Labour Party stood at only 38 per cent, this is less discouraging than it may seem. First, the proportion goes up to 44 per cent amongst those 'very likely' to vote. Moreover, when it comes down to it, there could well be a differentially higher turnout of those favouring the link with Labour, since those who do
feel strongly against, apathetic, may not bother.
Second the MORI poll recorded views before any active campaign to
the argument. members, the merits of the case for af-
Labour have still to argued. Additionally, when it is shown that having a political fund is essential
ponlica representation union members' interests in parliament and when it is understood that public
financed out of general funds could be illegal, the chances of winning a majority should improve.
The detailed breakdown for the af-
filiated unions surveyed by the MORI poll shows some interesting results. At
the time the survey was conducted (spr-
ing 1984), the unions most likely to re-
main affiliated were the miners, com-
munication workers and electricians.
Next came a batch including NUPE, APEX and the engineers, the NUR, POEU.
GMBATU, with the TGWU being only just above TASS in having a 20 per cent majority against affiliation. Less surprising was the even against amongst been Clearly, there is considerable ground to
be made up in some unions.
However, it should be remembered that the question on the ballot papers will invite a vote for or against political funds filiation. And this grounds for optimism on the outcome, for the MORI poll indicates a more positive response to the questions and political representation, the best being
on sponsorship of MPs where there is a large majority in favour.
TABLE 2
Next year's political funds campaign could present an unprecedented opportunity to argue for socialist ideas and Labour policies in the workplace. But this is unlikely to happen if the campaign is approached defensively. If it is seen simply as a matter of preserving existing institutional links, and if all trade unions are offered is the chance to renew their membership of a passive Labour supporters' may well turn Trade Labour Party, for the rot has set in too
deen to be able to rely with any confidence on a campaign that seeks merely to defend the status quo.
There is probably a better chance of succeeding aimed not simply at defending the existing links, but explicitly recognising the need to breathe new life into them. An appeal will probably need to made policy Labour's plan for jobs, a shorter working week, a statutory minimum wage and advancing amongst the questions that should all al C be raised in an
union members that their votes in the ballots are as much about defending their interests as fighting for alternative government policies. be been confined mainly to
levels in the labour movement. On i August, OI met jointly with leaders of affiliated
unions. The consensus there favoured a *rolling campaign' unions most likely to succeed starting first in order momentum for the rest. The meeting agreed to set up a special coordinating group with a full-time campaign unit and a budget of £150,000.
They also Bill Keys of SOGAT 82 which argues that 'the campaigns should not be run
followed by UCATT and freedom
effective bigger majority popular support. ASTMS members.
unionists
— not explicitly on Labour at-
gives further
Trade Unionists
Affiliated to
Labour Se loo And, 5,502,001 5,787,467 6,511,179 6,101,438
GCHQ;
police powers,
fice
club, then they their backs on the
with a positive campaign
be Marxism Today. grounds well.
women's rights
attempt to persuade
So far, discussion over strategy has
leadership
Labour's national executive
with
to create a winning
accepted a paper fron
Socialist Action 9 November 1984
as if they were about affiliation to the party, but as campaigns to preserve the
of political action by trade unions'. The phrase freedom to undertake political action' could provide an
of appealing
The only other initiative of note has come from the Labour Coordinating Committee which has argued that it is essential to involve rank and file trade
and party members if the argument is to be won. So far, the LCC has called for the setting up of liaison committees between local Labour Parties and union branches and has en couraged the establishment of more Labour Party workplace branches. has also organised a major conference in London for 1 December.
Part of the task will be to link the Tory attack on the democratic institutions of the labour movement with their assault on local government democracy and on civil liberties in general. As they cast their votes in next year's ballots, trade unionists will not only be 1n fluenced by campaigns within their organisations, but by the climate out-
, when the wider public realise that what is at stake is not just the self interest of the labour movement, but a principle dear to liberal democracy free competition between parties then popular support could swing over as it did during the campaign to save the Greater London Council.
Whether by abolishing the GLC and the metropolitan counties; by rate capping; by denying union membership
by oppressive official secrecy prosecutions; or by extending
Thatcherism has made an offensive against democratic rights a major priority in its second term of of-
But it may well be that they have provided the left with its first substantial opening since 1979 to challenge Thatcherism's constant (albeit • false claim to monopolise the values of democracy and freedom. If this proves to be the case, then it could help considerably to undermine the ideological basis for the extra working class sup. port which Thatcher managed to win in 1979 and hold on to in 1983.
This is an edited version of un article appearing in the November issue of
DEFEND UNION
POLITICAL
FUNDS
The will bet manior Labour Moi Delegates are invited from trade unions and local Labour Partie Campaign Conference Doc Ist Speakers: JEAN MOCRINDLE RON TODD
TOM SAWYER MICK MOGAHEY ROBIN COOK KEN LIVINGSTONE
Page 8 scan of this page
India - heading for
8
Nicaragua: 'A
country that
truly wants
peace'
THE ELECTIONS in Nicaragua took place on 4 November. Prior to this, ANTUNEZ, a Sandinista candidate in the elections spoke at a meeting in Leeds. ZOE GILBERT was there.
