Socialist Action No. 169, 10 July 1987

Socialist Action (IMG / Socialist League) · 10 July 1987 · 12 pages, 16,334 words read by machine

The scan: 169-jul-10-1987-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)

Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.

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Page 1 scan of this page

No. 169 10 July 1987 30p

SociAlist

AcTioN

V7 volta

BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM

LABOUR'S CHOICE

UNITY WITH THE

ONE MONTH after the election the essential lines of divide in the labour movement are already clear. Three currents are clarifying themselves. • The Labour right is more explicitly than ever before advocating a deal with the Liberals, and new realism' in the unions. The New Statesman, New Society and Guardian are all openly advocating a Liberal-Labour agreement. Gavin Laird, general secretary of the AEU, has called for both

LIBERALS proportional representation and for the unions to

work with, not against, the Thatcher government. • The 'soft left' majority in the Labour Party and trade unions are maintaining their bloc with the right wing. They are being drawn steadily to the right - with calls for Labour to re-evaluate its economic policies yet again, to become a party not simply council house sales but of share ownership anything resembles even a formal commitment to socialism.

To give organisational muscle to this shift the trade union leadership are pushing one member one vote (OMOV) through the union conferences. These are only the first of a of political and organisational shifts to the right the majority of the party membership are going to be asked to accept in this parliament. • The only current consistently opposing these developments is the Campaign group in parliament, the left wing in the trade unions, and a number of campaigns tied to them in the Labour Party.

These three currents are separating out even before the most important events of the next five years, the fights that will take place against Thatcher outside parliament, unfold. These struggles the OR UNITY ON THE most important developments taking place, deepen these differences still further. will

In this situation it is vital the left in the party has a strategic line. There is no doubt what it must be.

The right wing of the party is going down a road which will end in coalition with the Liberals. As long as the soft left remains in a bloc with the right wing - and that is how the Labour Party and labour movement is being led today — it will itself be drawn closer and closer to coalitionism no matter what its intentions today. Long before it arrives at that point the soft left will have to accept policies - new witch hunts, sabotage of struggles, political shifts which some in its ranks will find hard to accept.

LEFT The 'hard left' of the party must have one de-

mand systematically addressed to the soft left majority: break with the right and work with us to defend those in struggle, to win the policies that are needed for the success of the labour movement, and to break the right's grip on the party.

There is no necessity for the party, to be run by the right today. The alternative to the party being run as a bloc between the right wing and the soft left, increasingly on the politics of the right, is for th "soft left' to break with the right and join with the left.

That can be done at every level from the shadow cabinet elections, through campaigns in the interests of the trade unions such as the link up' campaign of the TGWU, through to the most important question of all - defence of those who will be resisting Thatcher. •Break with the right and join with us. Defend those who are under attack from Thatcher. The only alternative to a final agreement with the Liberals is unity on the left'. These must be key elements of the strategy of the left. They can be pursued in every struggle that takes place.

Page 2 scan of this page

Where is Steel going?

2 Socialist Action 10 July 1987

ACTioN SociAlist

Strike against the

poll tax

IF EVER there was a single measure that could lose a government an election, if it is exploited correctly, it is likely to be the poll tax. But if Labour is to lead the fight against that tax it has to have a very different ap-

The Labour leaderhip is planning a purely parliamentary opposition. But that has about as much chance of success as the charge of the light brigade. With a parliamentary majority of parliamentary opposition. Worse still if Labour waters down its oppostion to rely on 'revolts' by Tory wets such as Heseltine, Heath and Biffen or to 'unite' with opposition by the Liberals, the

to deliver a severe blow against thatcher will be lost.

The poll tax is vital because it affects not just those who have to pay it but the entire communi-

the poll tax is to make local authority expenditure so unpopular that there is a public outcry for it to be cut back in order to reduce the tax. That would result in massive loss of jobs for the local government workers.

It is for that reason that the local government

that struse Actions takers at the unions

labour movement not simply for parliamentary opposition to the poll tax but also demonstrations and other actions against it. mand of the labour movement must be for strike

A decisive weakness of the struggle against rate capping was lasted, it was waged simply within the council chambers. There was no real involvement of the local government unions, let alone the communi-

has in its sights a deeply unpopular, and unjust, tax. The entire labour movement can be mobilis-

By placing high among its priorities a fight against the poll tax, and not confining that fight to parliament but undertaking mass demonstrations and strike action against it, Labour can protect working people against an unjust tax, undermine Thatcher's popularity, and build its should be drawing up plans for that fight.

A few questions

AFTER KEN Livingstone, Peter Hain is the best known member of the 'left' wing of the LCC. Last Sunday, in News on Sunday, he wrote an unequivocable article attacking any pact between Labour and the Liberals: 'The...suggestion of a Lib-Lab pact should be rejected outright..lt won't happen... Nor is it desirable.'

Excellent. But then a few questions arise. Why is the LCC, and the soft left, de facto in a bloc with the right wing which contains those who are in favour of a deal with the Liberals? And why is it in a bloc with the right wing when that opposes the demands of women and black peo ple in the party which the LCC claimed to stand for? And what does Peter Hain, and others who think like him in the LCC or elsewhere, think about the refusal of the Tribune Group to conclude an agreement with the Campaign Group for a joint slate for the shadow cabinet? Do they agree with that decision, like the New Statesman, or disagree with it like Tribune?

This is not about 'exposing anybody. It is about extremely practical questions. The Labour Party today is being run as a bloc between the

soft left and the hard right. But the right is going

down a road which large sections of the soft lefi totally disagree with.

Shouldn't they be thinking about breaking off their bloc with the right and forming one with the left instead?

WITHIN THREE days of the election David Steel set about dismembering the SDP. Formally speaking the question was over a merger of the two parties. But in reality the issue is wholly political — and treated as such by all serious bourgeois figures. The Economist on 4 July put the issue squarely: 'David Steel would take Britain's Alliance party into a pact with Labour. David Owen would not. Hence the ructions.' JOHN ROSS looks at where Steel is taking the Alliance, and why he took the initiative so decisively against Owen.

merger wing of the SDP also made an explicit call tor a new Labour-Amance

Wing situation, noted: Steel now

Labour The party Malcolm Rutherfored wrote nancia

wing MPs will

would be

Mr Steel.

County Europe. These already

differences

which

David not making it that he primarily discussing

and Owen

Steel clear by

tion. crisis Steel over

Owen's Times on June, three

make the clear.

