Socialist Action No. 93, 15 March 1985
The scan: 093-mar-15-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
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Page 1 scan of this page
FIGHT FOR AMNESTY
NEIL KINNOCK has stated his intention to continue the scabbing role he played miners' strike. His statement last week that the NCB should only reinstate miners who have undertaking legitimate trade union activities and who have not been guilty of any serious offences is treachery to the victimised miners - and to the NUM's fight to defend jobs in the mining communities.
Over 700 miners were sacked during the strike. Others have been victimised since. There are over 2000 court Every single one of the charged faces the threat missal by the NCB.
The position of the labour movement, and the Labour Party, on all these cases without exception must unambiguously be victims of class war, are class war prisoners, and are class justice.
The labour movement fight for total amnesty for all the miners sacked as a result of this strike, and for full support for the political prisoners. We should make
distinctions between sacked for 'serious' offences and others. Every single victimisation was of miners fighting not only for their own jobs but for those of the whole working class. They are fighters for our class who deserve our unconditional support.
What makes the hypocrisy of the Tories' defence of order' even clearer was explained by Tony Benn last week when he pointed to the amnesty granted by the Tories to lan Smith and his supporters as part of the settlement of
clearly the Rhodesia' problem.
in the political Countes been without exception. outstanding.
miners of dislutions of
that they are
the victims of
must trials.
one of them.
from hardship those Labour
restore their job.
law and
labour movement.
SoCiAList
ACTiON
Smith's racists were guilty of mass murder, executions of African
leaders, and horrific against the people of Zimbabwe. They were all pardoned
The Tories, always, show a loyalty to their class which Kinnock never shows to his.
We can expect little of the leaders who scabbed on the strike, but Kinnock now proposes to scab on the victims as well. The left must ensure that the labour movement does not allow this to occur.
The miners' support committees should take as their chief task raising money for, and getting reso-
support through all sections of the movement for, those who have been victimised.
Trials
Many of the trials in the coming months will be turned into show
We must campaign in support of the victims at each and every
The families must be protected
and Labour must pledge in its manifesto that the next
coverell will pardon each and every single miner and
The fight to commit the movement to support those sacked, and those imprisoned, is a key task of ensuring that the miners remain at the centre of the struggle of the trade unions and Labour Party. It is also part of the fight to settle accounts with the traitors in the
The strike is ended but the fight
Inside:
Arthur Scargill's speech at Chesterfield p 6 & 7 Nicaragua solidarity p 8 The enemy looks at the strike p 4
No. 93 15 March 30p
Page 2 scan of this page
• Amnesty for all... Amnesty for all... Ar Scots Labour conference
miners' return to work.
Not surprisingly the
•irike dominated
010-cedings and conference
dis angry.
LTIC Clarke, speaking
on the emergency NUM resolution isation, explained that 240 Scottish miners
hau been dismissed so far. 'Reinstate ¿very one'
Talking about the miners said: Our slogan, to take over that of the GCHQ workers, is that we are still fighting on.' Clarke called Wheeler, the Scottish NCB resignation i cd director
Reflecting attitudes towards the ano miners' wives movement, conference gave Clarke its longest and most enthusiastic standing ovation.
After Kinnock's first major speech to the labour
OUL
Hew Edwards, Chair, Tower Colliery NUM
BELIEVE that the' eturn to work without a egotiated settlement and
guarantee of statement of our died comrades was bit-
do not ink it was the policy of Arthur Scargill.
Oi the 142 already -ked in South Wales, we т= told at the Saturday 9
dred conference
80 had been taken
Dul its not clear lI
will be employed from dien. Or ll they will get the benefits due accord-
to length of service
think it will be difult to get the other 20 per
back without a big
especially the ones
accupied pit winding
Socialist Action 15 March 1985 The Scottish Labour Party Conference on 8, 9 and 10 March this year, often sets the scene for the annual round of labour movement conferences. This year it was the first conference of the labour movement after the
movement after the strike. delegates gave him a cool reception.
Fife delegates, including wives, made a silent protest. They turned their backs on the stage, and posters on their backs said: We are turning our back on you, because you turned your back on us.
Ellen from Fauldhouse Women's Support Group expiamed Ine protest. 'Eighteen men have lost their jobs at Fauldhouse, 18 should get their jobs back. She conucinca Kinnock's speech • LU the conference, describing his call for a selective amnesty as 'a betrayal'
Glasgow Herald, commenting on the conlast between ine receptor of Kinnock and Clarke's said: 'The half-
COOKSO
rales
No problem with Kinnock?
he area managbys hires
area Illallasti clear he doesn't
want them re-employed
here.
imately There 240 are approx- cases
pending, with a range of
charges. alca exec
utive's approach appears
to be to take it softly, and
deal with the Board. think this
wrong.
The area executive has
promotea me area or set-
ting up a support fund, to
support any miners sacked.
I know there are problems
with how the sacked men
are to be supported, with
the possibility WILLS
being taken against the
NUM misappropri-
ation of union funds.
But setting up
hearted response Kinnock
received was in stark con-
trast the standing
ovation
given
Clarke...He must be con-
cerned at the lack of im-
DaCI which could not be
put down entirely to the
simmering hostility in the
hall.'
Resolutions on cnegy
policy and civil liberties
provided hooks on which
debate on the
miners was hung The
grcalest cheers came or a
speaker from TASS who
crucised the reaction of
the rest of the movement to
muners strike. 'We
gave iron rations to troops
in the front line and what
they needed was reinforce-
ment.' He made an appeal
for the 16 March Labour
demonstration
Glasgow for an amnesty in
the Scottish coalfield.
slanolng ovation was
reserved for a young miner
from Monkton
liery and the Edinburgh
rS. 'We are,' he said,
at
the end of the beginning.
What was boar begin-
ning? 'We are at the begin-
ning fight for
socialism in Britain. Scar-
gillism
from some quarters in the
movement. But what
means standing and
fighting. And nobody can
take that awav from us
In the debate on civil
liberties dared to
repeat Kinnock's stab in
the back miners
picket Soberline, made last
Labour
Party conference. All the
resolutions unequivocally attacked the police and
designated all violence in
the strike as the respon
sibility of the Ther
demanded police account-
ability
Since miners' strike, the whole debate on the police and the state has substantially shifted to the left. Stormv applause
greeted the recommendation all the resolutions • which vass
then went through vir-
tually unanimously.
So, the desire to settle accounts with Kinnock and Willis for the role in the was support fund now is a tacit acceptance that a certain
won't get thei jobs back. It will create an attitude
allisol LIlt membership that enough is being done.
The Board can't be trusted anylning Pressure has be stantly maintained for the reinstatement of all miners sacked during
vi occause of the strike. We can use tactics like work-to-rule and rigidly sticking to the Mines and Quarries Act
Kinnock has sat on the efence right through the strike. but now savs that miners on charges like obstruction unlawful assembly should get their
there, reflected in
debate But, always
when the labour
ARCO leadership, in
trouble, its Scottish com-
ponents close ranks.
Almost unbelievably,
Saturday's Scottish press
was full of the story of a
new alliance McGahey,
NUM leader,
spelled it vul. 'I
pleased that the Scottish
miners are inviting Mr
Kinnock and the genera
secretary of the TUC in ill demonstrate And
demonstrate
solidarity as a movement.'
Asked discon-
tent over Kinnock's role in
the strike, he said: 'I have
dispute with the leader
of the Labour Party.' And,
at the preconference brief-
ing for the left, from
Scotland's LCC,
ment behind Kinnock was
the
lesson of the miners' strike.
But, explained LCC
spokesperson, this alliance
would have to be defended in the conference - first of all against the miners!
Security the con-
terence was indeed tight.
Guards were employed Close scrutiny was made of all credentials. Only a side door to the hall was used
Miners lobbied jobs back. We demand that
ne should call for the dropping of all charges taken analist NUM members during or because : of the strike. After all, their only "crime' was to fight for the right to work.
tind it unbelievable that Mick McGahey could say lulal has no differences with Kinnock. Kinnock has been responsible for undermining the light put up by the NUM, and like hear McGahey's reasons for his statement.
Kinnock I would say this: that those he has stepped on to reach the top tung, ne will meet on the way remembered by the NUM back. will
as the traitor to his own class.
SCOTTISH
delegates were firmly kept
out. The delegates WIU made their silent protest at
Kinnock's speech had their posters ripped off and were "evicted by security guards.
Conterence was allowed • to let off steam. Many fine words welc spoken.
the abiding image is of th
and Norman Willis to lead the gala of those they betrayed.
This political orientation was reflected in the only other major item of party campaigning — local government. Resolutions from the Scottish executive for the fight against rate. capping regardless of illegality were firmly rejected.
'Labour leaders were clearly tenevea inat the Part had ted to re
policy non-compliance with government-set targets, including resisting budgets the courts, but had pulled up snort law-breaking, said The Scotsman on 9 March.
Kinnock got through his first test by the skin of his teeth and the aid of the leadership of the Scottish NUM. The LCC provided the guard required to keep conference in order but at the cost of considerable
PRESS officers of the
National Coal Board in
Scotland have a new
definition of a serious
offence.
'It was nothing,' said
the Scotsman, "to do with
the law of the land. Rather
it was an act regarded as a
serious act by the Board
itself.?
Such 'serious acts' are
clear from the sacking of
Bilston Glen branch sec-
retary Jackie Aitchison,
pit at which half the NUM
worked throughout the
strike.
Jackie was sacked for
failing to wear a safety
helmet Board
property. The line around
Bilston entrance had beer repainted. Bilston's six
permitted pickets found that they had always stood had now
AREA
FOR A SATER
LISA
strain, even to the ultra-
flexible backbone of the
Scottish TUC.
Their line has created a
wave
Scottish labour movement.
colland
William Brash,
sacked miner from
Bilston Glen
I WAS sacked for breach
of the peace - strugg-
ling with the police on a
picket line at Bilston
Glen last July.
Like the others who „nave been sacked, you couldn't class that as serious offence or sackable. Between Bilston Glen anu Monkton Hall, two pits in the Lothian coalfield, there have been 117 sacked, and the total is rising.
Up till now 63 of these have been from Bilston Glen, and 14 from my own strike centre, Mayfield near Dalkeith — out of just over 100 strikers
I was sacked because the management didn't want me, or people like me, active in the industry. They
240 and rising...
been defined as Coal Board property
They refused to move from WiCH spot.
The statistics of the sackings — read victimisations — in Scotland are great indeed. Wales, with double the number of Huers (20,000) has had fewer than a quarter of those dismissed in Scotland.
Sackings continuing. The total to date is 240 and rising.
SO far include three delegates, plus at least two branch chairpersons, four branch secretaries, and a treasur-
The number sacked who were on strike com mittees is 'very high' according to NUM lead. ers.
John Henderson NUM lawyer, commented
News
Photo: G M COOKSON
But the Scottish labour
leadership still has to hold
its breath until has
passed the hurdle of the 16
March amnesty demon-
stration.
thought that once they got
the people active on the
picket line out they would
get everyone else back at
work
But even at Bistor
Glen, even at the end, there
were still 600 on strike. The
Coal Board were claiming
1300 back at work - they
must have been counting
the guard dogs
security men!
There have been 117
sacked in two pits alone in
Scotland, and al-
together. More men are
getting letters all the time.