Rosario said, and how the elections are seen.
ROSARIO was born in Nueva Segovia, near the school for 13 years until in 1975 she was arrested, imprisoned and sacked from her job.
She ioined the Sandinistas in 1974. In 1979 she was forced to flee with her two youngest children, walking over the mountains to Honduras to escape
the National Guard when they ambushed a guerilla column of which she was a member.
Nicaragua, and was a member of the government of reconstruction. In 1980 she became director of education for Nueva Segovia. She is a candidate or the constituency of Las Segovias in the elec.
Women
At the Leeds meeting she was asked what the
Nicaraguan woman won her equal rights with the revolution,' she said. Women are no longer used as and prostitution has been abolished. A rehabilitation scheme for ex-prostitutes to teach them new
vides for pensions for women abandoned by their
pregnancy. Alongside these reforms, women have me rignt to parucipale in every organisalon, anu
KUSarIU Reagan winning the US elections Contra activity and the prospects of an invasion. Whether Reagan wins or not, Nicaragua still ex-
whether the Nicaraguan elections go ahead or not. Or if the Sandinistas win or not.
revolution can do for the people of the world. They will do even the impossible to destroy our
This is why the efforts of the Contadora group
Panama and was
along with the group,' she explained. "The Sandinistas support what the group is trying to do.
It would be wonderful if they could achieve Contadora group can do. The US is determined to make us appear the war mongers, even though we are the only country that wants peace.
Finally Rosario was asked about the role of the priests who are defying the Vatican to support the revolution, and about the debate on liberation theology'
There is a big difference between the upper
hierarchy of the church follows the dictats of perialism. The priests work with the people. The progressive priests work with the revolution.
The confrontation that is now taking place between the upper hierarchy of the church and the priests who support the revolution is not about religion but about politics.
in the election Rosario, like dinista candidates, is standing on the achievements of five years of the revolution legislation and mass organisation. Before the other parties pulled out it was clear that on this basis the FSLN would win an overwhelming victory. why the other parties have pulled out.
None of the opposition parties have produced a single argument to back up from the democratic process. dinistas have no opposition only the size of the poll wil snow tne extent or their support.
And it will show that, because in Nicaragu to the polling booths with a gun at their back.
Socialist Action 9 November 1984
ROSÁRIO
She explains what
La primary , was tortured and murdered by Loe The Ministry of Social Welfare has in-
In ano
LUll formed in response to US at-
But there is little that the im-
other San-
• major advances labour
their withdrawal Now that the an
THE ASSASSINATION of Indira Gandhi has provoked an almost unanimous response from the USA to China including the Soviet Union. Few state leaders can have ever received such universal acclaim.
The reason for such disparate forces speaking with such a united voice is simple. All are concerned about their share of the cake when the new regime emerges from the crisis the assassination has provoked.
One thing that certainly does not motivate them is concern for the maintainance of 'democracy' in India. For the past four years the chief attack on democracy has come from Indira Gandhi herself — a policy that will no doubt be continued by her son Rajiv.
In order to understand the consequences and causes of Indira Gandhi's assassination necessary to outline some or ine main realures or in dian politics, and some of
Coet contradictions facing bourgeois politics in that state
The policy pursued by Indira Gandhi since coming to power in 1966, was essentially logical development of the policy of the Indian ruling class since independence.
India contains TITLE population and covers an
area with tremendous regional vallallull. The regional economic varia-
reinforced by whole series of ethnic, linguistic and religious varianons wnieh constant ly threaten to destabilise ana break up tne Indian state.
There is only one really powerful political force at
Dess oary. the most powerful sections of the Indian bourgeoisie.
The working class itself is
weakly organised and has no managed lo cede do all-India workers' party.
NOSe parties that have e ste
Daru curd
oriented either to the Con-
UL
Gandhi's party was dubbed the representative of the
progressive
because of its relations with Moscow.
India's bourgeoisie
OlIC of the most economically power-
4) Curfewimposed INDORE $ GWALIOR SAGARD JABALPUR K
the maelstrom
ful of any semi-colonial country. However it has been, and Is, nothing like strong enough to unify the
The policy coully. Dulsued by Indira Gandhi at an economic level has been based on this understanding. Indian unity has been founded on the existence of a massive state sector of industry and an enormous bureaucracy.
By Jude Woodward
The Indian state maintained stringent trade conLI UIS LU DrOLCCI develop the internal market, coupled with state subsidies to agriculture to increase its productivity lne real ariving force of
the so-called 'green revolu
This of
'protection' offered agallis! munalism, allowed the
alliance
minorities ethnic groups. so-called
outcastes. Since the economic of
rapid y Massively
and regional conflicts,
of this.