Grimond tory govern-

was done clear strategy

by Diesell Liberal

should recall the commitments of its foun-

fathers cady Labour conferences to elec- leadership

under by emintensely OWIl undemocratic attitude to this issue.

"The scope for the two oppositions working rogerner Is severely nutca behe deift to thiamentale Labour Party. But on some of socialism and then issues there should surely be an effort to make common altogether. cause across the party barriers • and why not with the disaffected Tory "wets"

as wthe Campaign

The for

Scottish Assembly,

has doggedly tried to keep

Scottish self-government as

an all-party issue, should

not delay in re-attempting early

to convene discussion

renresentations from al the

political parties.'

the memorandum as the Tories

setting out his proposal for ponent.

the merger of the SDP and

Liberals Steel made

orientation equally clear. explicit in

lalking or me ciecuon call wile Wal

paign he stated: I would

Thatcher non-socialist

alternative' David Mar-

quand, part of the pro-

wille

mond

columnist.

majority ment,

1966.

its overall supervision The

sued by a

Labour's

1979 Liberals 1983, when

port,

cond only seduct

1981-83

relatively

Labour

election.

that since.

strategy.

Tories should the Labour. newspaper For

thusiastic

appeared parliamentary

I conkeep replace

election.

This

period Labour,

affected capital. and :control.

parliament

destroyed

and posal was in

destroyed

Since the Alliance

into third movement.

The troduce This abandoned

party

This was

tire

sought, take votes This

from

his utopian

an Alliance

1983

the

Led the

believed

on

projec

of SDP

of

sections

pro replace

However

to in-

in'

instead

the

the pattern.

Politics Today

to become only

There merged

party Alliance

and the

attempted

indeed.

'underlying'

rapidly

surtace.

the second

of a

has been : one. This i

It

could

SDP-Liberal taking votes

party in-

Tories

the precis

pact with

are now very coming to the

Page 3 scan of this page

Soft left faces hard choices

News

party.

First off the mark to make demands on the soft left were the pro-coalitionist right. The New Statesman, which now acts as the weekly organiser of the Labour right, heralded the outcome of the election by explicitly comme our In ravour ora coalition government and a deal with the Liberals. It accompanied this with an article by its political editor, reler neunel, praising une Tribune group of MPs for refusing to draw up any joint slate for the shadow cabinet with the Campaign Group.

By Dick Carter

The New Statesman's political editor, John Lloyd,

1vcl out lic alaryss n

Monda column' the Financial Times on 6 July. He started from the situa• 039 • He linked this directly to the situation in the Labour Party and the differences over

tions: 'Dr Owen is concern-

OUti ideologically distinct position for himself (and it may serged Liberal Democratic soon himself). Alliance without him will be more amenable to deals will we Labour rarty. Ivc one will talk about this with year when the Alliance will - it is assumed have sorted itself out. If talkins does start, the principal dif ferences may be found to be few.

"That will be partly because the Labour Party seems to be in the throes of 'Politics after the election'

150 PEOPLE attend-

ed Socialist Action's

•Politics after the elec-

tion' conference on 4

July. At the main

morning session Les

Huckfield MEP, Lin-

da Bellos — leader of

Lambeth Council

Ken Livingstone MP

Ann Pettifor

tional organiser of the

Labour Women's Ac-

tion Committee and

John Ross discussed

the way forward after

the election.

Discussion centred

THE IMMEDIATE outcome of the general election has posed more concretely than ever before the choices facing the 'soft left'. Within three weeks of the election many of the basic strategic choices that will dominate politics in this parliament were posed in miniature. They posed without ambiguity the basic, and sole, strategic choices facing the 'soft left' majority of the

a realignment of its own: between the soft left and the right. The Tribune shadow cabinet slate contains Mr Bryan Gould (whose huge political and presentational talents include the ability to travel ideologially light); Mr JONI Prescoll (a former union official, who found HISCHI studio debate supporting the proposition that Labour should be state funded to break its dependence on the unions) and Mr Jack Straw (blooded in endless battles with LOHCOI borough leaders of the left) ... The varts no longer doome ing stars whose politics are fundamentally different from those of Mr John Cunningham, Mr Roy Hattersley or Mr John Smith.

Turning to the Alliance clova noted 'on Labour's side, there is a nice and delavable calculation to be made, as to whether it can hope the Alliance down by convincingly re-occupying the centre-left ground — or if it cannot, whether make some sort of deal...

Won

Lloyd then outlined his perspective: "The safest bet

this: Liberal Democratic Alliance will emerge; with left-of-centre leaning; that the Labour leadership will continue the process of signalling to the

electorate that it is now a modern, social democratictype party with lots of ideas about wealth creation as well as a concern for those at the bottom of the heap; on the drive to open up

debate on coalition with the Liberals by the

the Labour Party's constitution, OMOV. to drive through

political shift right and how Labour should be expanding its appeal.

The afternoon sions heard Ernest Mandel speaking UNLISOL development of the 'dual society' In KuroDe

in the USSR.

Jean McKnight trom

ALLIANCE SHAMBLES SHOULD OPEN THE

DOOR TO KINNOCK

By PETER HAIN

TEMPTING though it may be to sit back in satistact rals and SDP tea: should move decisively.

that these two groups will

gently incline towards each

other ain an of

listening-to-what-you-say

It is the result of this

possible mutual inclination

towards each • OLIC

Labour and Alliance which

will determine whether not the mould is really to be Sinn Fein spoke on Ireland after the election, %i0 01n Harrison on Thatcher's economic policies.

The winning

alternative

for Labour

broken ... the pursuit of Pooler may zoower not leave

But while appearing to hedge his bets Lloyd staked out his ground on the fun-

Diguinta it is becoming.

biguity: clear that there is a broad identity of political view stretching from the jagged fissure between the Campaign and Tribune groups

of the Labour Party, to the equally jagged fissure in the Alliance.

The Labour right of course rushed to openly distance itset trom coalitionist consequences of Lloyd's position Roy Hattersley doing so public ly on television and Bryan Gould attacking it at the LCC conference last weekend. But then, at present, they have no choice but to be extremely careful over this issue otherwise the alliance OCLWCCI une soli left and the right wing will break down and Kinnock's whole project in the Labour Party will be undermined

Success

As The Times noted on 7 July: "To keep the soft left in line, Kinnock will need to re-emphasise his commitment non-nuclear defence policy . And he will, of course, have to deny that he has any interest in a Lib-Lab pact, just as David Steel will have to disclaim such a pact while forcing through the Alliance merger. The likes of Eric Heffer and David Owen will have a joint interest in trying to bring the subject up, alleging a betrayal of SOCAISLO centrist principles respectively.