Albert Wheeler (the
alca director) wants to
make a name for himself-
he wants to be the next
• MacGregor:
But so many miners
have been sacked that it's
obviously been victim-
isation. And the fight goes
We'll be fighting till
Ull.
every single sacked miner
is reinstated
on the growing number. There is a pattern emerging whịch •doe! not bear any relationship any offence committed. Indeed there have been men sacked who have not committed any offence.
'One point is that we have had Mr Wheeler (area director) saying these dismissals are for serious offences, while at the same time Sherriffs refusing legal aid because they It does appear that the area director of the NCB
using all this as opportunity to get rid of what he sees as militants - this is a golden oppor-
may never happen again.'
Scottish coalfield, breach of the peace and obstruction
Cella the main convictions of the miners.
Page 3 scan of this page
for all... Amnesty for all... Amnesty for all...
West German solidarity
News
Police altack on pickets at Thoresby By Jeremy Hawthorn, Peckham Labour Party broken ankle, Smith minor cuts.
outh Yorks
Silverwood
miners jailed
EARLY in November police beseiged the Rotherham village of Sunnyside, the home of many Silverwood miners.
Philip Wainwright had Jonea ihree • OLIICI staus.
He returned home escorted by five van loads of police.
Even more were waiting in the wings. After the Harc-up WOlCI ensued from the police's attempts to intimidate a whole vil lage, seven strikers were charged with besetting Wainwright's house and with obstruction.
It was a set-up job. The scab and his family were due to move the following day they'd already solc Her house.
At the beginning of this week, six of those charged
Notts frame up
KEN PETNEY still awaits reinstatement after the court case against him at Nottingham Crown Court completely collapsed on the last day of the strike. Last May bank holiday a fight broke out in a Blidworth pub.
Rob Ellis, a local scab, pulled Petney off his chair and both fell to the floor. Smith, another scab, waded in with a chair. The brief fight was chaotic. Ellis had a
wele sentenccu C one month's jail. seventh, Alan Rodgers, got month's sentence, suspended for a year. The imprisoned miners are Alan Cresswell, Alan harrell. and tour brothers Paul, David, Michael and Robert Boyle.
Including these, 17 Silverwood miners have been victimised so far.
Fourteen have been sacked since the return to work.
At Thurcroft, 15 Isillicls have been sacked, and at least three at Kiveton Park. bul Manton collery Is in a league of its own.
Loue val oLse ro shire NUM, , it's actualy in Nottinghamshire. Management there is refusing recognise the union at all!
At one in the morning, four striking miners, Ken Petney John Holroyd, Alan Radford, and Philip Humber were arrested The CIlD referred the casé to the 'NUM charge centre'
From the start, Ellis and Smith were treated as the victims. All four strikers werc cirozalcu even though there was no evidence
azallis.
Radford and Humber.
Both were threatened with affray charges. 'What does that mean?' they
OVER 1500 trade
unionists and socialists
met last Saturday in
Duisberg in the heart of
West Germany's Ruhr
alcal to hear rally
adressed by Peter
Heathfield, Ron Todd
and Anne Phillips from
the women's support
groups in South Wales.
'When in July we had came
Germany
received £185.79 from the
Bundesrepublik,, said Joe
rolmes,
official German гер-
neseurauve 'Since then
asked. 'You could get the sack from your manager,' was the answer
Petney and Holroyd were both charged with
,rievous bodily harm While the case was pend ing, Petney was askeo to vite d On lega adrice hre attend interrefused.
He was summarily dismissed. The manager said 'I have thoroughlv investigated the incident.'
Come the trial, the striking community had mobilised around the case Strikers supplied material for cross-exa mination. Ellis' case suffered a severe blow when he admitted being known as 'Rob the gob'.
From the outset, Holroyd's 'confession' was questioned. The judge noted police irregularities. Ellis could not say how he got his Inuncs. Smith admitted he went in expecting a fight. Medical evidence showed Ellis' ankle couldn't have been : broken in the way police claimed.
Other witnesses contradicted Ellis and Smith. The case was looking rickety.
Alan Radford held the court spell-bound when he described his examination
police. 'Police told me
'Ellis may cock his toe [die] And thought, God, a murder charge. They were not joking?
Like all other strikers, 'routine' questions included how long he'd been striking, whether he'd been picketting elsewhere, and SO O
Halfway through, the police case was in a mess The judge saved CID an embarrassing time by dismissing the case In doing
police, though criticise them mediately forming a view of who was to blame.
Immediately after the acquittal, Petney's lawyers wrote to the Coal Board demanding his reinstatenent. The NCB, so swift to concemo. have not yet replied.
How many more strikers have received, and are yet to recelve the lite sentenc‹
the dole on such trumped-up charges? Their real crime, of course, fighting for their jobs.
over £250,000 has come
to us through the office
set up for us by the
teachers ululL. which
organised 490 meetings.'
Another f250,000 was
said to have been sent by - the German union leader-
ZOrle
through by a e TUC abd a fund
SuSdec ane
the ISTC — of which the
mues naso lar sect
not a single penny!
Anne Phillips sulll-
med up the feeling of the
meeting when she said.
'We have, atter a year of
struggle, had to suffer the
indignity O1 Dowllg to
fight on
'BECAUSE we were situated differently, you could probably say that we didn't come out solely for pit closures and job losses.
"The main bulk of the lads that came out here, canle support their own kind their O WI Cassc Omer COd. fields - because they were in trouble. reason they came out, its 'But whatever
been proved - • and they
have had great difficultie because they don't live in the communities that have added so much strength to this strike - that nobody in this land has had as much mental pressure as the lads in this county and the lads in South Derbyshire. Nobody
'There ain't nobody knows anything like what we know about scabs, and WC have told the other coalfields that. broke our hearts when this dispute was called to an end in the manner that it was called to an end, becausi we that had all of the shi all the way through the strike. . We're gonna have the shit at the end of the strike, and that's proved to be the case
Malcolm Pinnegar is the leader of Leicestershire's "Dirty Thirty', the only miners in the entire conne. who supported the strike. Like strikers in other minority areas they have borne the brunt of opposition to the strike.
•Now, with the return to work. muev exoect renewe‹ efforts to isolate and de moralise In the Warwickshire pits the harassment already underway. Striking miners have been degraded
In Leicester and South Derbyshire there is another problem the scab officials.
Jim O'Grady, one of South Derbyshire's 17 Sakne mesetaned *The position that we are in DoW s unal We Dave cont back to work. We had a vote and we all voted to obey the special conference decision.
the power of the state.
But believe me, they have
not broken the spirt of
the British miners
•'m not nere loday ll
s id dor de headeneld.
Peter
'My pledge to you is to
Cull ld the fight
behalf of all working
OCDIC
•We both have right
wing gocunmenls wause
ability to pursue their
capitalist policies
dependent on developing
subservient
Dirty thirty
'It broke a lot of people's hearts. A lot of
people didn't want to
back. But we recognised the situation we were in,
being 17 of us
It took us a long tim
to convince mem [naı we came out because of special conterence decisior and that we had to go back Decausc of that decision.
That's not to say that we Navc lo couea mose mer that have been sacked, left so to speak in the lurch
"The problem that we have got now with our own union officials is that they are trying to kick us out with a stupid rule that says because we haven't paid
Gc ot ou UROT reer during the strike we are no longer bona tide. we are no longer financially members of the South Derbyshire NUM
'We al C currently appealing against this decision. We have taken it to national.'
After 12 months of struggle those who struck Norts, Ls ister and soick, areas like Warwick Derbyshire understand what's at stake. They know why scab officials want them out of the pits
As Jim O' Grady put it: We also realised that if you were going to get rid of the likes of Ken Toon and the rest of the scab officials in that area, then the only way that you are going to get rid of them is to get down back into them pits tell the people what went on during that strike, give your owa experiences to them and show them that they don't have , LO OOu the Sen tob. line of people like Ken
In the last year these strikers nave relied on three important sources of support: the miners' wives ano the Women Against Pit Closures groups;
railworkers at Coalville wno, despile all Ine pIes sure, refused to move coal; and the support committees
Ihe miners' wives have been amongst the first to draw the political lessons chance". We fight on.'
German speakers were unanimous in condemning the strike-breaking their own union leaders who had permitted 1,760,000 tonnes • of coal to be sent to Britain during the strike J0C Holmes explained that a lilassivt official ference scheduled for 12 January in essenl, been cancelled when German
tidut leaders had instructed their members attend because they did not agree with the strike's allis.
Socialist Action 15 March 1985 3
of the strike for them-
selves and the working
class
Speaking to the Leices-
ter Support. Committee
Kay Smith explained: 'The
national women's
isation 1S still
carry on despite the ending
of the strike. During the
strike women have become
organised and active in lots
different ways: running
soup kitchens, picketting,
helping with collecting,
speaking at meetings and
so afor
most women
know, even though this
strike's ended they are not
going to go back to how
they were before. I know
I'm not.
Kay spelt it out when
she said: • dn t
what you will think of this.
but I am going to tell you
anyway because am
absolutely bursting. I have
joined the Labour Party
and l am candidate tor theg
Labour Party in Bosworth.
I know I might not get in
but if I can convince one
person who is thinking of
voting Tory, if I can just
convert one to vote
Labour, then I will feel I
have achieved something
"Becaus T Ores
have done nowt but slag
the mInCIs during this
strike. And now I am going
to have a go at them. Bu: l
can assure you oI one
thing, I ain't going to end
up like Neil Kinnock.'
Kay's fight will be part
of the ongoing fight emerg10 Grady probatiy speak from this strike. Jim
for all those who stood
firm over the last year. 'I've
heard it being said on radio
and on TV about the short-
comings and everything
else of the strike.
'And I have constantly
heard people saying that
Scargill going to be
around a lot longer. He's
not going to disappeas
Well. I'm glad they
recognise that, because
people such as myself who
cesed til his sarike have
turned into Scargills, and I
reckon thạt 150,000 have.
L n c c mave c ol
more Scargills to deal
with.
'When we struck for the 35-hour week, demanded and got internatonal support. saic Karl Gruener, convenor of , ine Bosch works Dortmund. 'Our leaders are cutting our throats by terusing tne most cemenl ary trade union duty
More Inar £15,000 was collected at the meet-
ng which heard that th
TUM's office in Wuppel lai would stay open Io the next year to suppor the familie sacked miners and continue solidarity activity.
Page 4 scan of this page
The enemy looks at the strike
Socialist Action 15 March 1985 THE OUTCOME of the miners' strike has given rise to a rash analyses-from the government, the NCB and the press. ALAN JONES assesses capitalist reactions to the strike.
THE first and most striking thing about esery serious government and analysis of the end of the miners strike is how different it is from the rhetoric of "surrender' and 'victory' dominated the popular press in the seek following the national delegate conference. Nothing resembling euphora of "victory' -which have been expected-appeared in any serious capitals anarysis in me enure week following the strike.
Certainly, lan MacGregor indicated where he thought things should go in his interview with the Sunday Telegraph on 10 March. He stated: 'People are now decovering the price of insubordination and insurrection. And boy, are we going
make it stick.
When informed that only mr mers were still on strike. MacGregor immented: "Oh, is that all. I'd hoped tered be more, then we could let them I c:: the payroll.'