The the 'green and
capitalisi. New richer agricultural layers have been and
CHINA MATHURA (
LUCKNOW KANPUR 9 RAE BARELI BENARES K
BURMA
AGARTALA A O
CALCUTTA N
industries and internal trade have developed
increased the regional tensions in the
Recession
But with the onset of the world recession the central government in Inala nas been unable maintain the level of subsiay and genents ment this alliance through
slane ment. The Indian government is therefore thrown back more narrowly onto the resources of the big bourgeoisie itself.
It is this that underpins the growing attacks democracy in the Indian state Tom Is Doll oi view the State of Emergency imposed in 1975,
Wan not an aberration, but in fact indicates where India Is going. Certainly Indira Gandhi had not solidated powerful enough force to maintain the state of emergency and paid a political price for it. But the fact that she and the Congress (I) recovered so rapidly to the sweeping electoral victory in 1979 is
emergency was not so out ot step with the needs of
Since stale of emergency approach
cording one Indian marxist,
in India,
lousalls the victims mainly workers
Gandhi's advisors,
for and Fertilisers
presidency
originated her inner
dicative the genera
Elections
Prior to the assassina-
Indira Gandhi BOSI speculation was rife that the promised elections would be postponed - con-
loopholes that already exist could have
exploited to extend the life of this parliament for up to six months.
questioned whether Was the elections would have ever taken place.
Ironically the ination of Indira Gandhi may well mean that the elections can take place and that a constitutional change attacking the electoral process will therefore be postponed. Most commentators are advising Ra-
Indira Gandhi
jiv Gandhi to go for rapid elections and hope to win on a wave of popular sympathy for his dead mother.
But whether the elections take place or not, the narrow social base of the Congress (1) and the dosclict of any national alternative means that Indian politics nave an in escapable logic towards the regime assuming more anamore snapar
character, using tremendous wave repression to maintain its LUCA and eventually being forced to attack constitu tional democrac tain its position.
Oppositions
The regionally based oppositions to develop, and while their democratic rights must be defended, these are generally based on reactionary sections regional bourgeoisie. The regional character of their demands, often leading
Will neighbouring areas, , or to engage in a battle for state subsidies directly counterposed to other areas, mean that they are exceedingly unlikely to be able develop a national alternative to the Congress (1)
The Punjab is a case in point. One of the key economic demands of the Akali Dal — the legal Sikh party is for the redirection of water to the Pun jab. This leads to a direct conflict with neighbouring Hindu states, which then becomes interlinked with and deepens communal
Even when these motley regional and ethnic opposition groups can be welded into national
International
coalition it tends to have a temporary character. In actual exercise of power would be inclined to blow them up virtually im mediately, happened with Charan Singh and the 1977-79 Janata
gover ment. Hindu
Ine Con
the allance WILl regional ethnic
forced creasingly base its
Hindu heartland
of the regime with the "high Hinduism richer
creates chasm
CHIV DO repression.
peasantry
deed. will
hand, it religious, nuinely economic political aspirations
Democracy
Rajiv Gandhi is certainly not inheriting an easy job, but one thing we can be sure of. He is not
She big be de leader in
the world', his future can be more accurately summed up as a constitutional
La repressive system.
Page 9 scan of this page
'Peace, jobs and freedom'
Surplus Value
LAST WEEK Socialist Action carried the first part of an interview with TONY BENN, heading 'Politics of Movement'. He argued that the campaign against nuclear weapons was too narrowly conceived and that, in fact, the peace movement was part of a broader social movement across Europe.
You have outlined that you think the
Hoveniell framed in terms of nuclear weapons, ‹nal I is in tacu part or a broader movement, force capable developing 'a new Europe free from the threat of the superpowers.
If it shouldn't be organised just around defence policy, what should be the chief plank of such a Euro-left?
It must unk disarmament. ment and human rights. and freedom' is not a bad formulation; it was in one of Labour's recent manifestos. It would be capable of attracting an awful lot of support. It we were to try and develop foreign policy along those lines, quite naturally we'd find outselves slipping dependence on the United States and reassessing the potential for cooperation with Eastern Europe.
And the fact that some East European countries would like to establish direct contact means that such contact could even be built up with the existing regime in Eastern Europe, if it doesn't appear to threaten military security of the Soviet Union. If it did, the Soviet Union come down on luke a ton or bricks. Superpowers have a genuine interest in their security and the power to enforce it by a cordon sanitaire.
The space we have to manoeuvre in is partly ideological space and partly geographical, but it is a space that can't be only Euro-centred. the whole of the African continent, Latin America, South East China — we should be moving over, diplomatically and politically, a much wider area of the world. In that way, I think we would really have some iniluence The think twice about what they were doing, and the amount of money they were spending on defence.
I agree that the Soviet Union is under military threat from the States. This raises a relevant question.
free Hurone Poland to Portugal military security of the Soviet Union — nobody's going to attack the USSR by conventional weapons. To achieve
would require no weapons Europe, no nuclear weapons. and no frappe.
First there are no safeguards against proliferation, that's one thing I did learn as Secretary of State for Energy. The spread of nuclear weapons is going apace now, through the development of civil nuclear technology. whole time I was Secretary of for Energy and Minister nology, plutonium from civil power stations was going to America to be made into bombs, and all the time the civil servants were talking swords and ploughshares and atoms
Europe's future
under the
Peace of
develop'Peace, jobs
out of
the
would happening.
