DON'T FOLLOW THE LEADER, WATCH HIM!
The Sun on April 24th 1970 printed an item entitled "The Secret behind Lord Carron's £30,000 will". It appears Lord Carron amassed a small fortune by breaking a trade union rule. Carron, known when he was alive among T.U. militants as Lord Carrion (dead-flesh) retired in 1967 after 11 years as President of the AEU; his private fund-raising activities never came to light until after his retirement.
The AEU has a rule which clearly states that "the president shall devote all his time to the affairs of office...."
Lord Carrion, who died December 1969, had his finger in many pies; in addition to his known directorship of the Bank of England, he was a director of Fairfields Shipyard, Glasgow (196668), London Branch of the Co-op Society (1956-68) and part-time director of the East Midlands Gas Board 1967. His other money-making rakets in T.U. time included TV appearances (adising how to break unofficial strikes) and lecture tours in the pursuit of personal wealth.
Nothing can be done about Lord Carrion's abuse of trade unionism, but it should serve as a warning to the rank and file that T.U. leaders' activities need to be as closely watched as those of the employers.
SOLIDARITY FOREVER Last month the Californian United Farm Workers Union received a Liberty Bell, which had been cast at the famous hitechapel London Foundry where the original Liberty Bell was cast.
THE UNION WHERE MILITANTS WEAR MASKS On Wednesday 2nd September Glasgow witnessed one of the most militant workers' demonstrations seen for several years. 1,000 electricians and plumbers marched through the city streets chating "JIB Out," "Cannon Out" "Blairford Out" . The JIB is of course the notorious productivity-bargaining body covering electrical workers, and which is now being extended to deal with plumbers. Cannon and Blairford are respectively President and Scottish E.C. member ot the EETU-PTU-the electricians' and plumbers' super-union. The march was the latest development in a growing four-year recognition strike, which thè AFL. C (U.S. TUC) officially recognised.
The farm workers sent a delegate, Elaine Elison, to England during the strike to ask the TGWU to officially black scab grapes which had been picked by strike-breaking convict labour. Whilst the T&G were prepared to _extena verdal sympathy and give support to an ineffective consumer boycott, they were not prepared to back any militant action by dockers or market workers. The workers at Covent Garden and Smithfield, the Upper Pool of the London docks and a group at Tilbury Docks took unofficial action and blacked any scab shipments.
A docker militant who organised the blacking of the grapes was not only disiplined by the TGWU, but there were attempts to take legal action against him for assault on a trade union officer who, in collusion with the employer, attempted to break the blockade.
However, we learn from the T&G paper, The Record, August 1970, that as an expression of solidarity the T&G paid for the transport of the Liberty Bell. IRONY WHERE IS THY STING? SUFFER LITTLE CHILDREN...
Up to the turn of the century, the established church, in the shape of local vestrymen, had a great sway in educational matters. Fortunately, after years of trade union and socialist agitation, the church's influence in education has been greatly reduced. The vicar of St. Marks with St. Bartholomew, Dalston, London, writes a full page in his parish magazine in support of the Tory Government's proposed £100m. cut in the Education Bill. He suggests teachers are ¿novement inside the union against the ultraright-wing and bitterly anti-communist regime militants and strangling of democracy in the union.
The demonstration and a meeting which preceded it were to protest against the calling to Union HQ for "disciplinary action" of five Scottish militants accused of organising an "unofficial" demonstration against the latest decisions of the JIB last June. At least one of Blairford at the upcoming E.C. elections. overpaid and underworked and advises, "An immediate cut in teachers' salaries... We would like to see the top rate reduced to £1,500. Even at this figure our teachers would be handsomely paid." This follower of Christ further suggests a reduction of the schoolleaving age to 14, an increase in the cost of school meals, and concludes that "We see boys and girls who can neither read nor write, longhaired students 'demonstrating' on every conceivable issue instead of getting down to work, problem children being pampered by the State instead of being given a darned good hiding, and teachers overpaid at £1,700 a year, clamouring for a rise to £2,300.
"A halt needs to be called, and the news that the new Cabinet proposes to economise on education fills us with an unholy joy."
Having read his suggestions for economies in the social field, I would like to add a few ideas; that the wealth of all churches in the country be confiscated and be used for the bulding of schools, hospitals and homes for the benefit of the people who this con-man of the cloth is at present exploiting for his own personal gain. That all collection-plate toting bums be immediately made redundant and retrained in useful work. In his long-winded article, this peddiar of medieval superstition suggests teachers don't work hard enough. We extend our columns to him to explain what socially necessary labour -he performs that entitles him to eat, and to run the huge car and multi-roomed mansion in which he suffers his Christian martyrdom while his congregation live in one of the most delapidated housing areas in London.