The result of that, however, was that
Daily Telegraph citorial the next Ma Gregor's remarks. It said MacGregor's was 'a phrase that is unlikely in be forgotten', and that: 'He has an esportunity now to turn coal into le thriving, modern industry he dreams of. He should concentrate upon that task ard leave the talk to others. Talk is not his metier?
The reason for a paper such as the Telegraph distancing itself Ma Gregor's comments was not due to amy softness', either on the issue of an amnesty or on the NCB's so-called right Le Malacc
vicious offensive against the NI'M is being, and will be, through by the NCB. But even Telegraph realised that the narrowly economic considerations had to be subordinated to the much more fundamental political ones.
It was exactly on the political field that the outcome of the strike almost universally analysed-as being different from anything which had been foreseen in March one year ago. Margaret Thatcher's off-guard remark during the strike, that she would 'never
have believed' that the miners could still
De out at Christmas, rellected genera iraculols.
Some immediate problems
shown in the remarkable opinion polls produced after the strike. Harris polls in
ihe Observer found 72 per cent of the
population favoured some form
amnesty for dismissed miners; 47 per
cent, and 70 per cent of Labour Party
supporters, believed that the miners had
been right to go on strike against pit
¿losures, as against 46 per cent who"
didn't.
The MORI poll for Granada TV's
Union World found 57 per cent of miners
supporting the national overtime ban,
and 68 per cent ready to take industrial
action against pit closures in their areas.
Less than one in four miners believed
they had suffered a defeat in the strike.
Perhaps most incredible of all, the
Harris poll found 17 per cent of the pop-
ulation agreed with the statement that,
the picketting tactics used by the miners
ir the strike were justified'.
The last period of the strike a lso saw
Thatcher's political support slipping
sgnificantly. The poll in the Mail on
Sardar showed the Tories' standing
Ling to the same 35 per cent level as
Labour and the Observer found the
he lead had been cut to four per
Bu: behind the immediate opinion
...... much more serious,
- •em: created or revealed by ine
have pre-occupied the press. On
.....
a deld it was logical that, apart from
sherment circles. by far the most
press
which
might
THE MAKING OF
A CHANCELLOR
10,000
amnesty
Cant i for miners
attacking
"A KELLAR.
sober analysis of the strike should come from the Financial Times. Under the title 'The class warriors' battle is over, but the war goes on', paper's industrial editor, surveyed the struggle in political terms (8 March). Industrial consequences were relegated
from second place.
illusions that the end of the strike represented a stabilisation or lne situation. Lloyd's article started: 'It is important that the battle which the miners have just lost (a judgement on the war carried must be in suspense) was led by the inost
the class conscious leadership group in the
labour movement since the war. It was not just an industrial struggle of winsome-lose-some serious political movement and remains SU.
The article's assessment concluded: 'A battle is over; the war does continue. Lloyd was also clear about what he considered to be the threat posed by the leadership of the NUM. 'Class fighters, like Arthur Scargill, Heathfield, Mr Mick their activist supporters have a collective notion of the achievement of social-
were ism which, though differing one from
another in many important ways, agrees that it represents the rule of working class politics over society. 'In their view, that means public ownership of all substantial enterprises, greatly extended union higher provision of public services, a neutralist foreign and defence policy and an opening of at least the possibility
countries "They are not old-style Leninists for whom bourgeois democracy is a total sham, although many miners' leaders, including some of the present ones, did believe this and Mr Scargill comes close. But they do believe parliamentarv movements are of at least equal importance democracy. In particular, the force of a militantly-led mineworkers' union, willing to exercise its industrial power to the 'In "bourgeois terms" any Labour government created and sustained by the success of such an exercise would be undemocratic. In class terms, it would be a supreme expression of the will of the most conscious organised workers.' Lloyd goes on to outline the dangers of the situation he saw longterm ruling class must respond. In particular,
One thought i ngcessary lot I to make a turn, to establish with 'moderate' trade union leaders. Lloyd's analysis of this necessity is
POLITICS TODAY: AFTER THE MINERS' STRIKE
#r Tebbit flell
over, but th
THE OBSERVER by Jonn Lloy
Poll backs PICTURED IN BRITAIN: THE HARRODS BOMBER WHO FOT AMA
WORE
•strike …lOT the John Lloyd, the alliances had to be made -
were only the most culturally improb-
He entertained no
cial assistance...
type; I was a very
oulcome.
socialisi 'Being the Mr Peter Thatcherism, McGahey and
through, for
rights, a far
employment is to be increased. *Thus with the Communist
their anti-leadership complaints."
that extra-
to parliamentary
benches whose class quite unharmed. and how the Mr David Blunkett of Sheffield, I'new, more direct links
THE 1 TIMES
Fight against closure of 'uneconomic' pits likely to continue
The class wa Strike ends but Scargill defiant
BETAS ST CAPER
quoting at some length. He started by noting the stakes posed in the
Labour Partvi 'New must get their support." and they were. Gays and lesbians for the miners
this, ROSL able of the support groups: various ethnic organisations, women's groups and constituency Labour Parties and the many trotskyist factions inside or outside of them all provided the miners with a vigorous, efficient and national network of support and at least finan-
'For the Labour Party in its now continuous struggle to retain a shaky on hegemony over the British left, this Tebbit... could mean one of two finely balanced
First, the network of "new alliances" led by the charismatic and insurrectionary apparently unbowed figure of the NUM president will continue to pose a threat to, and erode the base for, democratic
war aims. mirror image of Scargillism will have an appeal to many, especially the young who wish to see society change and perceive little opportunity for doing so
example, the young Fabians. The right-wing union leaders will not be able to control their militants because the government deprives them of a firm ground on which to stand - heard and consulted.. there is nothing to be got from tripartism: nothing but cuts in public ser- a new "steady state" vices and exhortations to cut wages if
constituency Labour Parties, increasingly divorced from the ordinary working class and still swoon- political intents. ing over the whiff of idealised proletarian struggle in which they headily participated, will increase the volume of
This was the outcome Lloyd feared.
But he outlined a second alternative: sometimes not 'that the defeat of the class-conscious elements has been so clear, so unequivocal that no one can fail to get the message save those few on Labour's back-
analysis roughly parallels that of the NUM leaders — or more accurately tails in behind it. There
are no more than a score of these an
vhile they are led by Mr Tony Benn an Mr Dennis Skinner, and will get more is clear. The than their fair share of air time, their 1905 putsch has left the Winter Palace
The outside left is developing its own right — Mr Tom Sawyer of NUPE
Mr Michael Meacher - and these men and their considerable following may cluck and tut that Mr Kinnock did not do The
Lombard A warning fot Mrs Thatcher fluid phase. by Peter riddel especiall
1983.'
1 tall to bid for Harrod among ictory voices.
more sooner but they recognise that he is unassailable, should remain so and
The article went on to outline the conclusions capital must draw from
interestingly indirectly revealing some current debates within the Tory Party. "The hard truth about both these views, however, is that they depend very greatly on the actions of the government as to which of them will prove the more correct. In some respects the second finds some point of accord with the interpretation offered in a speech at Conservative Central Office
Tuesday night by Mr Normar
'Mr Tebbit...forecast that the TUC might now be able to put behind it the
Broad because oi its abject failure, and that from here on in, strikes would be driven by the members' an freely expressed wishes, not leaderships'
'Mr Tebbit, who has moved in the past two years from the hammer of the unions to their protector within government, is now proposing a new relationship between government and TUC -not one of equals or (as he and others saw it) of over-weening estate dwarfing central authority, as in 1970-79, but of one interest group among others to be
'On this view then, we could be in for
of deferential but dignified industrial relations, in which union leaderships will remain ambitious for their members' material interests but no longer prescriptive as to their
'As Mr Tebbit realises, the Labour movement will remain as fissiparous a coalition as his own side of politics has proved in recent years and the constitutionalists within Labour's ranks will
wish to differentiate themselves too sharply from the insurrectionists. But they will not wish to again, as they did in the fateful congress last year, give paralysed assent to the mineworkers for every kind of mayhem and promise to support it.'
Leaving aside the ridiculous portrayal of Tebbit as a protector of the unions, the message from that analysis
political price of the miners' strike has been extremely high There is a danger of an unassimilable force continuing to grow in the medium term if the government does not make some tactical readjustments. Therefore a shift must be made, at least to seeking some more direct links with 'moderate trade union bureaucrats
Financial Times' political
News
commentator, Peter Riddell, writing in the same issue arrived at an identical _conclusion. Under the title 'A warning for Mrs Thatcher', he began by arguing: 'British politics is now entering a more
Among politicians of all parties there is a feeling of uncertainty which both contradicts any supposed mood of triumph the government might have with the end of the miners' strike
raises questions about Mrs Thatcher's current approach.'
Riddell argued: 'Mrs Thatcher may • have carried on being a crusader for too long. The public's mood may be shifting towaras consondanon, just as many o the government's policies have in prac-
He warned: 'According to the latest Market and Opinion Research International survey in the Standard, the Tories have been losing support
among the groups (skilled workers, trade unionists and home-owners that were the basis for their gains in 1979 and
Lloyd and Riddell might be considered maverick elements from a ruling class point of view, because of their
Egyptians expecte occasional writing for Marxism Today
things Norman Tebbit scarcely falls into that category! But they were not isolated
The Times carried an extremely interesting leader the day after the strike ended. It has recently carved itself a position as an uncompromised, 100 per cent Thatcherite, 100 per cent Reaganite paper. So its comments can be taken as quite free of left wing ideological bias.
Having, denounced 'the Scargill strategy of forging a private army of young shock troops hardened by their strike experience', and expressing the hope that 'the challenge and menace of scargillism has been crushed', The Times concluded its editorial with the view that: 'The moderate miners also deserve the moral support the government whose aim must now be to encourage moderate race umulsil. everywhere by doing business WILD moderate trade union leadership.'
The paper returned to the same theme later in the week when it warned
'sympathy' redeveloping for the miners, and that Thatcher should make
urgent musicilal broadcast to explain her goals.
The net analysis developing in sections of the capitalist class and media is clear. British capitalism understands that the political outcome of the miners' strike has not been as expected. The Thatcher government has been politically weakened, not strengthened, by the tremendous pounding it took from the miners' strike. Dangerous forces have been released into the body politic from Scargill's "private army' - that is
thousands NUM militants radicalised by the strike and their allies.
A joint interest, however is con-
sidered to exist with the TUC and Labour bureaucracy in attempting to contain and destroy these elements — furthermore it may be urgent and necessary to carry out policies to achieve this.
Certain adjustments of tactics may be
necessary to gain this.
The whole thing could of course be
put more simply. In its own way the
capitalist press is registering the seismic
shock of the strike. For the first time
since the 1920s a truly class struggle
force with a mass working class base has
been injected into British politics. If that
is not contained and destroyed then the
economic gains made by Thatcher in the
strike are of no significance in the long
What good is a MacGregor ration-
alising a coal industry if political forces
unassimilable by capitalism emerge?