You
100 1000 —
There's spread of nuclear weapons.
Asia, have the bomb. reasons, the resolute.
would ot inspection
programmes -knowing whether
United they'd moved the stuff?
from guarantees the
American
British ment about nuclear
force de
We say ine State
of Tech- pening now.
this absurd armchair strategy has unfortunately begun too much interest on the left.
Mass die-in at CND's Barrow demonstration against Trident, 27 October 1984
for peace — and I didn't know it was
can't stop the spread of nuclear weapons unless you take a ferent. really hard line, which the West is not bicoalcu lo lane. nuu li ular conleat. I must say the Soviet Union has been
per cent agallist lne Maybe because they didn't want the Chinese or their allies in the Warsaw Pact to
But, for whatever Russians have been
Second, there's no effective form Supposing tomorrow Mr Chernenko met Mr Reagan and they said they'd both decided to completely discontinue nuclear weapons
there'd be no way of they had or 11UL.
What about the US troops and bases
wolfel
The real danger is not so much the weapons systems, but the poison in people's minds that makes them contemplate using them. It's this poison -we've got to deal with. If you succeed in stopping the poison, then the argu- States
wcapols would become a sort of economic argument.
we need build homes, to assist the Third World, not failed build Trident. That would be driving the argument in a different direction.
But it isn't any good focusing on the details. vou've got to turn vour mind to what it's really about: are we going to allow nuclear technology to extinguish democracy? That's hap-
We need a change in
eople's perceptions, rather than pu
uing indefinitely the ins and outs o
which to absorb
A credible non-nuclear defence strategy is all about playing military games. The real issues are quite dif-
What is your attitude to the political role the United States has played in the world?
This may surprise you. saying that the United States is the biggest
the only capitalist country in the 1930s that swung to the left. When the others — Germany.
Portugal, France, and Britain too -swung to the right, America became Keynesian. weal beacon of light in the 1930s.
Then, if you take the number of people in the United States who are socialists 'in the closet', that's a huge number: local trade union leaders, the black community — Jessie Jackson's rainbow coalition environmentalists, the civil rights movement, the alli-war and the anti-intervention movement. Quite a lot of opinion in the United States is progressive.
The time has come for the United
to discover its own socialls! tradition. After Mondale is beaten, then it will be shown that the last of the New Deal politicians have totally
to unseat Reagan militarism and monetarism
Also it's very important recognise that if we had progressive governments in Britain or Europe, we'd have allies on the other side of the Atlantic. My position is not an anti-American position.
But if you look at American government policy, dangerous. In the guise of defending the free world, it is actually protecting its own investments and world-wide
interests. It will arm any filthy dietator who will promise to hold the working class down
By its own policy of supplying arms and forcing imports to make a profit for American companies, precipitated the debt could bring the economic and financial system down.
It is not in our interests to be a semi-colony such system. resolution Labour ference to get rid of all US bases, not just nuclear bases, from Britain. We should free ourselves dependence and subservience in order to play a part in this new, broader world-wide political movement.
The argument isn't about Per shing Cruise politics of American policy. got OUTl language, world affairs That's Labour Party should be going.
Would you like to see the withdrawal of American troops from Europe as a whole?
would like to see a non-nuclear Europe which has liberated itself by its own ettorts with Hitler got nearly to Stalingrad and
English cancerous growth and fascist expansion. When Western heritage it left was the Iron Curtain.
It's been over don't want to go on living under that. I would like to have a perspective that contemplated change, Europe is entitled to be Europe. very We not in a nationalist sense. not in a third superpower sense -sense that we no longer accept the
Socialist Action. 9 November 1984
that.
with.
Union?
Union
limitations
detente.
The
forever Moscow
another
Union.
Photo: JOHN SMITH
primarily
liberalisation establishment military
it's crisis which whole Western
an imperial
con-
from that
it's about the
We've
this technical back into the politics of next few years.
where the Channel, through
collapsed,
40 years
that said
should reoccupy Europe -
but in the
9 propaganda that leads us to believe the divisions in the world are permanent and inevitable. I don't accept
The future for Europe poses the ques tion of America, which you've dealt
But what about the Soviet There Calt opposition movements — Solidarnosc in Poland
groups movements — inside Eastern Europe. How do you see these fitting in?
We've got to begin by being realistic We've got to make clear to the Sovie
that we are not trying destabilise or threaten its security, but anxious to develop detente, a relationship with Eastern Europe.