However as the article

IN LLOWN

B

continued the Labour right, and Kinnock, in any case can delay their decision over

try Labour majority at the next election or go for a deal with the Liberals. It urgec

'Neil Kinnock would need to push through rule changes within the Labour Party — one member one vote in candidate selection, perhaps also new disciplinary rule alice st a heel, and themated to roto- bringing the hard left ing back its recent advance within the party...

Unions

'Neil Kinnock doubtless never intended to Decome mic cool ede who surrendered for ever

Phone majority Labour government. The temptation to keep his options open will doubtless remain strong right down to the wire, especially since his reform package is equally

pact or a final attempt by LaDOul li displace the likes or Sharon Kinnock will want to Atkin from Labour marginals whether it is in order to improve Labour's image nationally or to entice Liberals to vote Labour locally.

Majority

This recessit of the ight and Kinnock to stout ly deny any suggestion on the topic of a deal with the

last Sunday's News on Sunday outlined the Labour Coor- Here rele Hain

dinating Committee (LCC's) view - which was indistinguishable from Kin-

Now for a real alliance?

The Liberal Party, having

swallowed the SDP, would be in a

powerful position to attract

Labour into a more formidable

pact. R. H . Jobnsan cxamines the

possibilities for realignment

nock's. However Hain stated clearly: gestion of a Lib-Lab pac should be rejected outright would be the Liberals. The main beneficiary

Such views are imporfant because, as The Times pointed out, _carry through his changes in the Labour Party: Kinnock will need to win and hold

the support phe union bosses groups (especially Ron Todd of th transport workers), and the soft left within the parliamentary party There is no prospect of the hard left achieving outright victory, but if enough of the soft lett were to delect lo them (in the shadow cabinet elections, tor example they could block Kinnock's drive tor reform.

Figures such as Hain therefore have to be kept in line, even by the right, until the piness crushing Labour's left carried through. Then a turn can be

- anc those like Hain can be given the choice of going along with it or being tossed aside like the proverbial squeezed lemon.

Process

The delicacy of the operation tor the Labou right and Kinnock is that while the SOll went prepared to go along with all the demands placed on them during the last parlia ment, inveighling them on the Liberals is quite a difterent matter. rurthermore even if the goal of coalition

announced LIC demands that will be placed on the soft left as the right wing moves in that direc-

Socialist Action 10 July 1987* 3

Towards a true break

THE MONDA

TO POWER tion are going to grow and grow.

What is inevitably goin to result is a process of dif

terentiation This already started at the LCC annual conference last autumn when divided over whether to work with Labour Left Liaison or not. The same choice has now spread into the Parliamen-

tary Labour Party with th Tribune group voting 37-27 against a joint slate with th

callac els willi the New Statesman supporting the 37 and Tribune itself • the The same divisions are going to appear in the trade unions.

A majority of the soft left, , particular leadership, will undoubted ly go over to the right. But a minority will go over to the left.

Lead

These divisions will inevitably deepen because the soft left's political project is incoherent. On the one hand it genuinely wants to avoid a coalition with the Liberals, with all that would entail. hand it rejects the , only alliance, that with the left in the party, that would build an alternative Inevitably one section of the soft left will maintain its refusal of unity with the hard left', and therefore finish up b going over to support coal tion, and the other, because

policies that the coalitionist perspective entails will finish up by allying with the campaign left

The task the left of the party faces is to continually pose the 'sott lett' with that choice.

Page 4 scan of this page

Witch hunt continues in Birmingham

4 Socialist Action 10 July 1987

In Brief

London Labour AGM THE London Labour Party annual meeting on 11-12 July will be the first major Labour Party event following the election. It will witness an attempt by the Labour leadership to blame the left in London for the party's defeat.

The agenda has been reorganised to take a major discussion on the. discussion on the Inner London Education Authority.

New anti-abortion legislation threatened LIBERAL MP David Alton is one of the MPs who have come high enough on the Private Members Bill ballot to be in with a chance of putting legislation betore parliament.

Further restrictions on abortion is amongst the topics he is considering. p'ernational

International Viewpoint carries news,

documents and analysis of working class

movements from around the world and

is indispensable reading for all socialists.

In the latest issue are

articles on the Middle East, South

Africa and West Germany. Available

from most left bookshops or by post

from Other Books, PO Box 50, London

NI 2XP.

Subscription rates: 6 months, £9.50 (120FF); 'EC and send to IV, 2 Rue Richard Lenoil

93108, Montreuil, France

THE SECOND

ASSASSINATION

OF

MAURICE

BISHOP

A reply to the slander campaign

against the Grenadan revolution

SPEAKERS

GEORGE LOUISON a leader of the Maurice Bishop

Patriotic Movement, former Minister of Agriculture in

the People's Revolutionary Government of Grenada

BEN BOUSQUET Labour candidate in Kensington in

the General Election

CELIA PUGH Socialist Action

TUESDAY 14 JULY

Mare St, London E8 Organised by E. London Socialist Action, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP.

Moves are being

floated to change the constitution of the

LOLCOR Laborral to cut down the influence of the left, for example by reducing the number of places elected directly to the regional executive by the regional women's conference.

There will be a Campaign Forum meelng on salurday lunchtime at the London School of Printing. , Speakers include: Eric Heffer, Linda Bellos, Ann Pettifor Pete Willsman and the LCLGR.

However, whether or not it is chosen by Alton, anti-abortion legislation is likely to be introduced in one form or another In 1 nasars o res Before the election the suveillcal was alcauy announcing its intention to bring forward new laws on embryo experimentation based on the Warnock Report.

Pro-choice activists be prepared! EN POINT

in-depth 7.30pm, Hackney Town Hall, 4.

IT'S BACK to business for the right wing in Birmingham now that the general election is out of the way. In the two weeks since June 11 one ward has been closed down and a constituency has been informed that it may be next.

The Sparkhill ward of Sparkbrook constituency

closed down by the

the ward members knew of

tion on lo june llal lI

•revent new

Icolace those WIU on. Ward ofticers claim that consecce asonce orod

Opposition to Tories

growing in Scotland

July.

The and the

Rifkind's that

government

done nothing

tion here.

Uver. people want

the Labou Party to that

UL.

of 50-strong

allowed forget its

Scotland.

ef-

low in-

tages

the EC. They had tried to call a public meeting on the issue of Black Sections dur-

Although

disciplinary measures against some of

members well ildy follow. Kevin Scally's comments to the local press were also referred to the EC which was asked to bring back recommendations.