Nigel Lawson may have said in
Parliament that the strike was a good
investment. But he was thinking about
the economy. Just beginning to lurk
somewhere in the bourgeoisie's judge-
ment is the view that politically the
miners' strike may have turned out to
have been a very bad investment indeed
Page 5 scan of this page
Women Against Pit Closures demo A NEW FORCE
News
'AS FAR AS we're concerned we're not at the end of our struggle, we're just at the beginning of an epic struggle.' Betty Heathfield summed up the spirit of the most historic celebration of International Women's Day, organised by Women Against Pit Closures and held in Chesterfield on 9 March.
throughout Britain and the world, was one of determination to carry through to the end the solidarity, the awareness and the militancy exploded auring 12 months industrial battle in British history.
This battle has created an army of women whose fight can now only go forward. Who, Betty Heathfield said, 'will stay with this struggle until we do finally win. - and who
never gongo go back.
By Anne Kane
This huge Chesterfield rally was not just a tribute to ne „valade roe women in the mining communities during this dispute
to women, as Scargill said at the rally, 'who have stamped their mark indelibly on history and certainly on this dispute over the past 12 months. ' It was also tesumony to ine new women's movement that
Dee• Dol• oar o las strike, out of the struggles at Greenham and WAC's fight for democracy in the Labour Party.
This women's movement which has built on the gains of the '70s, which has broadened out to include a whole new layer of women, taking inelr struggie women into every struggle to save ODS and communlies, defend democratic rights anO uSal lac wa-urve It is a movement which aoes nol stop to queston the value of women's selfOaNSaLOR. oul proves this through action of a most dynamic sort.
The self-organisation of women has made the fight for women's liberation in ofr al to every struggle working class. It has shown as ludicous iose wao woule call such organisation 'divisive'
Ihere was no hint of defeat about the rally last Saturday. There Was spirit of great hope, and awareucss of the tremendous links which have been built between the different
xperiences and struggle
f women during the las year.
As ed: We Heathfield explained: women have decided to celebrate HOLDeSSImSO DUL II great optimism, because throughout this whole strike we women know that we have been underreported. We have been
nisreported in this strike and they have tried thei very best to ignore us -and we are still here.
There are now many thousands more women in the mining communities whose eves nave been opened to the struggles of other women. They understand how the women at Greenham, women internationally, and 'those
That spirit,of the 9000 people who gathered from
of women that has
of the most. historic
who had been fighting for years for women' have been misrepresented by the government and the media.
Betty spoke for many nore women larouenou Britain when she said that. Lnousanus ot UC W Call. paigners for the disarmament movement had beer produced by the strike. Her allll was *to SCC women's peace movements
mining community? evely
Ann Lilburn, chair-
Pir CosWs, e Aiains
Closures, explained
the most historic struggle of the
Charter. realities about working class polities.
Firstly, it has clarified the role of the TUC leadership and their cohorts in the Labour Party: They have revealed: themselves as the greatest obstacle to achieving decisive victories for the working class.
Secondly, it has demonst aled in emergence of class struggle leadership in the person of Scargill that is capable of galvanising the spirit of struggle of rank
file mthe sessons and developing which can be drawn at each .
tage of the struggle
The Labour Party cor ference last year was the moment when all the most important elements came together in stark relief. The To e ol ine laoe UNION bureaucracy, with the issue of the COUTI injunction against the NUM on conterence harbinger of things floor, was to
Conc
But the leadership of the NUM demonstrated that it really is a leadership of a qualitatively different type-by supporting the demands of the Women's Action Committee black section movement, and Labour Campaign for Gay Rights.
And it wasn't simply
tha a omor foremn ied
a maior force in dispute, or that the mobilisation of the black community in support of the miners at Notting Hill Carnival was being paid back in kind.
It is unprecedented for there to be à major force in
Tabol Hovene mi willing wruggle by black pepte te champion
inside te labo or Parse
inside the Labour ana have elected representation at all levels
GROGAN
Chesterfield International Women's Day rally how women not only in Britain but internationally drew inspiration from the wortH the 1984-85 mining dispute. 1 he solldarity produced by the strike was snown In ll broad representation of women speaking the
THE MINERS' STRIKE will surely be remembered as
working class in Britain since the general strike of 1926, and perhaps the most titanic struggle since the days of the People's But above all it signifies two important
the party. This perhaps more fundamental than most people on the left appreciate 1 he black section issue is the pivotal question which determines whether alliance can be forged be- meaningful tween the party and the black community. An alliance built on any other relation will inevitably be prone lo aissolution. as the current dispute between the black community and Liverpool city council demonstrates.
Moreover, the reason why this issue is so funda-
WICTORY
TO THE Black support for the miners
1E7
ral These included women from Greenham Common Joan Ruddock : of CND , Jo Richardson MIr SWAPO, the ANC. the French trade WHION federation, une CGT, women from Grenada. trom the German trade mental is because a Labour
different Party. The Kinnocks and Willises fully realise the significance of this. That is why they fight the black SCCLIUE movement vehemently as they fought against building the solid arity necessary to win the miners' strike
union group in support of the British miners, from the Cypriot women s or ganisation, from SOGAT, ane ITON tse DuoIn Trades Council.
Chesterfield football ground was festooned with banners from a myriad of
Blacks and miners
fight together
So what of the aftermath of the strike? What now of the Scargill-black section bloc in particular?
By Mike Wongsam
The end of the dispute must be the beginning of a major effort to shift the balance of forces s between the militants and the scabs in the labour movement.
women's peace Women Against Pit Closures groups. trade unions and political parties.
Stephanie Kent trom the ANC focussed on the importance of Britain's apartheid connection
British under mollu g miners' strike South CACa COa. cheab and Pedia cost Briden ar- profitable under tonne to import. British cine. During 1984,150,0 00 coal cost £13 a tonne tons of South African coal had been imported Britain according to the NUI s ligures
Greetings were read our lo me ranv rom man other trade unions, political parties and women s groups.
Apart from this striking display of internationalIsm, the oulic. central feature of the rally was the Phé mary bung people.
many hundreds youth this rally who identified with the struggle of Scargill and the Women
Moreover, the 5.5 million votes cast at Labour Party conference against o ack secuons came over
unioni y e smugle lor
unions. struggle tor black self-organisation and representation in the party must be taken through the race unods
This means posing the question of black caucuses in • unions which have
REDNE
SPORT
*INERS
Socialist Action 15 March 1985 5 against Pit Closures are part of a new current of youth whose political ideas have been forged by this dispute.
These young people are
polentall formidable force in British politics, which — unlike the women - are still waiting to be organisca
Arthur Scargill summed up the significance of the rally at Chesterfield when he talked of the miners' strike creating a new force 'which has transformed the face of British politics. The 1984-85 dis-
British politics, and will neve be the same again
Women have come forward and led this force for change. And in so doing have taken a step to a new mass women's movement. As Betty Heathfield said 'this movement women which 'shall never look backwards, but will awavs ook lorward will optimism'. large black membership. It alsu means that the militants and black work-
must continue the alliance constructed Labour Party conference in order to fight the scabs and realise the right of
organise OCKDCODIC within the movement.
Both struggles must continue featur• of as a permanent labour move-
ment politics in the comin years. These struggles wi initiate a revolution in the labour movement struggle for a leadership modelled on the Scargill leadership of the NUM.
Page 6 scan of this page
'THE BEGINNIN
6 Socialist Action 15 March 1985 STAMPING FEET, clapping, singing, and chanting rang through Chesterfield's football stadium on 9 March at one of the most memorable celebrations of International Women's Day ever seen in this country. Thousands of women and men descended on the town from every pit community throughout the land.
The day was organised by Women Against Pit Closures, when the miners were still on strike. The decision to put extra energy into getting a good turn-out on the day -although most miners had returned - paid off.
COMRADES AND friends, I want to
bring warm fraternal greetings from
the national executive committee of
the National Union of Mineworkers,
to this international women's rally. I haver never felt as proud to be
bringing greetings as I have today to
women who have stamped their mark
indelibly on history, and certainly on
this dispute over the past 12 months. Mem. They cam dilack foty
problem. They can't attack
Benn. They'll try. And they're havinga
problem with me. But they're having a
bigger problem with you.
You see, these journalists don't go to normal schools. They go these new
computer senools when programme
them. And they've been told by Mrs
Thatcher, and that Mr Walker, to put it
out that they have won. Theydon't find
that a big problem because they've
been saying that for 12 months. Butthe
problem that they find is the fantastic,
amazing sight of miners, members of
the women's support groups tamilies
and workers from other industries
marching to work in victory.
I participated in the march at
Barrow colliery near my own home.
When I arrived at the gates of Barrow
colliery there was a handful of pickets.
we turned away. The
motley crew of journalists said, 'Mr Scargill why did you turn away?'. I
said: Because I reacted as any decent trades unionist should, and so should you. You don't cross picket lines.'
This is the only sort of rally that could stop me in mid flow.
You see, there have been historians already comparing the 1984-85 dispute
Photos: MARK SALMON
The rally proved an ideal opportuniy to put the return to work into perspective and to give a new direction to the continuing work of the women's action groups.
Each speaker received a warm welcome from the crowd as they mounted the platform. Betty Heathfield gave a strong, fighting speech. We are not defeated,' she insisted. 'We have gone back with pride and dignity.
•We have defended our union against the most dastardly government ever known in this country. We are stronger today than ever. There is a strong body of
with 1926. They've been pontificating
from their Fleet Street desks or their
Daily Record offices in Glasgow, about
what is right and what is wrong, about
the lessons to be drawn, and the con-
clusions to be drawn. They don't know
wial lucy alc lalkhe aboul
In 1926, miners didn't go on strike
thev were locked out. In 1984 they took
strike action. In 1926, fighting to stop a decrease in wagesand an increase in hours. And alter sever months, they were starved back into work with longer hours and lower wages.
In 1985, at the end of the most historic strike in history, Britain's miners marched back to
Tuesday having seen the 1984 closure programme not implemented, the five pits still open, a new procedure giving an appeals body intact, and above all, this union refusing to acquiesce to the closure of pits on so-called economic grounds. That's a victory.
There have been casualties in this dispute. We have just paid tribute to those that have paid the ultimate price
They died not only for the fight to save jobs and pits. They died, because they believed in their trade union.
And if there's any individual in the miners' union, or anywhere else, who assembled still asks the question of why they should have supported the fight of the National Union of Mineworkers, it's because people like Joe Green and David Jones gave their lives for the British trade union movement and the right to work. That's why they all should have supported us.
There were those unions affiliated to the Trades
look backwards.'
Scargill arrived.
field to the platform, the
feed, and the refrain of Arthur Scargill, we'll support you ever more.
His half-hour long speech was punctuated by the audience's loud approval.
below.
particularly those Margaret they were stained until the end of time.
dispute.
American appointee,
United States here in Britain.
forwardly what we mean. mentarians,
Union Congress,
women in every pit. We can't
Ann Scargill repeated the theme that the fight must go on. But the crowd went wild with enthusiasm when Arthur
As he walked across the
stadium shook with stamping
When he rose to speak, he was at first drowned out by the chanting and singing.
We reproduce that speech
in the power musty, ta snould hang their neads in eternal shame for what they have done during the course of this dispute. _hev can cometorward with whatever arguments they wish. But they will never be able to erase the fact that when the chips were down, they supported
Thatcher and turned their backs on the NUM. For that they'll be
Of course something approaching a thousand of our members have been dismissed for the most trivial of
during the course of this This government, and its now seek to impose the Americanism that we have seen deployed in the mining areas of the
This union has got a responsibility Those men who have been arrested and jailed are, as far as I'm concerned. political prisoners. They've been jailed because they fought for this union. and we should all stand upand saystraight-
Those of our young people, and those of the women's support groups who were arrested in the most brutal way, have been criminalised by a state that's deployed every possible tactic against the miners' union. They sought to defend their system against the demand of a union and of a movement that sought only the right to work. This is a stain that the next Labour government has got to wipe clean. It's a stain that they have got to take on board.