If you want to break down the
on civil liberties and establish a legitimate concern the best way to do it is by cooperation and
We should do everything we can to build up trade and contact
Russians have a problem: their cordon sanitaire is now too pro-
forever and er the control or ahe
under control of the leadership. But the liberalisation of Eastern Europe has potentially great dangers. If the Russians saw such moves as a threat (as in the case of Poland) there could be
intervention Czechoslovakia. That would be in tensely dangerous for world peace and very damaging for the Soviet
The war propaganda in the West is
to hold working people down and make them subservient, and in the East those who would like
al C denounced Western agents,
There is a huge task to be undertaken, and a genuine desire to underlake Il. And we must work al whal ever level we can — trade union con. tact, personal contact, trading contact, cultural contact - to isolate the
in the West and the establishment in the East. Both are able to use the cold war to re tain a rigid and authoritarian hold over their own people
Now, that's not a very clear con cept, but it is different from the idea
hat we're all lined up in eithe : Rus sian or American uniforms, and hav to face each other •across the Berlin wall forever. I don't believe that for a moment, and I think an awful lot of people reject it too.
No' is still a very powerful wor
in the political vocabulary. If you sa you don't accept it — if you withdraw your consent from what is central to the defence strategy of the country o the alliance of which you're a member
• if you begin doing that, it would really create a change
That, I think, is our task over the
Page 10 scan of this page
The end of the Democrats?
10 Socialist Action 9 November 1984
THE 7 NOVEMBER day of action is the most widespread industrial action so far in London against the Tory attacks on local government. The
called by the newly formed triple action was alliance' of local government unions in the capital.
The bodies in the triple alliance are Democracy For London (DFL) which is made up of the GLC trade unions; the Save ILEA Campaign and. unions in ILEA; and the London Bridge Committee, Which is based on the unions in the hit-list authorities.
JIM FITZPATRICK, Acting Secretary of DFL, spoke to PAT HICKEY about the new stage in the local government fightback in London. It has taken a long time for make the government the various bodies involy- hack of. or will it lake
more substantial action? on a common project. Why has it taken There have been a number so long, and is it going to one-day strikes this Last? year. The difference betI'll take the second part ween 7 November and the first. I nis is determinea by other one-day strikes is how long we're going to that this time we dECI
nouncing the arrival of the have to fight.
I think that the cam- triple local
government workers.
Dalgn agalst tale-cappu s This is just the start of a is going to be a short-term one It will last six montns, campaign of industrial actwelve at the most. tion to show the govern-
round against rate capping LUSC the first ment, groups and within the to show local the then whichever borough is authorities, that we are not
prepared to surrender jobs rate-capped or potentially rate-cappea the year after will have lost this year and services. We know that one-day
action is a strictly limited the argument.
place this ne fight has year. This has to take affair. can lead and got to be understood now, whole host of problems.
ecause if after April this We need to persuade our
boroughs are rate- members that all-out strike capped then there will be an appropriate no fight. step to take.
The reason the cam- The 7 November can paigns have taken so long be built on to legitimise the
triple alliance, and to give to get together is because basically there hasn't been us the authority to go to
common eremy. But Labour politicians and say what is the point of stopp- 'We need you in a unitea ing abolition if we're going front tactic against the
be rate-capped out of Tory proposals, to break the law if necessary. If you existence We stopi ped the aboli- •01E walll to break the
tion of ILÉA, but now law, it is time you resigned
and let people in to do the it out job which is necessary. started out fighting aboli- What in your view has tion, and we're now work- been the role of Labour ing WILD borough Groups? paigns to fight rate-
capping. The position between the
They both mean more Labour groups and the
and more central govern- unions on abolition and
ment control over local rate-capping, that WC
democracy and local ser- recognise the problems
vices. which thev tace. in terms
of surcharge, debarrment from public office and so
Will a pressure campaign
AS WE go to press the voting in the United States
presidential election is not finished. But everyone
knows the outcome.
ruling class wanted Ronald The American
Reagan in the White House for another four years.
They have duly gained it. We need not waste space in
an article in Socialist Action explaining that Ronald
Reagan is not exactly the answer which is needed to
the problems that confront the world!
But there is an issue democratic parties,
which is of fundamental oriented to and supported
importance for the left the Democratic Party. Britain the Labour Party In
which comes out oI ine
elections. For almost forty consistently supported the
vears - from Roosevelt's benocials against the
election in 1932 until Nix- Republicans.
on's victory in 1968 - the
Democratic Party was the By John Ross
overwhelmingly dominant
political force United But by 1984 it had
States politics. Out of nine become obvious that the
presidential elections held Democratic Party
in Ial icans time the won only Repub- two. alliances shambolic. had The become Unice
Eisenhower, the sole coherent coalition put
Republican president together by Roosevelt
:hat forty year period the unions, blacks,
himself only carried on the liberals, ethnic minorities
Cold War policies and others
established by his apart into a series of warr-
Democratic predecessor ing groups.
During the Democratic More significant for primary elections the
practical left wing politics leadership of
however almost the whole American trade
of the American left, from movement, the AFL/CIO the Computes or the put all ineir resources ini
supporters packing Mondale. Jesse
European social Jackson took the major
Local government
fight:
Triple
alliance
launch
on. have. shown that the
The Labour politicians workers are not prepared are going to have to make to have their jobs sacrifictheir minds UD They are ed. Then the onus is on the either on the side of the Labour politicians because workers or on the side of the community at large has the Tories. It's as simple as demonstrated that they that. support the retention of
the GLC, and the retention of services.