By Mick Archer

The GC also voted to disenfranchise Sparkhill ward's delegates to Birm-

DIS BOCI Party. At the moment the DLP disbanded

ausu following a boycott by right

When its AGM is finally called the election of officers is likely to produce a close-run race between left ana rigat wing nomices anticipation of this, right wing constituencies such as Sparkbrook, Yardley and Small Heath have been doing everything their power to eliminate left wing delegates.

Meanwhile Selly Oak constituency has been told that it is in danger of being disbanded. Fraser Kemp West Midlands regiona organiser, attended GMC on 25 June to discuss its ongoing dispute with the NEC over the membership of Bob Whitehead.

Bob was a member of the Labour Party until he

effects of

be in Scotland | hitting

afford it.

Labour and trade union would

plement.

will cost Strathclyde

Region over £13

puter

group Strathclyde Charles

these and

for all-Scottish

Labour

called

Glasgow on Saturday August to

to the in

DIN

IRITY

H

LLY

PTEMBER Amir Khan (above) and Kevin Scally were reinstated in

branch moved to Yardley in 1985 when he was excluded from number of other transferees

The idea of the Labour Party being a broad church has never quite reached Yardley with the result that it is the second most working class Tory held seat in the country. TOUNC managed to produce a 0.42

MANT In 1979 Scottish workers lobbied the TUC for action against the Tories, in June 1987 they decisively defeated the Tories in the general election - - and opposition is still growing

government statistics on regional trends confirm the growing differences between North and South As affluence spreads in the South East, to East Anglia and the South West, unemployment continues to rise in the North and deprivation increases.

Scottish election results showed .our response to those divisions

opposition must continue to be organised

Birmingham-Sparkbrook Labour Party last year, but as the Atkin affair has already shown the right wing's witch hunt is by no means over - recently they have closed down Sparkhill

per cent swing to Labour from the Conservatives.

Bob subsequently moved to Selly Oak where was gladly recruited. Officers of Yardles - along with their friends on NEC- - have been trying to put an end to this arrangement ever since

Selv Oak GMC continued to give their support

Convention for

sanctions

26 June

National Convention for Against

the Anti Apartheid Movement called

their

implement sanctions

sanc

taken

this event create the conditions whereby

for

unions, political ana variety of other

SWAPC of the African Congress.

Norman Willis,

of the

News

On Sun a

DAY OF

BY BE IN ALD to Bob and the regional organiser undertook to con vey their views to the NEC The debate on Bob's case lasted almost two hours.

One delegate caught the mood of the meeting when he said he was 'fed up with it all' and wanted to get on with fighting the Tories. If the last weeks anything to go by then he's in for a long wait He TUC's policy Africa,

live and . aCLU1

vention whole.

bringing many

of pro

plan of

emphasis was given cam

speakers ad potential for building solidarity

action was

on the scale.

Page 5 scan of this page

The Unionists new tactic

News

THE UNIONIST parties in the north of Ireland have officially registered the failure of their campaign against the Anglo-Irish agreement signed in November 1985. The "Task Force' report drawn up by Frank Millar, general secretary of the Official Unionist Party (OUP), Harold McCusker, OUP deputy leader and Peter Robinson, Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), published on 2 July, acknowledges most unionists do not believe that the present unionist campaign against the Agreement can succeed. The report urges the Unionist parties to open talks 'without preconditions' with the British government about alternatives to the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

The new report sets the 'Inionist obiective most rapid possible installation of a 'devolved government' in the six counties.

This has, of course, been we noast cenaro soce the Stormont *protestant parlament tor a protestant Perlenes ange for in abolished return to a Stormont administration the report prepared to accept, for the irst time, participation of the bourgeois nationalist Social Democratic Labour rarty in a government o. the six counties. The report

document published by the ultra-sectarian Ulster berence Association (UDA) earlier this year.

UDA, specialises in random murders of catholics, spelt out that ›ower-sharing

vith the SDLP would be a

Agreement. The precondition for the UDA was that the nationalist community must show their loyalty' remaining 01 the United Kingdom for ever.

report goes further than the UDA in pledging 'willingness negotiate British/Irish framework for co-operation within these islands. Control

The key precondition for the Unionists is regaining control of the sectarian security forces in the six

in Northern Ireland without control of internal security would be unworthy of the name'

If agreement cannot be reached on such an alterhave ner Agreement the report

'threat:

Devolved government therefore our objective and whilst we hope this will prove attainable within the COLCAL of the United Kingdom, unionists would be wise and prudent to an-

• • TRIBUNE • 1 MAY 190.

deputy leader of lan Paisley's ticipate that it might not...

Tatue to arave at couschSuS would leave the Unionist leadership alternative but to seek an entirely new base for Nor-

present constitutional context. To this end it should be observed that Article 1 of the Anglo-Irish Agreement itself purports to recognise and safeguard the right of the people of northern Ireland self-determination.

completely

sole SECCE partitioned

the British perialism.

Unionists

would be But

alongside the

even connection with Britain.

SYOLCLE of relative for

tion nationalists

Into the of the six It Is lnal relatively

The have task force have view:

THE SEAMUS MALLON COLUMN

W ITH ALL media

towards violence and terrorism, successive British governments have been given the perfect smokescreen to detract from their out-of-sight out-of-mind policies which have left a legacy of neglect, poverty and deprivation. It has been said that our old men see visions and our vonne man

Last year's 6 July Orange march

was the preferred option in the Forum report and continues to be the preferred option of all constitutional nationalists. On the other hand we have to be practical about it and in the short term there is no possibility Ol a unilary state. ne goes on: I would argue that the

the SDLP to get involved in a devolved situation.' (Fortnight, June 1987)

The even made clear that

SIX county 'devolved

which

propose is, course, political

HERe for

But any ad-

1s a

1987).

speech to parliament th

lory government spelt out that it is thinking along the same innes as tne umonists

- referring to the possibility of greater responsibility

destro isters.

attention on the north of Treland directed the C

89-338 fo fewer year's One

tuenci North candid

'whilst Mainlalning Anglo-Irish

failed to defeat the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The British

Dublin, and suvilial!

eliminate republican Adams in of Gerry

The

Unionists

administratOl. This

change for

movement and

The fly in the ointment is that the efforts of London, Dublin, the SDLP, RUC, and the British army have failed to eliminate, or A very broad alliance

(Fortnight, June 1987).

mediate future'

the mass support that exists for the republican moveThe reason for this is the one Issue bicy cannot touch the fact that all the cosmetic CACCISC victaken ove the past eighteen years have failed to tackle the roots of sectarian discrimination in the six counties are themselves grounded in partition and the British colonial presence Ireland.

by the Every

north,

up the movement and parcel create a new

Dublin, the SDLP.