Glasgow Moles who attended the meeting and demo were impressed by the men's determination and militancy and by the ability of their unofficial leadership. The news that the E.C. had circulated a letter to stewards ordering them to stop the workers striking to go on the march was greeted with derision. Speakers from the platform and the floor-many wearing masks to make identification difficult and underline the police regime in the unionattacked the JIB and the union leadership and explained how the employers attacks could not be adequately fought without getting rid of the class collaborators on the E.C. A proposal that workers should leave the union as a protest was opposed by the stewards, one of
MARXISTS AND THE NATIONALIST QUESTION?????
It is time that an up-to-date Marxist analysis. was given to the question of Nationalism in the British Isles. In dictionary terms a Nationalist is one who wishes to assert his National rights. In political terms this word means different things to different people. In Scotland, for instance, as elsewhere, the different "Marxist" groups seem to range incredibly in their interpretation of any situation and spend so much time in their cosy hobby of hair-splitting denate that loca revolution dies a theorist s death. As Marx himself said, "When I see the numerous people that call themselves Marxists, all I know is that I am not a Marxist."
The troubles of the "Celtic Fringe" nations should be well enough known to avoid allucidations here. Any interested Mole can refer to the historical aspect in books like Tom Johnstone's History of the Working Classes of Scotland (out of print but still available in some libraries), The Treaty of Union 1707 by Professor Oliver Brown, Scotland's Scrap of Paper by the same author. This booklet not only lays out the text of the treaty word for word but contains an excellent section of comment on the broken articles-al of them-and can be had from Clyde Bookshops, High Street, Glasgow, ol S.N.P., H.Q., 59 Elmbank Street, Glasgow For works on Ireland-apart from MarxJames Connolly on Labour in Irish History, and his other works seem well enough known and fairly easy to obtain Wales seems to be neglected in this sphere Perhaps our Welsh Moles will soon remedy this.
"Socialists" in Scotland seem fairly content to pay lip service to the scene in Sorbonne and Saigon and are annoyed to be reminded of the struggle on their own home front. The Labour Party reformists are really incensed by the more left-wing Nationalists for exposing their Conservative rumps and are viperous in their condemnation at being "outlefted". The consistency of their attacks range from accusing the S.N.P. publicly in the Glasgow City Chambers of beings Maoists, MacLeanists and Tartan Tories.
The Tory press in Scotland last year carried very witty headlines like "Karl MacMarx in Oban". Some joker in the S.N.P. actually proosed Profit Sharing at the Annual Conferenc n Oban. Profit sharing as we all know is a urely liberal idea and in direct contrast to Marxist theory. However, this smear had the desired effect of frightening the "blue" Nationalist voters, as intended.
The most tragic smear of all could only be used in Scotland and Ireland where the people are long conditioned to fighting among theme Ves MOTATeV TEnESI EDecaiecessdyu create a MacEnoch to divert the locals on the minority coloured population. The only real olour problem is Orange and Green and ant lome Rule propaganda goes down like a bomb in the right quarters with such phrases as "Home Rule means Rome Rule" or "A Free Scotland means a Free Kirk". So take your pick, Scots Proles, your favourite prejudice is reason enough to prevent you having your own Duma or anything else that really matters. You can always fight on the terraces of Parkhead (Celtic Park) and Ibrox (Rangers Park), or the poky pubs and dingy streets, then return to your "single ends" or room and kitchens and blame each other for your troubles. You can always send your M.P.s down to London on the Monday train and watch them slink back on the Friday with their bags packed like coolies. That'll show 'em!
What does it matter, international socialists, if Glasgow has the worst housing problem in Europe? (Did someone say Naples? Congratulations.) The problem's far too parochial to deserve more than a passing thought.
policy arguments to avoid an undue split between the homogeneous factions of Left and Right, or that the people of Scotland will decide that issue themselves after independence. Atter all, it was all right for Mao Tse-Tung to ally himself with Chiang Kai-Chek and accept American Aid to rid themselves of Japanese Imperialism. It wouldn't be an "international" situation if parochial Scotland achieved Home Rule, her own destiny It was also "wrong" of James Connolly in Ireland to attack British Imperialism and ally himself with the Green Tories. He should have waited till the English proletariat threw off their chains and rescued their Irish brothers. Isn't time nothing in history? Our Ulster brothers might like to testify to that.