GLC DORI Party con-
ference decisions were: no
We know from our break the law if we have OWlE niterai situation in to, to fight the Tories. We the GLC that there are real hope the Labour groups problems We are engaged adopt conference policy. Labour group V dialogue with County LINE The Bridge Hall to determine whether Committee will send an we can go forward with the open letter Labour Labour group: councillors asking: will
The campaign so far in you abide by Come cult terms influencing decisions or not? If you Lords, MPs, and opinion- do, great! If not, the time formers done nothing to influence las pose cope reared one to leave is now. Let us pro-
GC workers on the need are prepared to take industrial action to challenge Tory laws. defend their jobs. That has If we get that kind of been undertaken by DFL.
alliance ullulls.
Are there lessons from the Labour and the Liverpool experience? community, an ir-
resistible force. The Tories I think that the Liverpool will not be able to defeat experience is important for local authority workers in that we need to build It will mean massive inunited campaign between dustrial action. will the labour groups, the mean a massive campaign. trade unions, and the users But does need the groups. 100,000 political will, honest the political will has and lo be
workers on strike we will been lacking.
Losers and victors
part of the black vote. candidate whose every
Gary Hart opposed the speech was enough to send
anyone to sleep and who
line of the union bosses.
Geraldine Ferraro was put had no individual position
on the slate to try to win or individuality at all. The
the women's vote. outcome was massive
The result of all this in- victory for Reagan.
ternal warfare was the From any point of view
'cardboard candidate' of keeping the Democratic
Mondale - a presidential Party together the
County Hall 'alternative'
Republicans, this course a disaster. In Saturday's Morning Angela the Communist Party's didate for Vice President, declared, 'For the sake of the children of the world. for the sake of future
generations, all we can to guarantee the defeat Reagan Reagan can be defeated Tor peace. Angela Davis left no doubt that for her meant voting for the Democrats.
Mondale
But the reality of the Democratic Parly the exact opposite of the image given to it by the Communist Party (and similar sections of the left). The modern Democratic Party was an alliance created by Roosevelt to prevent the independent expression of labour, of blacks and oppressed groups in owne the United States. It was
argallised of these groupe
organised hegemony of the capitalist CLASS The crisis of the Democratic Party is not a of disaster: it is an opportuni-
laughable Star believe, as Angela US that electing
Democrat is an answer to Call
the threat of war. was Democratic president, Truman, who both the Cold launched
News
War and the 'hot' Korean war. was Democrat presidents, Kennedy and Johnson who planned and launched the Vietnam war.
The real opportunity in US politics is not to try to rebuild the Democratic Party coalition but the ex act reverse to use the strains within the Democratic Party to break ll up illo Its component parts - and thereby open up the way to independent political expression for the
working class. blacks Latinos, women and the Democratic Party's other supporters. This is the only way to begin to open up a real alternative
Reagan The real disaster would be for the American, and interna the next four years putting
Democratic Party coalition back together
American grea IWW martyr Joe Hill decade was being led to his execution, 'don't
He was talking about the trade union movement
But it would make an epitaph for the excellent Democratic party as well.
Page 11 scan of this page
In the Unions
Workers at the Austin Rover Cowley assembly plant have been subjected to an enormous management mass meetings last week. Despite these attacks, both
ing closed them down on 5 November.
day before the mass meeting called to endorse the strike action.
The Oxford Mail on 31 October had a full page company advertisement opposing the SUrIKC. On Thursday morning workers attending the mass meeting had their pay docked.
Despite all this, the day shift voted back the strike call. solid established.
finished cars.
In an eleventh hour bid to split the wOrkTOrCe management called for talks two days before the strike was due to start. They stuck to the final offer that had been so clearly rejected the week before, and offered one-off lump payment of
£208. This payment was not to be made to workers
who started after April
'84.
Trade union negotiarecognised this as a LUis shoddy attempt to buy off
the strike. showed no movement towards
ing our claim, and failed to meet Gemand. for new
money on the basic rate.
Ine negollallng
mittee (JNC). rejected the
buy-off, but felt compell-
ed to report back to mass
AUSTIN-Rover man-
agement are using the
courts to enforce a
secret ballot and sup-
porting their position
by confusion at a mass
meeting at Jaguar
Browns Lane on 31 Oc-
tober.
By Paul Mitchell
An error in counting in
the first vote led to a recall
meeting to correct the er-
ror. Management and the
press nave seized unt
portunity claim that
secret ballots are a better
way to take decisions.
In fact the Jaguar mass
methugs are a wale lu
the methods of open work-
11g class democrac
even if they sharply reveal
the weakness of working
class leadership, on occa-
sion.
Austin Rover strike is on
offensive against the pay strike called at
Cowley plants are at a standstill as effective picket-
Management's offensive against the militant mood of many assembly plant workers began the
stepped up their attacks by encouraging small groups of workers who opposed the strike to disrupt production. In some areas management stopped the tracks.