And I appeal to all of our parlia
lappeal to all those in the in the union. trade union movement - when this union talks about amnesty, for god's
Under E stinda
sake stop the equivocation. We want an amnesty forall our members who've been sacked in the course of this dis-
LOUS back. Their only crime was fighting They've a right to their jobs for the right to work.
women's Was established during the course of the 1984-85 strike in the mining areas. It not only transformed the lives of women who, until that time, had had a narrow vision of what their role was and should be. It transformed our lives
And if there's one thing the union's got to do it's to say to the women's
PRAFUR support groups: this is not the end, it's the beginning. Because you're part of
USUS remain existence. I want the women's groups to go away from rallies like this and rededicate themselves to the struggle
This dispute has not ended. The strike has come to an end, as the government fights a war of attrition The miners' union and the women's groups, together with those sections of the labour movement who have supported us consistently, have now gotto adopt new tactics That means an increase in determination on the part of the women's movement to defend the
Page 7 scan of this page
G NOT THE END'
Some gains *alos NUM. It's your movement. You've made yourselves part and parcel of the strike movement.
All of us in this stadium have got a responsibility to those that have been sacked during the course of the dispute. We've got to collect in every town and village throughout the Brtish Isles in order that none of those sacked suffer as a consequence of what has occured. We've got to take this fight forward and step up the campaign.
The women's support groups have got to take on a broader role. You must become involved in the wider issues. sear ane unders ne oec narrate
capping affects each and every one of us. And that the peace movement is of absolute importance to every man, woman and child.
1C 14--nL. 100C men ,inst
AOSU
This dispute has cost this govern-
ment, and as a consequence the tax
payers, £7 billion. Now, for the benefit
of the Daily Star and the Daily Express
— that's a lot of money. Ata time when they can t even find the money to keep a kidney machine operating to save a man's life, they're prepared to spend 50 per cent of the annual expenditure of the health service on trying to smash the NUM.
They're spending millions upon millions of pounds on weapons of death and destruction. If this government really meant that it does't want to deal in uneconomic ventures, let tnem close down tne cruise missies programme and end the missiles programme in Scotland.
I'm sure that remark will get my phone tapped now. I'll tell you what, they'll have some cracking conversations to listen to. 1 can lust imagine them listening in to Arthur cargil telepnonng tony denn
'Hello Tony' 'Hi, Arth.' Tony, Great. Tals wantt retainjo s eny 'Great.' I also want to retain jobs. God.' "And I want to have peace in the world rather than war. 'Goodness me. "And I want to see a better quality of life for human beings." Great Scott!' *Heseltine, get your flak jacket.'
They'll be absolutely beside themselves. hev lust haven't come toterm: with the fact: they don't haveto tap our phones. We'll tell them what we want. We want a better life, a better world. We want the rightto work. That's what wé want.
Of course, there have been those that have said: •What have been the positive achievements of the miners dispute?' Well this rally is one of them. We've more here than Chestertield football club can get.
We've developed friends throughout the world. Not only with trades unionists but with ordinary men and women who are not prepared to stand idly by whist the miners were ground into the dust. Example after example can be cited to demonstrate what real internationalism is. The ship workers, the port workers, and the miners; the seamen didn't move a ton of coal for, the entire 12 months of the dispute. That's real internationalism.
And in a lesson to those trade union leaders who are apparently more interested in geting a seat in the House of Lords — as Tony Benn pointed out on Question Time theother night -ter-
the best display internationalism we've CVC SCCIl Tuesday.
-The Australian government contacted the samen's union of Australia and said: 'Now the strike is over, will you now release the coal and let it be transported overseas?' The Australian samen's union cabled the NUM in Sheffield and said that they would only release coal when the NUM told them that the strike was at an end. Only then would they transport it abroad. That's internationalism, that's trade unionism.
When I listen to our people in the National Union of Journalists — you know these people in front here with their cameras, waiting to see ifI pull my coat this way or that way - 1 say why don't you practice a bit of trade union commitment? I don't mean putting a fiver or a quid in a bucket. When they tell you to put the filth out on TV about our movement and these brave women, -euse ame back our wae screensar trade union commitment
I've come to this rally today to talk in the most optimistic way about the next step in our campaign. The fight goes on to save our pits, our jobs and our industry. It goes on with the total involvement of the whole wider movement to preserve our communities. lc preserve a culture and a way of life. To enable us to further tap the marvellous latent talent and ability, that we've all seen released during the course of this dispute.
If we allow the marvellous actions of the women's action groups to
Socialist Action 15 March 1985 7 dissipate, would be an act criminality.
Each of us today has gotto dedicate ourselves to a public campaign to save the mining industry, to develop anc expand the industry in line with the Plan for Coal. There must be no pit closures. I here must be no reduction ir manpower levels. There must be no victimisation. But above all, from this day forward, each and everyone of us should say that we owe it to all who participated in the dispute to take itone step further.
We've got to do things in a tangible way. And I've already made, together with Peter Heathfield and Mick McGahey, one of the first steps to show what we think about the efforts that have been made. I'm sure you'll agree with us
The miners" headquarters Sheffield will be built, hopetully, within the next period - if we're not sequestrated too long! In the entrance hall of the major trades unions in Britain indeed in the major institutions of Britain - ICC AC normally plaques to those who have led the union or to the worthies of the trade union and labour movement
Well as far as I'm concerned - as far às I or Peter or Mick are concerned - we don't believe that we or any of our predecessors belong in there. We believe that there should be three pla ques erected in the entrance hall of the new headquarters in Sheffield An i nope malyou I agree thal we ve made the right choice
The first willbe a plaque to honour the memory of David Jones. The second is for Joe Green. And the other will be dedicated to the achievements of the magnificent women's support groups during the course of this dispute
Comrades, I want to say from the bottom of my heart how grateful I am for the efforts that you put in during the course of the past 12 months. But I also want to plead tor some more effort - to direct every penny that's raised to the miners' solidarity fund in order that every penny shall go to those that have been victimised until we can reinstate them in the industrv
I want each and every one of you to raise your eyes and to take the struggle forward. To become part and parcel of the peace campaign. To become part and parcel of the campaign to stop the attacks on local government and upon your communities and your way of life.
I believe that this movement has transformed Britain in a way that was unthinkable only 18 months ago. You've changed the face of British politics. You've demonstrated what you can do provided you're prepared to stand and fight. You've proved to be a glowing example not only to those who created and built our movement. but also to those in the trade unior movemen wno slodd lo one slac during the course of this campaign.
We should ensure that in the days, the weeks and months that lie ahead
plane. That we translate into action the kind of views that have been expressed at this rally today. If we do that, we shall not only march to victory, and save the pits and the jobs of those that we are privileged to represent
In the process of doing that, we shall lay the condition for transforming for ever the kind of society in whoih we live.
We shall transform it from one that preached war to one that preaches peace.
We shall transform it from one that preaches greed to one that preaches care
We shall transform it from a capitalist system to a socialist system of society.
Page 8 scan of this page
Two crises in British politics
Socialist Action 15 March 1985 FOLR YEARS ago, in March 1981,
biggest structural change ritish capitalist politics since World ar I took place with the split from
Labour Party to form the SDP.
miners" strike has now brought out the biggest event in working
politics since 1926 bergence of the Scargill wing of the T.M, the first mass class struggle rent in the labour movement for years. JOHN ROSS looks at the storical reshaping of slitics which is taking place.
THE framework of the old British blitical system - both working class
capitalist was crealea Dy lne isi: which unfolded in British society om the beginning of World War I up
the level of capitalist Jorld War I smashed the backbone of
mass Liberal Party hich until then had been the chief dernative party the Tories trember 1910, World the last tition before War Peral Party won. 272 seats and atour Party only 42.
In 1916, under the strain of war, the aeral Party shattered between apporters of Loyd George squith. By 1924 the Liberal Party had arel! 40 seats in Parlament abour 151. The Conservative Party reired. and even increased, its strength.
Tne old Liberal Party partered from its 1916 split. Ünder the apat of war the entire party system anged ITOM Dasicany arsus-Tory contest to a Labour-versusori system.
This two-party system of politics mained clearly dominant acades until 1981 — when the SDP was rmed from the split in the Labour
That split was necessitated, for pitalist politics, both by the historical cline of the Conservative Party and
the destabilisation of Labour. The DP. in alliance with the Liberals; oduced the electoral eruption of June
and the tremendous bour Party vote of that year. Since
* 1983 a new three-party system has
clearly established *i World War I set in place a new abour versus Tory system, then the aleat of the general strike of 1926 dicect the type of Labour Party which asied within that political framework.
In the period prior to World War I barmous forces had been developing in nuish society
British
politics,
- the force
In
general
the the
and
allu
hc vol
Liberal-
the strain of the war.
for six
dominated the pre-war period.
Communist Partv and on the other a
unions - symbolised by fall in the •leadership of the miners and by the rise
of a left wing mass Minority Movement.
British
and above all Labour bureaucracy:
granted independence in the British govern ment rising clashes lined with
BENTLE
WOMENS BRANCH
ACTIoN
GROUP
which smashed the Liberal Party under
The pre-1914 strike wave, the struggle of Ireland for independence, and the suffragettes had vole in
World War I deepened still further but the convulsion in working class politics. advance. Out of it emerged on the one hand the
mass class struggle current in the trade allies,
AJ Cook's
…o conau ano cerea unese currents class was the most urgent task facing British capitalism. It was a task achieved by a combination of repression, concessions,
by strengthening the
At the level of enforced concessions, 26 out of the 32 counties of Ireland were
1921 and strike. immediately Orange bigots in the lished the
miners' supporters,
movement.
trade
tingers
TGWU secretary used to Deakın,
PF
north, and green Tories in the south, to enforce partition.
Women were granted the right to 1918 which failed even remotely to fulfill the needs of liberation
nevertheless venciCou
Having thereby isolated the miners from some of their strongest potential
SucCessIvC Tory governments turned their attention to preparing to smash the strongest section of the working class — as well as the mass
.struggle CulTeBl WuCe emerged from it. From 1921 onwards British government policy was dictated above all by preparation to confront the miners. In the confrontation itself the Baldwin government utilised the TUC's betrayal of the general strike to isolate the Miners' Federation and crush their
The defeat of 1926 in turn estabnatre •of the mass labour movement for the next half century. The Minority Movement was weakened by the defeat and then destroyed by the policies imposed on it by the stalinised Communist Party. The leadership of the
union, Cook and was isolated. After 1926 any sort of mass class struggle current disappeared for almost 60 years as a signiticant force in the British labour
new, completely dominant, union leadership which CON solidated itself out of the defeat of 1926 was symbolised by Ernest Bevin and Walter Citrine — class collaborationist bureaucrats down to the tips of their
Bevin had become leader of the 1921, Citrine general of the TUC in 1926 Bevin like to boast that was a supplier of labour to the economy in the same way that capitalists were suppliers of capital. His speciality was destroying left wing opposition within his own, and other, unions — as with the London bus workers in the 1930s.