READERS of Tribune will know of that newspaper's regular eulogies to the bourgeois nationalist Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP). Tribune presents the SDLP as some kind of socialist party to the left in Britain. Tribune has even given SDLP deputy leader Seamus Mallon a regular column in Tribune.

One thing you will not read in Tribune, however, is the call by leading SDLP spokesperson Austin Currie for support for Margaret Thatcher in th British general election: 'I am sorry to say it but -from the point of view of nationalist Ireland — a continuation of Maggie Thatcher in power, for a limited period of time, would be to our advantage.'

In case that isn't clear enough, Currie added: I believe that, while we have a strong Conservative government, that is a reason for optimism for the im-

NUR calls for British withdrawal in one parliament IN AN HISTORIC decision the NUR conference on 1 July voted by 41 votes to 36 to call upon the next Labour government to commit itself to a 'withdrawal of British rule in Ireland within the lifetime of that government'.

The motion was carnica against lne opposition of general secrelary Jimmy Ahapp who warned of an orange uprising in • Scotland against withdrawal. An amendment calling for a step-by-step withdrawal What price power sharing? 'SINN Fein went out in the Westminster elections to establish a firm Republican base,' said Sean McKnight, a Belfast city councillor.

*And that comrades is what we have done, aralliot ercal lcule bias,' he said, speaking at the Socialist Action 'Politics After the Election' conference on Saturday 4 June.

'Sinn Fein fared well out of the elections in the Six Counties. We dropped a couple of percentage points, but none to cet armed

We held onto West Belfast, the seat that was in the spotlight, ' McKnight explained.'

However, 'the umonst vole was down in spite of having an agreed candidate in al areas. The unionist pact

Irish CP gives up the

ghost IF anyone thought we had problems with the line and activity of the Communist Party of Great Britain, they should note the latest turn of events in Ireland.

The Communist Party of Ireland has issued an open letter calling for the IRA to give up the armed struggle for national liberation and independence.

"The Communist

Party of Ireland is a revolutionary socialist organisation pledged to end British imperialist rule and all imperialist influence in Ireland, perspective of building a united socialist republic in our island, the

'Our declared policy is to work for the creation of a united political campaign which would force the British government to declare from all inteference in Ireland - political military and economic

• by a specific date

From this celestial political height, and from 'the sum total of

Socialist Action 10 July 1987 5 •under UN supervision was defeated 39 votes to 33.

The NUR conference also supported the resolution of the Labour Women's Action Committee. submitted by Glasgow

No 6 branch, calling for the women's section of the Labour Party NEC to be elected by the National Conference of Labour Women, with three places reserved for trade union women and three for women from we women s secuons

Again the resolution was carried against the advice of Jimmy Knapp with 37 for and 36 against. took a hammering anc began to split and crumble.

He went on to

loyalist taskforce has Issucu a uocurlicil saying that maybe the! will share power with

would love to share

but that does not represent the position ot the nationalist people

What would th SDLP get in return for putting a unionist government back into Stormont? I shudder to

consequences. surprised if Sinn Fein was bargained off by the British government. Sinn Fein could be proscribed and there could be selective internment if the unionists gave the SDLP a couple more seats in a power-sharing government.

our experience and our knowledge based on positively

Paisley.

Page 6 scan of this page

'Our alternative to a pa the Liberals is refound Labour Party' CONTINUING our series of analyses from the left on the way forward for Labour after the election Socialist Action spoke to TONY BENN MP. Tony Benn has just been elected

6 THE ELECTION campaign very professional. gave people hope and confidence that they were doing well, although in fact the outcome was very disappointing.

My own feeling, looking back on it, was that it was a terrible tragedy that all that professional skill, which was formidable, had not been harnessed to earlier struggles. Supposing the leaflets, and television skills had been put at the disposal of the miners, printers, and What an educational that would have been.

The party came out of the campaign in better heart than one would expect compared to the actual outcome. ple on the left are looking very carefully at matters, and engaging in serious and constructive discussions about where we proceed from here.

What is clear is that the centre has cracked, the Owen-Steel alliance has cracked. A lew years newspaper was telling us that if Labour was more like David Owen, or Roy Jenkins, or Shirley Williams then we would win. But it is they who have splintered, not Labour.

The new 'radical' Tory policies announced in the Queen's speech sharpen polarisation. The Labour Party can become stronger. That will be registered at the local government elections and the European elections.

the lICW Labour Party I do not believe people are interested in a re-run of the past. Neither the new nor the old MPs in the Campaign Group see the general election as simply a four week truce in hostilities which will now be resumed.

I think that is why the idea of a conleadership have found no favour. Peo- test for the leadership and deputy ple have other priorities build the broadest possible base for the

Campaign Group.

The Campaign Group must not be

seen as a grouping around a few. inaviolas It must centre around clear ideas which seeks broadest measure of support for.

First that Labour is an opposition not simply to Mrs Thatcher, and the

Tories, but to the whole direction of

our economic system.

I do not believe Mrs Thatcher is an uncaring prime minister. She cares for her own people, not for our people.

Socialist Action 10 July 1987

chair of the Campaign Group of MPs.

was The campaign which concentrated

compassionate.

tensions. tion of the state, education system,

cities, wAl pamphlets,

teachers. enterprise

miners strike.

Peo-

ago every pact.

Led to will socialism and Party of socialists.

Parliamentary

The aim is not to

There are

These are to

would strengthen

Campaign *6634 hopesthereswillabora muchadeeper « way that it has organic links with the

analytic criticism of events in Britain than was seen during the election

on showing that Mrs Thatcher wasn't fair, or wasn't

Second economic polarisation will lead to much greater social and political

The poll tax, the centralisa• the attack on the the housing crisis, the attack on democracy in the inner

lead to struggles of substantial kind. The Campaign Group will have to think carefully about how it can support these extra-parliamentary struggles. If we don't we will be seen simply as MPs and not as an integral part of the movement created by these

- as we were seen during the

Third we have to look at foreign policy in the light of Gorbachev. We should be considering non-angient. We should be bringing our influence to bear to unite Europe rather than divide it. The policies Gorbachev has outlined in the USSR have had a great impact. I believe they will have a still further im-

Fourth we must watch very carefully the proposals that are being made for an arrangement with the Liberals. This is not simply about tactical voting and proportional representation. It is link-

'cleansing' of cleansing the Labour

Fifth our alternative to a pact with the liberals is refounding the Labour Party on a broader basis. We have to build up shared values about what socialism would mean in Britain. this has to draw in people from the left of the Labour Party, and people who are socialists but not in the Labour Party.

establish an alternative to Labour but to refound the Labour Party on a higher basis.

socialists in the green movement, socialists in the black movement, socialists in the women's movement, socialists in the pensioners movement, socialists in community groups. All should be affiliated to, or individual• members of, the Labour Party. This

the left and put socialism back on the national agenda.