Immediately after the mass meeting management actec extremely ressively towards TGWU convenor. Accor-
All out at Jaguar
AN INDEFINITE strike of 7000 workers began at Jaguar Cars on 1 November in support of the 1984 wage claim. The strike in all three plants is totally
and an effective 24-hour picket has been
There are also pickets at delivery depots holding
meetings, recommending rejection and endorsement ollie surike vulc
By a Jaguar shop steward
This decision was bitterly contested by some
attempted sell-out. The INC argued that thev did not want workers on the picket lines the next morning to be told that their leaders were hiding an offer of £208.
At Castle Bromwich and Radford (the body and power train plants) the buy-off attempt completely. Although some workers decided to accept the offer, a solid 75 per cent voted to endorse the strike vote.
It was a different story
Mass meetings vs. secret ballots
Virtually every single worker at Browns Lane took part - something no secret ballot ever achieved.
The voting figures al curacy of the shop stewards head count. It is possible to see exactly how the vote moved on the re counts, and every vote is
The discipline of the workforce, and their con-
For
First vote Declared 1559 Actual 1559
Second vote Actual 1492 Change - 67
ding to one shop steward I spoke to thev held him 'under siege' in the union ollice.
By Mike Picken
At 1lam they tried to arrange an anti-strike mass meeting, but informed on ly certains sections. This meeting had to be abandoned after five minutes
angry workers jeerea and bombarded management with missiles.
The company also took the unprecedented step of inviting the media on to tne snop Hour to li terview small groups of
the Browns lane assembly nail TGWU convenor, Ron Newcombe ignored the JNC decision. He simply repeated the company offer, and the
shop stewards rejection.
No attempt was made to win endorsement of the strike vote, and other members of the JNC were not allowed to address the meeting.
Many workers who
had voted fight
previous meetings changed
minds as a result.
WICH
When the vote was taken
there was still a slim ma-
jority for the strike.
Unfortunately,
mistake was made
totalling the figures.
bloc of 430 votes was add-
ed twice into the total
against the strike.
fidence in the voting pro-
that they all turned up
(except for 14 who were
the second
time!).
In a secret ballot, with less
than 85 per cent participa-
tion the same error would
not have shown up. If the
error nad been discovered
secret efforts to correct it
wond riehtly be regarded
with suspicion.
Against Total
1866 3425 1436 2995
1489 2981 +53 - 14
anti-strike workers. evening the Oxford Mail had a headline claiming ' "Rigging". Fury of Car Men' , although Radio Oxford listeners heard one WOrKCL explain that the very presence of reporters
the factory and the management orchestrated
of production showed what was going
Nevertheless, local and national media focussed overwhelmingly Ull the 'anti-strike revolt'
All this had an effec on the night shift. Anti-strike day shift workers
organised with WCIC placards to put pressure on the meeting, which voted
The result was declared before the error was spotted. The meeting was then recalled to take a recount. This was the last straw for most workers, and at the end of the day only 49 per cent at Browns Lane voted
Cowley washing-up strike, March '83
AUSTIN ROVER
to reject the strike cal
Howeve there clear majority the assembly plant for a strike and angry mood towards management.
in the body plant where workers were nol subjected to these tactics workers voted for the • strike.
These workers the need for militant action in the face of management bully boy TaCICS. SUBT will useful lesson when the company use the courts to try to stop the strike. for the strike.
Nevertheless, , the overall majority in une buret plants remains 63 per cent, and Lne WOrKIOICC united behind the decision.
Socialist Action. 9 November 1984
Liverpool
students fight
back!
for student union finances.
the
of cuts
ment them.
students' union facilities properly.
'When we
arguments.
chanted outside the
Now!"
demands and the university's offer.
«The committee
they shifted.'
The committee has now
time if the union needs more.
The university
from us and fight the Tory cuts.
• National CND Conference, Sheffield
Nov.
its full delegation.
• London Socialist Action Forums:
strike' 14 November
November.
DOOK
November.
Upper Street, London NI 2XP
11 THE STUDENTS' union at the University of Liverpool is following the lead of the city council and fighting for a 'no cuts' budget
By Tim Rigby, Liverpool Labour Club
The union (known as the Guild) has been dominated for years by Liberals and Tories, but in the last year an active Labour Club has changer the balance. Labour won all the sabbatical ant topped the poll in all the non-sabbatical positions.