After Bevin's permanent departure to become foreign secretary in 1946, and Citrine's departure from the scene in 1945, the resolutely right wing line of the trade union bureaucracy shifted not one inch to the left. Figures such as
Carron, Tewson and Woodcock dominated the movement in the 1950s and early 1960s — and were the mainstay of support for the policies of Hugh Gaitskell and Harold Wilson.
The combination versus-Tory political system completely dominant •uucaucaly and the absence of any serious class struggle currents movement, established the framework of British politics from the aftermath of World War I until the beginning of the 1980s. That framework .was frayed by the late 1960s and early 1970s — with the rise of the new Liberal Party and the student and working class radicalisation K o tne 1970s — but it was not broken up in its qualitative features.
The Liberals, despite gaining almost 20 per cent of the vote in 1974, could not спаск іпе framework politics or splinter one of the other major parties. tsing working class racicallsaton In Hugh Scanlon and Jack Jones was only that of a others to take action — and only before Jones and Scanlon capitulated to Wilson in became an active force in breaking up working class struggle. his When that framework is understood, then it can be scen wnat a pontical cartnquake Is lne almost simultaneous emergence within bourgeois politics of within working class emergence of the Scargill leadership of the NUM. The creation, almost at the same time, of the SDP and 'Scargillism' reflects the break up ponucal equmorum or society lnal wa: created out of World War Iand itsaftermath
The fact that the two fundamental shifts in capitalist and working politics emerged so close together time reflects that the entire society is in motion. political beginning to break up.
The consequences of the emergence of the SDP have already begun to work themselves through novelen ne new renn the TUC, of Hammond, Duffy, is not simply a trade union line. Their conclusion is a complete political realignment,, the reorientation Labour Partyto coalition with the SDP. Liberals and a qualitative weakening of the links between the trade unions and the Labour Party.
Equally, beginning to work its way through the labour movement. Out of the miners'
ATTONAL UNIONY MINENORI
YORKSHIRE ARET
(LaDolT with a right wing within the Labour Parti of their lives.
the labour
undoubtedly emerging
Rate and
blacks, and
COT two-party Times
The reflection of the
The leadership which permitted
race completely 1975 and Britain
political vcal Sure ana
"Scargillites"
the SDP and politics by the revoluuokdv
of the culild
in British society.
In
class decline of
remake structure Dr Death Owen
labour policy of Graham and
of the before our eyes.
the past
Scargillism' is only just
politics.
Surplus Value
strike has been forged a new force of tens of thousands of people who have been through the greatest political event
The new 'baseline' of radicalisation in British politics is no longer 1968, or even the working class struggles of the early 1970s but the great miners' strike of 198485.
The nature of the forces which are
clear Their core is the militants of the NUM - the greatest layer of class struggle fighters to exist in the British labour movement since the creation of the Communist Party. But thousands and thousands of women.
trade unionists, young people _LaDOu Party activists have oriented to this strike. The Financial
paid rather fitting compliment when it called this force "the greatest civilian mobilisation since the Second World War'
NUM, the miners' support committees, "the women's groups, the
union solidarity, are beyond doubt the greatest social movement in
since World War II These forces have an even more advanced ally today in Gerry Adam's Sinn Fein in
is out of these forces, the who dominated the miners' strike and made it their own, that a class struggle left wing and a
marxist curren labour movement are going to begin to be forged. They constitute the greatest opening for internationalist, political marxism to break out of its historicallyimposed isolation and strike real roots
1979, under the whiplash of economic necessitv and the historical
the Conservative Party, Margaret Thatcher set about trying to
British politics and British society. Her first political product was
- the grisly face of David and the SDP Her second political creation was the 1984 miners' strike and the first mass class struggle current and leadership in the labour movement for six decades.
The next decade of British politics will be the full working out of the new political forces which are being created
Those who do not understand that, are living in dreams of
not preparing for the struggles of the future
No-one is going to be able to put back together the old pieces of British
Page 9 scan of this page
Labour and Sinn Fein
Breaking
our chains
'WHAT WE have been shown by ancient Rome on a monstrous scale, is being repeated in England of the present day. The nation which subjugates another chains.'
In these words Karl Marx spelt out to the First International the significance of British rule in Ireland for the British working class and for democrac in Britain. One hundred and fifteen years later this same truth has, in 12 months of heroic struggle, been brought nome women in Britain's mining communities.
The miners, and the women of the mining communities, have experienced a level of repression which is certainly quite new in post-war struggles in Britain. But it is not at all new in the British state as a wnole.
On the contrary, one of the most profound and, for the ruling class, disturbing results of the last 12 dramatic months is that a section of the miners and their communities now perience exactly what type of 'British justice' has been normally reserved for Ireland -recenny for britain s inner city Dlack communes.
A truly revolutionary change in consciousness has occurred as some thousands of men and women understood the fact that the 'chains' used to try to smash down their struggle for jobs and communities were 'forged' on the streets of Belfast and Derry, and in the fields of Armagh.
Once that fact sinks home its consequences are quite clear, and are perfectly formulated by Marx: 'Quite apart from all the phrases about national" and "humane" justice for Ireland — which are taken for granted in the International Council -it is in the direct and absolute interest of the English working class to get rid of their present connexion with Ireland. And this is my fullest conviction...
'For a long time I believed that it would be possible to overthrow the Irish regime by English working class ascendancy...Deeper study has now convinced me of the opposite. Che Enoish working class will never accomplish anything until it has got rid of Ireland...The English reaction has its roots in Ireland:
These words are equally relevant today. Virtually everything that has been thrown at the mining communities in the last year — from mass arrests, police occupations of pit villages, police riots, road blocks, the nationalist population counties in the North East of Ireland.
No one can convince the men and women who have been on the receiving end of these methods here in Britain that they are the means to fight isolated groups of criminals or terrorists. The miners know from personal experience that the methods developed in Ireland, and used against their strike, are methods of mass repression and intimidation against entire communities.
And if that's true in Armthorpe and other parts of Yorkshire then it must be equally true in Ireland -where the only distinction is that the repression is on a far grander scale.
In one go the undermine its own multi-million pound propaganda about Ireland than thousands of articles in socialist newspapers can ever do
nation forges its own to interally Inousands of men and
grasps irom personal ex-
and more 'interwas first pioneered against of the six occupied
British state has done more to
International
Bobby Sands' funeral By Redmond O'Neill THE MOST remarkable aspect of the miners' 12 month struggle was the way it demonstrated in practice the sort of alliance of the exploited and oppressed which the British working class must forge in order to wage any serious struggle against the British bourgeoisie.
munities, the Greenham women, the left wing of the Labour Party and trade unions, the gay support movement, the black support movement and so on. Against them were the bulk of the official leadership of the labour movement, alongside the parties of the capitalist class.
However, the miners, trom the first davs of then strike, had another ally.-
which some British socialists -Sinn rein in Ireland. In an interview with this paper, Joe Austin. chairperson of Belfast Sinn Fein, explained their position:
We give complete and unequivocal support to the miners nationally population in the North of ireland Illa y unactstand all of the ins and
but they scc miners getting battered by the on TV and they view any BULLE every
one that 1s involved in struggle as a comrade.'
This position of Sinn Fein and its general objective of linking up with the left wing of the British labour movement does nave fundamental significance for the class struggle
• Because posed is the possibility of all alliance between the British working class and
With the miners were the women in the mining comthe people of Ireland against the British ruling class. And that really is a powerful combination of forces.
fact the entire, elaborate system of censorSILO propaganda and repressive laws like the Prevention Terrorism Act exists precisely in order to prevent such an alliance coming into being.
Just the miners' strike Britain has brought into existence class struggie or a kind not seen since the "20s in this
the Irish coully. so loo. struggle - which has been
a qualitatively higher level than anything in Britain — has brought into existence an even more politically advanced mass leadership in the form of the Adams leadership of Sinn Fein.
And just as the struggl
racy and democratic rights like trade union rights has been a central concern of
the "Scargillite' left | Britain, Ireland Sinn rein has won the leadership of the most militant sections ot the nationalist population of Ireland on The pass ors unwaverie commitment and struggle for the most elementary democratic right of all - the right to the national independence of Ireland from Britain.
As Gerry Adams put it in his speech to the 1984 Sinn Fein Ard Fheis: 'We will continue to campaign tor the restoration of Irish democracy and to articutate desire people for freedom and independence, regardless of Dublin smears or British VO CECO
'Ireland geographic ally, historically culturally is one nation. Weas
people have the right UlIC to be free, and in that freedom the divided sections of our people will find the will
unite, regardless religious affiliations.
In the course of that struggle for Irish freedom from Britain, the Adams leadership of Sinn Fein has emerged as a force which recognises that only the Irish working class has an
_carrying that interest in struggle through the end, and that in order to do so it will nave to champion all struggles against op-
Ireland SCOS OIL above all that of women. So too, it will have to use all possible avenues of
Gerry Adams struggle - the military campaign, , elections, trade union work and mass campaigning
What is now emerging in the British state is the possibility of an alliance of truly historic significance between the revolutionary nationalist Sinn Fein leadership and the class struggle forces emerging in the British labour movement. Such an alliance is a step on the road to welding
allanct LIle Irish people and the British working class
Such alliance has not been brought into existence since the days of
Socialist Action 15 March 1985 9 Chartism when the second national charter petition o 1842 incorporated the demand for freedom for Ireland into the demands
the mass British working class movement.
Sinn Fein's total support for the miners enormously contributes creating a mass working
current which con sciously seeks to recreate
Ballance belweel land and the British working class on the only basis possible • namely the British working class itself championing the Irish struggle against British rule in Ireland.
Page 10 scan of this page
Nicaragua solidarity takes off
Nicaragua must win
10 Socialist Action 15 March 1985
of Puerto Cabezas on the Atlantic Coast.
The comparison illus-
trates the fast growth of the
national solidarity cam-
barl. prompted by
increasing intervention by
imperialism against
revolution Nicaragua.
year saw the HIrSI
organised delegations and
work brigades sent from
Britain, joining the already
extensive inernational soli-
darty prescence inal any
visitor can witness
NODaDY me arces or
Lind anywhere the Spanish civil war. All who tinhock?) have come back took (including
with a strong determination
extend solidarity with
Nicaragua. Also last year,
the first 'Container Project'
shipped many
badly needed items of equip-
ten soes coreced
throughout Britain
I mis sul sel clear per
spectives for the NSC. Its
central priority will be work
the labour movement,
with a particular emondss
the trade unions
especially TUC still refuses given
Ine full recognition to the main - icaraguan HIlOA CO1federations, the CST and
This orientation reinforced that adopted
ernier i ure E Salvador Solidarity Campaign AGM, which decided to concentrate on
solidarity in the Latier! anions and Labour Party.
words the idea is not now to do problem remains The
national representative from NALGO gave valuable advice on how
trade union
on Nicaragua, with Central Anencel dimension, this will be the major eo oo w ove activists the basis for taking arctical solidaritv into the trade union movement, for developing. membership drive and for building SuppOrt against lerven. tion.