How could Connolly betray internation socialism by saying Irish capital must come into Irish hands before Irish Socialism could come into being? How parochial.
Comment from "foreign" Moles on this The Red Mole 15th September 1970 Page 4 topic will be welcome-including Sassenach Donald Anderson, 27 Wilton Drive, Glasgow N.W., Scotland.
Comrade Anderson is right to raise the issue oj Scottish Nationalism for discussion by revolumonartes. Asa Tartan Mole in exile / must con fess that I have for long intended to write something on the question have never got rouna to u Many comrades will wonder why the issue is amooran ar ams time, ine bourreoa press zave the impression that the SNP was soundly trounced in the General Election and that Scotash Nanonausm is no longer an issue ne tac is that it is only now that it is becoming a real issue. Two years ago there was an artificial boom in support for the SNP, due to discontent with the Labour and Tory Parties. That tide has receded, but it has left a substantial residue of subport for une wanonausis so rar as r know the SNP is still the largest political party in Scotland) and more important, a greatly increased interest in the issue of the future of the Scottish nation.
wo new ucors are rome to neun uresu gence of support, probably in new forms, for Scottish separation. They are the election of a zorv Covernmen une brus eniry mo ue Common Market.
Obviously the EEC will mean a rundown in Scottish industry, as big capital is drawn away to the more lucrative investment areas in or near surope. Enis wi inrow many scors our o] a job, and limit the prospects of a decent life in Scormna.
Many Moles probably do not realise the sig tificance of the Tory victory for Scotland. The Tac is inar scoruna uke wates. overwneimunen rejected the Tories, as it has done traditionally It is quite understandable then that when faced with Tory attacks on the organised working class, many Scottish trade unionists will ask, why do we have to have a Tory Government?
What should the attitude of revolutionaries towaras sucn taeas be crtnmk tnar we snowia make a separation between the attitude which Sassenach and Scottish comrades should take. Revolutionaries outside Scotland should defend the right of the Scottish nation to self-determinanion, ine scornisn peo pie nave tre democrartc right to separate from the British state and that right should be supported But it is a different matter for Scottish revolutionaries. We have to very carefully weigh up the implications for the Scottish workers of the demand for separation and it is on this that LnInK Don rers conTused The confusion /which is undoubtedly caused by inexperience and lack of knowledge on the comrade s part is snown wnen ne gives, us ine the Japanese is a complex question that I won' go nio nere i ww merew sare war aor think it was all right. But the real significance of the Chinese experience is this: when the Chinese revolutionaries had built their own independent army, and acting independently of The ruommgang wen on. nawne dereared the Japanese, to defeat and drive out Chiang Kai-Chek in the teeth of U.S. Imperialism, and destroy capitalism in China; then, and only then, were they able to achieve real independence for the Chinese nation. A couple of decades previously under the tutelage of Stalin's Comintern the Chinese Communists submerged themselves in the Kuo mintang and worked completely under the domination of Chiang Kai-Chek. The result was tragic; Chiang turned round and without warning massacred thousands of Communists, forcing them to flee into the mountains.
Don is mistaken. too. about Connolly. It is not true to say that he allied with Green Tories; the Deonle who fought beside him in the castei Rising were radical demo cratic nationalists. If iney were nor comscows so cwusis, urey were certainly very far from being Tories. A contributory factor in forging the alliance was the support that people like Padraig Pearse gave to the workers of Dublin, in the 1913 general SEEK e But much more important than this is the fact that before going into the alliance, Connolly naa tapoured tor vears to oua an incepencen. frish working class mo vement, and to build an ne evenden armea workers muwm. ine cuizer Army. Not only that just before the rising Connolly told the C.A. to hang onto their rifles, that they were out to go further than the others, and that independence for reland meant a workers neouone So the lesson of these two examples are quite different from what comrade Anderson seems to think. If applied to Scotland, they indicate that the first responsibility for Scottish revotunonertes ato serve or une macoenucnc of the working class. Everything else, including Scottish independence, is subordinate to this.