Our candidates campaigned and won on the platform of 'no cuts' and a pledge to link up with members of the new executive have been as good
Last year the student union treasurer drew up a budget of union finances involving £27,000 worth
'We came in,' explains this year's deputy president, Tony McMahon, 'with no intention of making these cuts. We didn't want to be in a position of moral opposition to the cuts but then imple-
'We put forward a base line of £510,623 com pared to the previous year's treasurer's base line of £485,683. The university's base line was £463,000. Ours represents a figure at which we can run the
presented our new budget, the university's working party on Guild finance was already waiting to turn down the position of the previous treasurer. We, though, weren't going to just discuss with them but to mobilise the university trade unions and students in support of our
"The working party produced a report slamming the new base line. But when the finance committee met to discuss the budget, we had organised a lobby of 200 within three days' notice, which
window meeting: "What do we want? €50,000! When do we want it'
£50,000 is the difference between our
was originally pathetic, but with the lobby outside the window,
given the students' union the entire contents of a £30,000 reserve fund, and has agreed to renegotiate in six months'
has accumulated wealth of €30,000 million, given by merchant benefactors who have long since left Liverpool. This wealth should be used to ensure no cuts are made. No departments, no matter how small, need close
All departments at Liverpool, and indeed colleges throughout the country, should take a lead
ACTIVISTS' DIARY
23/24/25 November. Deadline for delegates is 5
Don't delay, make sure your college sends
NUS Women's Conference, Birmingham University, 10 November. All women supporters
City London Poly: 'Women in the miners' LSE: Ireland and the struggle for socialism', 21
No Nazis in our colleges! Picket NF member Harrington at North London Polytechnic Holloway Road Extension Site. Every Friday,
transport and pass resolutions of support for PNU's stand against the NF! • Miners' benefit, Bedford College SU, 16
Want to advertise meetings or events in the activists' diary? Write to Activists Diary, 328
Page 12 scan of this page
The latest opinion poll
in London shows that:
• 83 percent of Lon-
doners believe that the
main reason for aboli-
tion is political, not im-
provement of London's
administation;
• 71 per cent believe
that abolition of the
GLC will lead to worse
services for Londoners;
• 68 per cent believe
that abolition will mean
less democratic govern-
ment.
The Tories will take no notice of these points. But the labour movement
should take notice.
The fact is that there is a mass opposition to the COYCEUNCELS proposals on abolition and rate-
capping.
That is why the Tories refused to contest the re-
they balle soap and whe
they elections in May 1985.
The labour movement must provide the lead which can mobilise this opposition.
There is good reason tor doing so:
* Abolition of the GLC alone will mean 6000 jobs lost immediately, and 14,000 to follow;
* A five per cent cut in local government expenditure would mean 160,000 jobs lost in England alone, including 60,000 teaching jobs; * If the GLC abolished, borough rates in London will rise; * This is not to stop 'profligate' local councils. In fact, local government spending as proportion of Gross Domestic Product has been falling Inland 6 months £8; 12 months £15.
Overseas (12 months only)
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Address
Please send me as special offer
Enterprises, PO Box 50, London N1. riated By Laneridge Ltd. (TU), London E2.
SOCiAlist
ACTION
THE TORY attack on jobs and services continues.
The government will not change its mind about
abolition and rate-capping because by-elections and
opinion polls show a large majority against them.
since 1975 (from 34 per cent of GDP then, to 25 per cent now).
The aim of the Tory government's attacks are clear. It is to make a huge cut services, and therefore in jobs, and to destroy the Labour Party's strength in local governICHl The labour movement can defeat this allack the rate-capped councils, the GLO and the metropolitan • counties stand together, the Tories will be incapable of imposing the legislation.
Liverpool showed how
it can be done. The local
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UNITY IS
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government unions, the abour Parties, and the Labour groups must stand together a united front committed to defying the law.
The local community can be mobilised behind by rerusing to massive rate rises and with local needs, to defend lobs and services Labour Party conference gave the party, and the leadership mandate to fight the Tory proposals -the law if need be. Now is the time to organise to wage this fight.
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LAST SUNDAY's Nicaraguan elections registered a huge political success for the FSLN government. Despite a boycott of the elections by all the main capitalist parties, and constant economic and military pressure by the United States to boycott the vote, reports show a turn out for the polls of over 80 per cent.
This massive turn out Lo vole consulutes duao rebuff to Reagan's claim that the first free elections in Nicaraguan history were 'fraudulent' and that the FSLN government does not have the support of the Nicaraguan people.
Even more grotesque therefore was Reagan's declaration on Sunday
the elecuon was 'phoney'. An election in Nicaragua WICE 80 per cent of the population vote is apparently no good for Reagan. Yet in the US Presidential elections, on. ly around 55 per cent of the population vote!
Even more convoluted were the accusations of the US State Department. Ac. cording to the US Interna-
Unite to
Big victory in Nicaragua
Monday, *The principal problem with the election according to US officials, is that Nicaraguans cannot vote for the four parties HUSU opposed to the government because these parties are boycotting the race.
That is a real Alice in tional Herald Tribune on Wonderland reasoning! If
Stop the Tories!
defend jobs!
GLC NALGO
STOP the FSLN's opponents bovcott elecuons because they think they will lose, then the lack choice is due to the FLN!
The reality is clear. . The Nicaraguan elections last Sunday registered massive popular support for the FSLN free poll. -The labour
CUTS
Photo: ANGELA PHILLIPS (FL) movement must redouble
campaign to stop Reagan's secret war against government which enjoys huge popularity and which now even has greater anything possessed bs
Reagan the United States!
← Socialist Action No. 76, 2 November 1984Socialist Action No. 78, 16 November 1984 →