The conference will aim at putting pressure on TUC pol organising offcial TUC delegation, and belping to extend active taidanty arouna une second Container Project. It will be ac ed some specialist delegations Licaragua by, for example,
ealth workers, students i exces oove ]
be working conference, not rally.
genuinely organises portant sections oi the working movement around what is today the
agle most important inter-
tional task - defence of
•carava evon self-determination for Central ocUpIC. erica.
One further way trade ionists can develop the
is that are needed is by
ning with their equiva-
union in Nicaragua, branches. This ol twinning | has been
: labour councils such Sheffield, Lambeth, Liverpool, Manchester. But
al twining USI EVE
IN 1984, the Nicaragua Solidarity Campaign (NSC) held its annual general meeting discreetly, on a Sunday morning, during the El Salvador Solidarity Campaign AG.M. This year, the NSC AGM took place over the weekend of the 16 and 17 February, with over 120 delegates, hosted by the Manchester Town Hall. The Manchester City Council had just signed a friendship agreement linking Manchester to the Nicaraguan town.
stop short at purely formal gestures by left local government. the delegates from Liverpool forcefully argued, council twining has be used as a lever to UT OllOLe direct links throughout the local commuy• amores locar mane union branches, trade councils. Lalou! Parties, women's organisations, kind alUl2Sl ever popular organisation in our communities. This provides By Brian Grogan THE MINERS' strike mobilised everyone with even the 'least inkling of class struggle militancy. And rightly SO.
come will have profound influence on the struggles of workers and the oppressed for many years to come. Yet this does not compare with the significance of the struggles Central Nicaragua.
In Nicaragua there is a real government of type Unal Arthur Scargl calls for — a government as loyal to OLL Class Thatcher is to hers. But such a government cannot be achieved through winning a parliamentary election. The Sandinista government was established as the direct outcome of the struggles of the workers armers ana orner oppress ed in Nicaragua - against the local dictatorship there and its imperialist backers.
This is not to say that Ine neinstas are not popular or can't win elec-
a concrete focus for raising
political and material
support — as Bolton Trades
Council vith the regional doing
(ST ( Confedera ron
Sandinista Workers)
Ocotal. near the contra-
infested border with Hon-
duras.
Twining is just one
area wiere Co-oHaton
between solidarity work in
the unions and in the Labour
Party is essential. That is
why 'the NSC AGM also
adopted a motion calling for
the Central America cam-
paigns, and their local
call regional
forums to co-ordinate the
work of local Labour Party
and union activists., Many
of these want to take
HOre consisten solidarity
but don't have the time to The way the miners' struggle was fought and its out-
America particularly
tions. the recent November poll, they recevee over iwo toures al mne popular volc, Onl a las SIVC 80 per cent turnout
The point is that such a avc icl call Vll y established against the system. It nas to break iron capitalism and its forms of rule.
This UITC of the reasons why the cause of Nicaragua cholie first-rate concern for all • class suluggic mounta ns The fight for solidarity creates the opportunity Iol us to explain what the goal and tasks of our struggles
get involved in the regular
work of the solidarity committees themselves.
By Martine Bonadona
NSC executive
(personal capacity) •
However, Inere particular political tasks
which need more concentrated attention the
Labour Party.
There is no
doubt that Kinnock's trip to attend Daniel Ortega's
swearing-in as President
(even if it was a long time in
cy int Dunbs and Stuars
Dubbs and Stuart Holland to the elections had tremendous political importance and help serve as a
real obstacle to the US
designs in Central America
- not least because of the Ipact lney nave unrough-
Britain ought to be In aDOUl
For the harsh truth is that the Wal ulla workers will begin to permanent Teso ve LAe struggles in their interests IS LArOuSO estaD sand government totallyloyalto
That is to say, UUI blass one that is based on our organisations and struggles ana nol on parllament.
To be sure, we will have to o lnouen many more experiences of parliamentarv Labour governments
including those dominated by the left — before this truth is understood by a decisive layer of working people. And until then the iask of all socialists is to fight for the return of such governments. But no other type ol government Inan that of the Sandinistas will SOlVO • oul Vasil Drobicms
The other thing that the current struggles in Central America teach us is how to win a revolutionary major-
the Socialist Inter-
national.
The only way to further
develop Labour Party
policy, and ensure its prac-
tical implementation, is to
develop a source of constant
pressure within the INSC. to-
gether with ELSSOC, have Io is enone
decided to try and establish
committee Central
America within the Labour
Party to promote the campaign's objectives, put
pressure on policy
and draw on the untapped
wealth of support amongst the party's rank and file. It is hoped such a committee can be launched formally at a fringe meeting at this year's Party Conference -
several preparatory meetings leading up to that.
The orientation towards ity. The industrial workin class in Nicaragua . • Salvador qualitatively smaller than in Britain. Yet only the industrial workers have the solidi _Conesion and organisation to establish a power against that ot the capitalists
What the Nicaraguan victory snowed was the vital need for workers to
allantc wILI working farmers and other oppressed layers. particularly women, the op pressed nationalists and black people.
We got a taste of the power of such an alliance with the breath-taking role of the women in the mining communities. Deepening and extending this process is the clue to ultimate victory, the Sandinistas have shown.
Seing allies
those most exploited and oppressed leads understand why internationalism the only
the anti-nuclear and peac
Hovenieut. ALTiV
decided on, would centre on
building a peace conference
October on the theme
From War
World to the Third World
War'. This event, particu-
larly important given that
some of the American ships
stationed in front of the
Nicaraguan coast may be
carrying nuclear weapons
jointly organised by
ELSSOC NSO
The u wire la orgad satio.
umbrella organisation
worch for vids inti five is
work this initiative
NICA (No Intervention in
Central America), ordination of many organisations SubporuI_ solidarity movement.
There WAN also a long and fruitful discussion on realistic policy. The Sandinistas, following the example of the Cubar government, see the key to defending their revolution as extending it
Revolutions cannot : be exported, it is true. But the Sandinistas rightly appreCale ual eu revoluol will be as much determined
struggle by the vullis in Salvador the as any other arena. This unacrstanaing Is aiso wna
ed them to send suppo
ind solidaritv to the NU.
despite all their concerns arising from the daily attacks of the US backed 'contras'
The NUM found out it had more in common with French dockers, Australian seafarers and Trish freedom fighters than had with working , 'British Nous miers Jer ono TUC General Secretary Norman Willis, or Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.
International
women at the AGM, as the
women present telt that thi
revolution has raised several
Issue challenged many
beliefs, and deserved wide-
spread discussion: and
offan vl men involved ig
womel involved
solidarity work will
called on 20 April
consider some structure and
activities on the issue
Finally, the NSC AGM
adopted a new constitution,
structure and a nev
executive committee to
Carr out the hug
facing the movement. Out
of the eight members of the
incoming executive five are
women. The whole weekend
was a success, an inspiring
start for the new NSC:
solid and dynamic solidarity
campaign prepared to ec
forward.
Indeed, reaching out to the freedom fighters in Central Ainctcd , Ireland, South Africa and elsewhere not only weakens imperialism directly. It also restricts the resources available to buy off the likes of the Nottinghamshire miners.
For these extra crumbs walen are inrown at such narrow layers of workers
support for the Lo secuie 'national interest are, in the last analysis, made possible through the superprofits imperialism's operations abroad.
Forging alliances with women, black people and other
other side of seeing our future wrapped up in the battles against imperialism
Central Auctcd • Ireland. All our struggles have to be thoroughly imbued with anti-imperialism. This is no less relevant
dispute like the miners' strike.
Page 11 scan of this page
News
THE MANCHESTER Campaign against Tory local government attacks got under way on 6 March. Manchester saw its biggest ever demonstration 15,000 marched in a tremendous show of unity between the council, the employees and the community.
Every council was represented. Many workers took the whole day off.
Forty per cent or the demonstrators were women.
The rally Val Stevens, - chair of the council's coma opportunities committee, spoke or une neca for unity or those most under threat. raam ouncer cader ol the council, explained that
Labour Party allu council in Manchester was committed to defending
STRIKE
ABOUR&T.U,
SATURDAY
THE NATIONAL Union of Teachers stepped up action in support of its pay claim this week against the employers' derisory offer of four per cent. Teachers in areas were called out on strike. The action involved about 6000 teachers in 353 schools.
In Scotland, the Educational Institute of Scotland, the main
MANCHESTER
STANDS FIRM
when
Labour Party, council
jobs, improving services, and that this local council would not make cuts, lose jobs, or raise rents - and it was not prepared to set a rate.
By Duncan Edwards
Bob Litherland MP gave support and paid tribute to the NUM, 'the greatest trade union in Britain.
A striking miner from Agecroft explained that now it
COLMAN ENGINEERS
HERE WE GO!
YORT MARCH FOR
JOBS NOT
BOMBS
ASSEMBLE 1.00 p.m.
FOLESHILL PARK
[by DUNLOP]
NOT
MISSILES
COVENTRY N.W. LP YOUNG SOCIALISTS
TEGWU 51920 BRANCH.
Supported by
Teachers action spreads
teachers union, were also involved in action affecting 7000 teachers.
The National CASSOC ation of Teachers Further and Higher Education is balloting memDCIS aculon Tejecting an offer similar to that made to the teachers.
It will be asking its members to ban overtime workIng a cover orance n colleagues.
The employers have responded to the teachers'
was the turn of the people
of Manchester to act like
the NUM. "Trust your
leadership, not the media,
he warned
The Solanciese cir
March, Manchester
council refused to set a
rate.
The following resolution
was passed:
• This council recognises
the continuing Conserva-
tive Government
allack.
on living standards and re-
iterates the council's policy
of 23 March 1984 of pro-
tecting jobs and
and freezing rents. Since 23
March the evidence gained
from representations and
consultation with all sec-
& RALLY
16 MARCH
LANE COVENTE
COVENTRY NUM STRIKE COMM
COVENTRY
MINERS SUPPORT COMMITTEE
34 OTHERS, YOND.
refusal to cover for absent. colleagues by threatening to acuuut pay. The NU1 has always insisted that such cover. and duties like supervision of meals, are not part of their contract Solihull and Newcastle have started these ductions, and about 15 other authorities are waiting to follow suit.
The NU executive's response has been to take these LWO authorities to court rather than step up
Graham Stringer tions of the community in Manchester reiniorces the reasons for those policies.
In order to provide the necessary expenditure, having regard to the needs of the city, its obligations, and legal
ford Park and Sale factories
union recognition.
The firm is not new to Manchester. For over 80 years it was unorganised All attempts unionisation were defeated by sackings and pay-offs
When five workers
were sacked m June 9o1 they responded with immediate strike action, wil ning reinstatement recognition for the AUEW
Since then, the trade
strength. Colman Fastners
gles, taking strike action strike on the LPYS. The
It also explains the pressure that yielded
vote for the Selly Oak resolution criticising YS leadership and calling for a regional 'Youth Support the Miners' march and rally.
By Mick Burke, Selly Oak LPYS
The liveliest debates were on lesbian and gay liberation and on Ireland. Many LE IDS have sup ported the Anti-Gay Ban Campaign in Rugby. The call to support a similar campaign against Sand-
the action against them. If the courts run true to the
the miners' strike the NUT has little chance of winning the action.