They must include some who today support the Liberals. I believe there are

hany Liberals who do not want to joi

ith the SDP. This is one obvious are to start building Labour's support.

This brings us to the role of the

Group. Campaign Group has to organise itself in such a

trade unions, with Liaison, CLPD, the Women's Action Committee, the other organisations.

This plays a short term role of making the Campaign Group a force to be reckoned with inside the Labour Party. But its long term objective is ensuring that the Labour Party broader mass base within which those that are today gathering around the Campaign Group themselves.

The present constitutional changes being proposed in the party go in the opposite direction. One Member One Vote (OMOV) is designed to break the power of the Labour Party membership Those advocating it would evenwhere the media would take the responsibility for advocating particular candidates.

Constitutional change always has a political motivation. wanted the vote to strengthen the position of the working class. fragettes wanted the vote to strengthen the position of women. We fought for reselection because we wanted the party without which not

MPs. OMOV is designed to weaken the position of the active members of the party as a whole in relation to MPs

The same goes for the other, more speculative, constitutional have been put forward - for example the effective abolition of the NEC. The aim here seems to be to eliminate the constituency the NEC on a regional basis. Here, it is hoped, the trade union vote could ther be used to replace the CLP vote.

All this is part of the long saga of trying to turn the Labour Party in the direction Gaitskell 1959. To turn the party into one with much looser links with the trade unions and with the eleiminated. The end result would be to prepare the party for the type of ar rangement with the Liberals that existed when Callaghan was in power. Moving Labour in the direction of a European Socialist Party or American Democratic Party

People know what they have in mind. People can then see the relevance of what we are saying nected with struggle outside itself and ed mass party, outside parliament, and with a much clearer socialist perspective. People can then judge from their own experience

Labour Left them.

Black Section and

retlects

could express mission, wholly inadequate -postal ballot time.

rally, The Chartists authorities, strong

The Sufment because

coming,

one MP would be be strengthened vis a vis The

the 1918

socialist societies -

ideas that technological civil members and reorganise

as theirs.

after

ingredient tion rapidly.

the autumn.

should be aware that we

Britain.

What

s for a broader basmore explicitly con-

moting individuals

ty.

which type of party is more relevant to

I have no doubt which type of party people in Scotland demanding hom rule, or people in Liverpool, or miners, or nurses, or teachers or civil servants will see as more relevant to their needs

The power of capital in Britain is not based on Mrs Thatcher and her parliamentary majority. It is based on bankers, multinationals, the EEC com-

NATO, the security services, the civil service, proprietors etc. It is here the strength of capital lies. Unless we have a strong labour movement in Britain we have only one effective opportunity to shift the balance of power

- and that is at election time. That is

because capital does not restrict its activity to election

In order to win we have to have strong trade unions, a strong Labour

, strong Labour groups on local socialist analysis, and strong regional organisations. This means building up the labour move.

it is the only force capable of first resisting, and then over-

the enormous power that exists outside parliament

institutional basis created by with trade conerence unions, constituency parties, and a few

is too narrow for the very widely based and diverse work ing class that has appeared as a result of

change. Teachers, servants, trade union GCHO show that radicalism is by no means confined to the old manual working class. Here we find echoes of radicalism among those who Mrs Thatcher and Dr Owen claim

I believe these matters cannot be discussed simply among a few people. We are not working in a vacuum for four years. We are working in a situa

where things will change very

This is why we are considering a conference on the future of socialism in

This not simply recruiting agent for the Labour Party but an attempt to identify a direction which might find favour within the party and command majority support in

must be established are shared values and objectives. Because without these we will be simply pro-

We will not have built the strength at the bottom capable of sustaining representation in the par-

Page 7 scan of this page

ct with

ng the

THE MONTH since the general election has seen a series of constitutional proposals put forward by the right wing ranging from one member one vote (OMOV) to abolition of the national execuțive committee. there is a coherence behind all these proposals — to take the Labour Party in the direction of the Eurosocialist' parties in France, Spain and Greece. LES HUCKFIELD MEP outlines how the structure of the French or Spanish Socialist Parties is used to force through their political line.

AFTER Labour's election defeat, the most incredible solutions are coming forward to the current problems we face. We are being told that we must drop our policy on defence, and drop our policy on what is euphemistically called 'social ownership' and that it we change the mechanism for the reselection of MPs then we've cracked it for next time. It is time for a cool analysis of this.

One member one vote isn't an attempt to extend the franchise. In fact it will diminish the franchise because it will take away the intluence and the exercise of power by local parties, and especially by trade delegates to local parties.

If OMOV is introduced even if it is with some kind of electoral college mechanism, that will quite change the shape of constituency parties especially outside London. GCs are comprised of up to 50 per cent trade union delegates. Many of those filiated trade union branches, if they know that in future they will not be able

exercise the input they currently have, will rapidly come to the conclu sion that it isn't worth affiliating

OMOV is about breaking the trade union link at constituency party level, and more importantly, about breaking the link between the accountability of an MP, on a regular basis, to the same body that reselects him or her. It is designed to take power away from conference and from local place it firmly in the hands of the leadership.

There are some lessons that we ought to be learning very rapidly. We ought to look at what has happened constitutionally in some of the other so-called socialist parties.

Why is it that Mitterand and Jospin of the Socialist Party in France, that Gonzales of the PSOE in Spain, that

Papandreou of the Pasok in Greece

and that the West German SPD leader-

ship have been able to make massive

policy shifts to the right? In all those

cases it is because the party leaders have

a tight constitutional and political grip

on the party right the way down.

For example, the reason that Mitterand changed the voting system in France during last

assembly elections wasn't

The drive to make Labour a

'Eurosocialist' party

But

organisational

party bureaucracy

are chosen.

areas of the

(OMOV) leadership disagreed said.

Is that bureaucracy and

radically

af- British Labour Party.