It is important to understand also that the position of Scotland's greatest revolutionary, John MacLean, who did call for Scottish separation, was no different. He came out with this postion wnen u was clear that ine scorrasn workers were much more revolutionary at that particular time than the English workers, and that if Scotland remained tied to England-this would prevent a workers revolution, and that if scotland separated it could mean the Scottish workers seizing control in Scotland.(1)
Why is independence for the working class so important? I think an examination of Scottish history will show us why. Just before the Treaty of Union in 707 Scotland was develo ping as an independent capitalist nation; this was extremely difficult due to the hostility of the more powerful English capitalism. The breakthrough for Scottish capitalism was to have the "Darien Scheme, the attempr to plant a Scottish colony in the isthmus of Panama. This was wrecked by a combination of disease, inexperience of the settlers, stupidity of their backers in Edinburgh, and the deliberate poucy oj wunam oj urange to prevent assistance to the colony by English ships and settlements.
The result of this collapse was the ruining of a very large section of the Scottish bourgeoisie and petit-bourgeosie, this led directly to the Treaty of Union. which was sold to the Scottis/ Parliament in return for compensation to the Darien shareholders. The result of this was the Juston oj ine scornisn capuanst wno remainea with the English capitalists to form the British capitalist class. Then the agonising process of destroying the Highland peasantry, , and replac ing the people of large tracts of Scotland with sheep or game (and incidentally creating the modern Scottish working class out of the meuur por orne mousra owanas inte which were thrown Highland and lowtand peasants and thousands of Irish immigrants).
So 1707 was not a simple case of English perfidy riding roughshod over the Scottish nation. That nation was split into two sectors, the poor peasants and embryonic working class who had nothing to gain from the Union, and a lot to lose; and the bourgeoisie, whose ineptness led to its own ruination, and whose greed led to acceptance of English bribes to sell their nation. When Burns wrote, "We're bought and sold for English gold/such a parcel of rogues in a nanon, une nunon wus oconane ana ne rogues were the Scottish bourgeoisie.(2)
And Scotland is still split; still one section represents the interests of the vast majority of the Scottish nation, the working class; while anotner secuons meresea ony mn us own profit. By this I mean the higher echelons of the Scottish petit-bourgeoisie. who either oppose separation for economic reasons, or support it because they feel the pressure of competition from England or other foreign capitalists.
And that is why the Scottish National Party is split also, because it attempts to combine these two mutually opposed sectors. That is wny one the one nana lt contains peoples uke the SNP Provost of Stirling, who presented a trophy from Stirling Town Council to the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders for their role n trying to crush the independence struggle in South Yemen. and peonle like comrad Anderson, who is a genuine working class mili tant. And that is why it cannot take the step of declaring for a Scottish Republic, but wishes to retain the English monarchy after independence Ana nus wny a can Rever do ar ynEoi the Scottish people, because it can never take any unambiguous decisions.
The only way Scotland can have real independence is if the Scottisl workers take control oj ever yunng, from urema Green to Lerwick. if we have that Scottish Workers Republic that John MacLean preached. Only the working clas. has no interests other than the interests of the majority of the Scottish people, simply because they are the majority.
If we accept that principle we then have to ascus une macac ov wwen anas cunr pe acmeved Immediately we have to say that the interests of the Scottish workers are closely tied up with the interests of the English and Welsh workers and with the immigrants who work side by side with us in Scotland and in England. This is because we are all exploited by the same class, e orEs cabes cuss wno auo exoon other nations like Ireland, India, African nations ete. We have close interests with the workers and peasants there. And since our enemies ally themselves with others of their ilk in suppressing ana expiouing ine peopte oj Africa, Asia ana Latin America, we are linked to the liberation •struggles in Indo-China, southern Africa. Latir America, etc., and in the context of EEC entry, we must link with the workers of Europe.
In other words, the success of the Scottish workers is very much dependent on the anticapuans ana antrimperianst struggle in the rest of the world. It is obvious that we could not seize power in Scotland without the military power of britsn imperiansm deing broken eiseAnd our victory will be consummated only if the Scottish Workers Republic is allied with our fellow workers of Ireland, Wales and England in a Socialist United States of Europe neretore ine ouestion or wnerner we cal for separation now must be approached from two angles. What kind of Scotland do its ad vo cates desire? And how would it affect the alliance, actual or potential, between the Scottish and other workers? From this stand point we must reject the SNP's policy; it is the policy of petit-bourgeis people who would not be able to stand up to the might of British capitalism if i opposea inem, ana wricn even uji succeeded would mean the kind of fake independence under which the workers are suffering in the zó Counties of Ireland. We must say also that unlike in MacLean's dav, there is little sign thai the Scottish workers are nearer taking power than the English workers, and that we must emphasise the need for unity with them; the demand for separation at present does not have much revotunonary significance However, I sympathise with Don in his impatience with those Scottish "Marxists" who dismiss the question out of hand, without serious examination, and with e boorish dogma tism which it is hard to find anywhere else. I know, and have clashed many times with, these people. I must state clearly that my own ideas on this subject are partial and incomplete, and require much discussion and research. In particular we need to understand the importani differences between the class struggle in Scotland and in England, and the special problems of Scottish workers, and the embryonic national consciousness that they retain, in orde to work out a programme for the struggle in Scotland which can heighten their class con sciousness. An important step towards the Workers Republic would be the creation or ar independent, critical and active Marxist tradition in Scotland. The lack of it has led to the kind of fragmentation and confusion which facilitated the growth of the SNP However, the claymore has been picked up, let the battle commence.