The Tories are determined hold the line against • the teachers' pay claim in pursuit their policy holding down public sector wages. The NUt. as the main union in volved, must go for an all out strike if the claim is to succeed.
commitments, the council is currently committed to revenue expenditure maintain its existing services of £286 million and has already identified in its assessment necas and responsibilities, £33.5 mil-
ON WEDNESDAY 6 March, the day after the miners' return-to-work, 150 engineering workers at the Traf-
of Colman Fastners walked out in pursuit of a wage claim. Twenty months ago Colman Fastners was the scene of a struggle for
GCHQ. and cam. paigning for the miners.
The union is now turning its attention to low pay The company's offer Wollove per cent This would leave workers at Colman Fastners £20 short
engines in averan
chester area.
Ken Ward, a machine setter, summed the mood: 'We felt insulted'.
Day De Havilland in the toolroom explained: 'We
For a fighting LPYS
THE ANNUAL conference of the West Midlands Labour Party Young Socialists, which took place on 2. 3 March, accurately reflected the impact of the miners
complete failure of the Militant leadership of the YS to organise any events throughout the year to demonstrate youth support for the miners accounted for the poor turnout on the demonstration held on the morning of the conference.
well's Labour council and to affiliate to Labour Campaign for Gay Rights was supported by 40 per cent of YS conference delegates.
The same number voted for a campaign around immediate British withdrawal from Ireland, and a youth delegation to the North Clearly there is a growing Inland 6 months f8; 12 months £15 weren - (12 months only)
Europe £17; Air Mail £24 (Double these rates for multi-reader institutions)
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Address
Please send me as special offer
Socialist Action 15 March 1985
lion of additional expenditure
The government how ever have set a target of only £250.3 million The council considers it will be impossible today for the authority to make a rate, bearing in mind the needs
the people Manchester and the interests o
• This council will make further urgent represenlanons to me secrelary ol State while
of grant targets and penal-
will affect Man chester in '85-6, with a view
restoring stallls and abandoning the harsh and harmful targets and penalty system.
ne resolution went on lo demand the restoration of funds which central govern ment has denied the city, and also adopted a policy which includes
of jobs OTOLCCLIOI and services, and no rate
have to fight back'. The vole al a lass mcculle wa. about 70 percent for strike action
Support from the local labour movement has been instantaneous. Local Labour MP, Tony Lloyd Frided the Porkers nicker ine as Friday. from
Cancelle factories have sent delegations and financial support. But most inspiring of all has been the support from the miners
The strike committee at Agecrott have supplied a strike hut, the use of their van an olet provisions
and their valuable advice. Colin Lenton, treasurer of Bold NUM has circulated an appeal to the minority in the LPYS committed to developing support for workers' struggles, building campaigns like YCND, and defending the interests of the oppressed.
The regional bulletin Youth Fightback, . was the focus for this minority current and its theme was 'for a YS leadership that stands and fights'. Its influence grew considerably during the conference, and it now has supporters in 13 YSs.
Regionally, next steps in this fight will be for a massive turnout on the Coventry North West LPYS 'Jobs not Bombs,
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rise above the level of in flation or the average wage
In addition, bids pro posals from council com mittees to create up to 224. new jobs were passed, and the Youth Training Scheme rate was raised to f40. Anc the council is committed to oppose all forms of dis crimination based or. disability, race, sex sexual orientation
Budgets put forward b! UNIC Torie and were rejected. Labour's budget was passed, with 6t votes. There were Labour abstentions one Labour vote against.
The mood of the meeting was summed by Councillor Frances Dori who said We are not heri to protect ourselves, but to represent and • protect lne interests of the people of the city of Manchester.
The meeting ended ir celebrations, with council lors and supporters in the Calic Flag singing Red
labour movement benall or tne strikels
'Colman Fastners, savs. 'nave been a regula contributor of support to
dispute over the last 12 months, providing consistent financia support physical solidar ity on the picket line, and
• port inside the AUEW.
'We will certainly
doing our best to return the solidarity we have ceived, supporting Colman Fastners in thei ignt against low pay. We hope you can join us. • Messages of support ano donations Colmar Fastners Strike Fund, c/0 AUEW House 43 Cresent. Salford MS 4PE.
Mines not Missiles' march on l6 March. and Yout Fightback's dayschool lesbian and gay liberation
But the struggle for a LPYS leadership more like the NUM leadership can only be successful if waged at a national The organisation ol a sımilal current nationally, with its own bulletin, is an urgent priority.
• Jobs not Bombs, Mines not Missiles! Youth march and rally. Assemble 1.00pm at Foleshill Park, Holbrook Lane, Coventry, on Satur day 16 March.
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New bureaucrats for old
Socialist Action 15 March 1985 OLLOWING THE 50,000 strong demonstration of position to rate-capping, Thursday 7 March was to e the day that Labour councils and the metropolitan thorities took on the Tories. The reality was very ferent.
None of the four upper-tier authorities made a acision to defy the rate-capping laws. Instead, they ded for budgets and rate levels, that kept them within * law.
The 12 lower-tier Inonues: which volCd oi io set a rate, have post-
cucoulol
ether or not to obey the
Hackney, with a hard-
resolution refusing to
the Ichal lalc.
But a clear conclusion om Thursday's exercise presenting a united chal-
ge to the govern ment is
Labour neither
ed nor committed to
a challenge.
The decisions by ILEA
GLC, in par-
ar. have made a verv
beginning to the cam-
gn. to defend local jobs
services. They have
mbled at the first real
The GLC and ILEA ere correctly seen as the adership of the
vaill"
gn. Their failure to conui the government by
setting a rate will mean ai the lower-tier author-
ne make
væ elte cc
de Ltdl. (TU), London B&.
SOCiAliSt
ACTION
Local government
A bad
beginning
By Pat Hickey
their caecsons ratecapping individually.
The declarations that the upper-tier authorities will not implement cuts in jobs and services, and the pledges oppose such cuts from Livingstone and others, is to be welcomed.
But the GLC's refusal to give a clear lead is a real blow to the campaign.
Livingstone's argument that the GLC should not break the law. because it could avoid cuts with budget within the law, spurious. However, the refusal by John McDonnell and others to vote fora nocurs buacet waer lad ПОrate resolution had fallen, was lacuonal stupiditv.
The object of Jenkin's strategy was not to impose major cuts on local government this vear was to get the rateu AnrAA ib torou. london Nl.
capping machinery JILO place lor tue lulure.
The GLC and ILEA decisions have opened the door in this regard. The various lower-tier authorities, which have failed to scl a lale. will now confront the problem of running out of money at different times.
Dealing with the opposition one by one is precisely what Jenkin wants. DVCIl in these CasCo. the authorities are differently affected by the lalc cau. Some will get by with 'creative accounting few - it is not clear which yet — will face cuts.
The prospects for disunity are therefore greatly increased. The main point, however, is that the ratecapping machinery will be
place, allowing the Tories to tighten the screw next year. Jobs
The confrontation over lobs and services has been postponed, not avoided. The weakness snown lasi week, with Labour councillors urging each other 'you first' will encourage the
1 ories in their attack on local government. It will also assist those in the
such Cunningpally,
ANYONE who bother-
ed to watch the tele-
vision or listen to radio
on Monday - or read
the Times, Guardian,
or Telegraph on Tues-
day - might have been
excused for giving
themselves a pinch to
see if they were
dreaming.
Ihe media seemed to
be dominated by pro-
grammes praisino the new
general secretary of the
Communist Party the
Soviet Union, Mikhail
Gorbachov.
According to Thatcher:
'I like Mr Gorbachov. We
can do business together.'
The Guardiar waxed
Incal bovel
glimpse Camelot'.
_ullar sUl. Gor-
bachov to John Kennedy
ham and Kinnock, who have placed obedience to the law above jobs and SCIVICCS
The decisions of last July's local
zoverreni conference, taken while the
strike was ¡lilleis . forward, have not the first test. It is clear that if local government jobs and services are to be deTenced. une UnIons are going to have to play a WUCHI alcalcl role than they have to date.
1 here can be no rellance on the Labour groups to lead this struggle. Some will fight: Others will attem Phe decisions not to set : to back off. a rate will rapidly be tested
the courts. Labour groups will again be faced with the choice of obeying the law or accepting ratecap
The lesson the muders sInke gs cear ln this regard. It is far better
fight with the sources at one's disposal, even if at the end of the day the Tories succeed. Every battle slows them down, and makes their full programme more difficult to realise.
The more Labour resists, the closer will be the general election, and the better-prepared Labour
abounded.
Only the new, 100 per
telli Reaganite Times
sterly warned in its edit-
oria: 'n his public state-
ments Mr Gorbachoy has
shown more interest in en-
couraging Western Euro-
pean countries and Japan
separate their policies
from Washington than in
proposing major steps
which| could lead to
cellult NOTES. In re-
ducing tension between
the military blocs.'
Apart from that severe
rebuke however, praise of
Gorbachov ahoellecual, abounded
the
'post-war'. 'cultured", 'uni-
versity educated leader of
the Soviet Union. This was
coupled with the now
habitual sexist trash on his
"attractive', "knowledge-
able wife.
The reasons for this
will be for it. Thursday 7 March very bad beginning, , but it is by r. means the end
The real tests will come when the axe talls on tob: and scrvices The local coveliell unons Will have to lead the way in resisting these attacks.
The main failure in the
sudden outpouring of
pranation he suppos red
carnation 'red
menace' were not hard to
find Almost every edit-
Gorbachoy's
accession spoke also of the
arms control talks starting
in Geneva.
The sudden outpouring infatuation with the
Soviet leader was very
much linked to increasing
disillusion with the Unite
States' 'Star Wars' policy.
Denis Healey was per-
haps the most florid in his
radio interview on Tues-
day morning He an-
nounced that agreement
with the Soviet Union was
readily within reach and
that the chief obstacle to
"arms control' was now the
United States govern-
ment.
Healey's statement
follows a long line of other
DEFEND
LOCA
DEMOCRA
campaign far has been that the , URIOS. stituencies and the Labour groups oa ve Deel united in single camDalzl Liverpool showec the way in this regard, but the lesson IOU beer taken on board by many authorities.
The best way to ensure
West European Socialist
Party leaders Prime
Minister Craxi of Italy,
Yresd ent Mitt Grand o.
President Mitterrand
France • wno nave nov
attacked Reagan's 'Star
Wars' project. Even thos
who backed cruise missiles all the way are pulling off from this new twist in the arms spiral
Thatcher, in her tour
of the United States ac-
cepted development,
though not deployment, of Tine Star Wars weapons but was criticised for
doing so in Britain, and
has remained virtually iso-
lated among West Euro
pean capitalist leaders
The idea of a defensive
military screen for the
United State which
leaves Western Europe
out in the cold does not appeal to West European
united campaign, and prevent backshding by Labour councillors, IS TO surround Tn f Labour groups with the weight of the mass movement. We must learn from the bad beginning the real battles are yet to come. governments who are well aware of the ruthless intentions • of the United States. A USSR reaction
this escalation by developing its own Star Wars systems - ones that would render the British and French 'independent nuclear deterrents ineffective — is even les agreeable
For that reason attempting to negotiate some sort of limitations on the whole project in the USSR-USA talks
Geneva has become a hig
DrOEV lOwes iuni pean governments
Understand that and
of the fraset le naseiy
suddenly became vogue in important quar ters of the British medi on Monday and Tuesday.
← Socialist Action No. 92, 8 March 1985Socialist Action No. 94, 22 March 1985 →