Consider how

Clause meeting

fluence of the party minimal.

parties, and representation

There was an interesting

in Strasbourg, treasurer.

Labour's main economic policies main defence

'European socialist comrades'.

representatives

national of the Confederation simply

Socialist Action West Germany,

European

structure. the

because he hoped the Socialist Party would get a bigger percentage of the popular vote. It was also because a pro. The

the party leadership and the central

far more control over policy and over the candidates that

Look too at the situations we have recently witnessed in Spain and Greece. pened to In Spain Gonzales has wound up large tingham

PSOE because they disagree with him politically. In Greece Pasok candidates in both the European and national parliament elections have been taken off the ballot paper the night before the poll because the party

with what they

These parties vary in degree and in meloa but waal ley an mave mi com- not.

the central party the central party leadership has acute control over the constitution and a strangle-hold over the selection of candidates - because of that the leadership can manipulate The only policy changes almost overnight. These trends are beginning to develop in the

the last manifesto was put together. You might think it ticipate in was on the basis of that celebrated selection

between Parliamentary Labour Party and the national executive committee. In fact place here. the influence of the NEC and the in.

conference was Based on the The leader's office and the shadow cabinet exercised a massive influence. The Labour leadership doesn't as yet feel the need for a proportional

system, kind of centralisation of the consitution and of policy formation is happening here in the Labour Party in Britain.

article in Tribune recently by David Martin, the new leader of the British Labour group

and Glyn Ford, the new ward by the they were hesitatingly starting to advocate that

and see a new policies shouldn't be determined by party conference and the NEC but that in future should be worked out jointly with what they call their

Over the past few years there have been a number of meetings between

of the national

ecutive committee and representatives

of European

Socialist Parties. There have also been

10 July 1987

Wage cutting policies of Craxi led government in Italy represent extreme form of Eurosocialism' a number of working party discussions with the SP in France and the SPD in

with the specific task of working out joint policy statements. Until now the British Labour Party has always expressed reservations about the

coyotel European defence policy and about progress towards a federal European

within the common market When the latest meeting of Confederation of European Socialist Parties took place in Lisbon, those reservations weren't expressed with anything like the same clarity.

continental socialist parties have already lost the freedom to choose their candidates at local level. They have learned to their cost that it is the central party hierarchy which is the dominant influence.

You only have to look at what hap-

Knowsley North and NotEast, SINCE to what L already starting to be said about the NEC choosing by-election candidates in future, to see that trend is already beginning here.The small print in the consultation document on the so-called choice of selection procedures to introduce OMOV also hints that the NEC will be the final arbiter of whether a CLP can hold a selection conference or

The political developments in the . other West European socialist parties — shifts to the right by the party leadership are starting to work their way through the British Labour Party too

way continental socialist parties have been able to bring about those shifts to the right is because they don't have active local party units with the constitutional right to par-

policy formation and the of candidates.

OMOV into the British Labour Party is fundamental to the same shift taking

We must fight against that trend

Campaign Group of Labour MPs in the House of Com mons, based on the various campaiges affiliated to Labour Left Liaison, bas ed on local Campaign groups up and down the country there is already the makings of a good national organiss tion the left has to build up an agreed

of political demands. We want to see

the defence of unilateralism, the in

plementation of the demands put for.

Black Section and

Women's Action Committee. We r

to see reselection defended, we wan

Party polic

Ireland. All of those ought to be

the framework : of the left's

That is the agenda we ought to pe

ward against becoming gradmalh

alled into something that can owly b

described as Euro-socialisma. That i

what's before us on the horizon.

This is an edited version of a set tre

at Socialist Action's Polis " * 1e

election conference on 4 la:

Page 8 scan of this page

8 Socialist Action 10 July 1987

IN OUR last issue JUDE WOODWARD looked at the roots of the family system in class society. In this issue she looks at the family in capitalist society and its relation to the building of socialism.

THE monogamous family as it exists. throughout capitalist society today, in the working class as much as in the bourgeois class. is a thorougniy reactionary institution, not only founded upon the domestic slavery of women, but also embodying the absence of rights • OT children. 'modern' nuclear family is less modern than the monarchy or the House of Lords, and more deen rooted than. he tamiv resting as it does on the complete sub. jugation of women, is the site of the brutalisation of women and children, the mechanism which ensures an audience for pornography and prostitution, for the peddling of reactionary clerical ideas, and reactionary Valeis like those of Gillick, Whitehouse.

Tvoicallv the most extreme and brutal forms of capitalist rule are also Those most identitied will monogamous family and the values of the family home. As with the case of Hitler's Germany.

The character of the family system as a reactionary, oppressive system of class society determines the attitude of Marxists towards it. Marxists give no Succol or suboon to novons unal dive any progressive content to the existence of the family system, on the contrary the family is a reactionary institution. Trotsky explained this character of the family in the Revolution Betrayed, the forty million families in the Soviet Union describes 'nests medievalism, slavery hysteria, daily humiliation of children.'

System

Of course this does not mean that the family Call be simply abolished, or that Marxists propose it is replaced by some system of regimented living which forbids love, or which imposes 'wives held in common', as the 19th century bourgeois opponents of Marxism claimed. On the contrary. a materialist understanding of development of the tamily precisely reveals it can only 'wither away' on the basis of a far higher development of the produclive loices. Only when all inequality of women is eliminated will it be possible for human beings to enter into genuinely free relationships, precise form that these relationships will take can be surmised but cannot be predicted in advance. All we can say is that, when a generation of men and women have grown up who nave never known women's subordination and oppression then, in Engels words, will care precious little what anybody today thinks they ought to do; they will make their own practice and their corresponding public opinion about each individual — and that will be the end of it.'

But the issue of the family system as it exists today is of fundamental importance, not to predicting the future of human relationships, but to understanding what must be done to eliminate the oppression of women.

Again it is Engels who has most succinctly put forward the necessary steps that must be taken to achieve this goal. These are threefold. Firstly all legal and formal inequality towards women must be eliminated and their equality of rights guaranteed legally, secondly all women must have the right and possibility of a paid job on the

basis men, and domestic labour must be transformed from a private service into a public industry.