Dear Mole With reference to lan Fraser's article (Red Mole no. 6) on the Dutch women's liberation movement, "Dolle Mina", I think that comrade raser was nor commetev corecta ns accou of Dutch affairs, nor does his opinion of the future of "Dolle Mina" seem to be too realistic!
a) Comrade Fraser is wrong in writing that an elaborate programme nas been accepted by the first congress of DM. Only a short resolution was accepted, the contents of which coincide approximately with Fraser's "on the basis that the biological distinction between man and woman does not justify their role assignment the goal of DM is: social change, to bring about qual development chances for all, irrespectiv of sex." The rest of the paragraph in Fraser' article consists of quotations from the programme proposed by the Amsterdam majority group. This programme has been discussed but has not been carried by the national congress b) The members of the Socialist Youth (SJ) who initiated DM are still members of their organisation. They just did not report on their activities to the organisation, although the general line adopted by them in DM does not conflict at all with the general line of the SJ c) DM is not growing any more. DM has consolidated its position outside Amsterdam, but has been torn to pieces by factional differences in Amsterdam.
d) Tan Fraser's account on the future possi bilities of DM bears an astonishing resemblance to the views of the by-now-leading group in Amsterdam, affiliated to the student Karl Marx Group (KMG). Unfortunately this group is neither leading DM, because the local groups are autonomous both in theory and in practice, nor does this group, which has by the way close connections with the original DM group, represent the majority of DM in Amsterdam. In fact different branches of DM coexist quasiindependently in Amsterdam. The numerical force of each does not exceed some 10 or 12 militants. The only way the KMG-Dolle Mina's can be said to lead DM is in their chances to get their views printed by the Socialistiese Uitgeverij Amsterdam. But in my opinion this printing press leadership is of no value. Fraser's article does, however, represent a certain value, because of Fraser's exposing-consciously or unconsciously- the political views of the KMG-SJ "leadership". These views are centrist in character. The KMG-SJ wants to wage struggles on the level of the partial demands. Afterwards, a solemn declaration follows that this or that struggle does not stand on its own, but is part and parcel of the global anti-capitalist struggle. This leads to either a reformist activism (notably SJ) or complete separation from the actua struggles and notably to isolation from th masses. The latter development appeared in DM, where the KMG has destroyed the actual movement rather than share a part of their "leadership" with other tendencies.
e) The firture of DM, for the reasons mentioned above, will never bring us a more or less large affiliation of the DM-masses to a futur Leninist party. SJ is openly anti-Leninist, KMG's Leninism consists in quoting abundantly from What is to be Done? But a Leninist organisation is not built on a large number of quotations from the "Sacred Books". Leninism means something different. It is a pity that comrade Fraser did not understand your excellent Lenin Centenary issue. Leninism in Holland has been harmed rather than helped by the behaviour of the KMG-SJ "leadership" of Dolle Mina. Furthermore, what exactly is a combat party of the Leninist type? Leninist parties are not characterised by their combativity alone. A revolutionary party has a revolutionary theory, a revolutionary programme. And this is exactly what the KMG-SJ "leadership" in DM is lacking The building of a revolutionary Marxist party in Holland will pass along a much more difficult road than comrade Fraser is suggesting.
Revolutionary greetings, Herman Pieterson, Amsterdam.
EVENTS
----- pull-quotes -----
of Cannon & Co.—with its collaboration with employers and Government, victimisation of
the men is generally regarded as having had nothing to do with that action. Cincidentally however, he is the most serious hallenger to
Remember those lovely phrases like "..The Soutdinh De thaaline S.N P. dy bora e av )
Moles. Yours for the Revolution,