On the first of these steps, it is obvious that many legal and democratic rights of women can be and have been won today. But even at the level of this purely formal, legal equality, there is not a capitalist state in the world that has eliminated all legal discrimination against women, let alone positively guaranteed their equal rights. In Britain married women still do not have the

same rights in taxation or social securi-

ty benefits. Few capitalist governments

recognise rape within marriage. Restrictions on access to abortion, contraception and divorce continue to exist.

camand

However even where laws have been

the Equal Pay Act or Discrimination Act in Britain for exam-

that these laws nave the themselves dealt with the fundamental causes of the ineaualities of women On the contrary the introduction of such laws has merely demonstrated the truth of Engels judgement that: "The peculiar character of the supremacy of

Novel and the modern family, the creating real social equality between them and the way to do it, will only be seen in the full light of day when both possess compiele equality. rights.' Or, as Lenin explained: "No matter how much democracy there is 'they under capitalism, the woman remains a "domestic slave", a slave locked up in the bedroom, nursery, kitchen'. Steps

The economic independence of women can only be achieved through the full entry of women into paid employment. Again major steps in this direction can be, and have been achieved already. In Britain, the majority of women of working age do a paid job, and this has underpinned capacity to take advantage of some of the legal rights they have won. For example the rising divorce rate in Britain, where 7 out of 10 divorces are sought by women, is not correlated to the divorce laws such, economic independence which allows them to make the choice

violent or unsatisfactory lo ena a marriage

However women are integrated into paid employment in a social position determined by their within the family. This operates from two points of view. The workforce is carefully sex segregated and the jobs that women are confined to have a lower status, command lower wages, and are generally less secure and consequently less well organised. Women in their majority are 'peripheral' sectors of the economy. Secondly women work a 'double shift, their responsibilities in the home means they frequently are forced to choose part-time rather than full-time work, twilight shift work, or early morning

Women, socialism

cleaning and so on.

the Sex

wite necessity of So finally we are

their JUIC the reproduction of labour power.

There are clearly Take an

industry'.

women's Struggle

working as a solution female sex.

of. women

two decades of subordination

Ill cuba, Code embodies

• continea to ine

difference either

be confined to the home.

and the family

The fight for an extension of equal rights legislation to include positive more discammmadon programmics lo cusure that women have the right of access to all jobs and all training is obviously an important element in seeking to change this. But as with all other formal 'equal rights, such laws, or agreements with employers, do not deal with the root of the problem, which remains women's unpaid domestic labour in the home.

faced with the issue which is the fundamental material Hillcase content of the family under capitalism, women's unpaid domestic labour, and

production and achieve at home,

Holy two collceivable ways to eliminate the unpaid domestic labour of women. One is to maintain the character of 'housework' as private service, but to involve all members of the household equally in it

• essentially getting the adult men to

equal responsibility for the work. The other is for the majority of the work currently done in the home to provision. be taken out of the realm of private service and make it once more a 'public

Of these two approaches only the latter has any possibility whatsoever of

for the whole While individual women will, quite rightly, struggle in their own accommodation: homes for their husbands, lovers and sons to fully share in the domestic work, and while we totally support women in that struggle, as a general solution it is doomed to failure. The last

heightened COnsciousness on the position of women in society and the unfairness of the division of labour in the home has resulted in no significant increase in the participation of men in domestic labour! fetters.'

where an extensive Family in law the principle that men should do their share at home, it has not made any significant material

• although it un-

creasing the confidence of women that they do not have to feel their duty is to

Moral incentives are notoriously in- was substituted.

effective in increasing the productivity of workers, or persuading them to do

work than they capitalist society moral incentives have increased productivity in war time for 3 or 4 vears at a time but in general tne only way to increase output is through material incentives, differentials and bonuses. The post-capitalist societies like Cuba, or the Soviet Union have had to come to exactly the same conclu- Such sions, and reintroduce differentials and incentives in order to develop skills and

productivity. There reason why what moral incentives cannot achieve at work, they will be able to

nor is there any evidence anywhere that they can or will

Burden

The only way to deal with the inequality of the burden of work on women in the home is through the ex tension of the process that has begun with the development of public education, health, social security and welfare

Such a programme was set out by the Bolsheviks after 1917, although it was rapidly abandoned under Stalin. Trotsky summarised the goals of October 1917 like this: The revolution made a heroic effort to destroy the so-called 'family hearth'. The place of the family as a shut in petty enterprise was to be occupied, according to the plans, by a finished system of social care and

houses, creches, kindergartens, schools, social dining rooms, social laundries, first aid stations, hospitals, sanatoria, athletic organisations, moving picture theatres that etc. The complete absorption of the housekeeping functions of the family by institutions of the socialist society, uniting all generations in solidarity and mutual aid, was to bring to woman. a real liberation from the 1000 year old

And this is only possible through the transfer of the means of production into common ownership.

This is the only approach which, if implemented, could create the material conditions for the liberation of the female sex. Stalinism, in the Soviet Union, ensured that this goal was abandoned, and instead the goal of a new and higher form of 'socialist' family

In this 'new' family

In Depth

women were declared free to participate in the real 'joys of motherhood', all marriages were declared free of com pulsion so divorce was unnecessary, and women undertook the housewor out of love of the job! Abortion was made illegal.

Such a substitution was simply a reactionary abandonment of the strug gle for women's liberation. Other ap proaches, like setting the goal of a new and higher form of the family, where men share in the housework out of love of the job, are simply miasmas. They either turn attention away from the rea issue, the extension of public provision of such services, or serve to prettify and disguise the real social position of women in the family.

The goal of Engels, the substitution of public industry for private service, is the only goal worth setting ourselves And the achievement of this goal will have the effect of destroying the family as it has existed since the beginning of class society. The family as the location for the power of men over women; and the unpaid domestic slavery of women will be ended. Such a final conclusion is impossible without the overthrowing of capitalism, and the organisation of production solely for profit, and its replacement by a system of common ownership of the means of production, which would allow both the massive ex-

of the productive forces necessary to achieve these goals, and a method of organising production that puts human needs as guiding principle.

We do not have to falsely claim that divisions beween men and women l the working class are non-existent or the same side in the struggle against capitalism and for such a socialist society. Both have an interest in its realisation.

Division

However, the fact that the working class is divided along lines of sex, and that this division has a real material content, does mean that class-based organisations - like trade unions, or even socialist parties — must therefore take into account the specific interests of women, through specific women's sections, demands and so on.

Secondly, there must be a self-organisation of women in organisa tions and movements specifically formed to fight for the liberation of women.

independent movements of women for their liberation have two chief tasks. Firstly, and most obviously, to engage in the struggle for women's rights and liberation, because other organisations cannot be expectea to spontaneously place these questions at the top of their agenda. Such women's organisations will have to initiate, lead and mobilise around each issue of women's oppression as it comes up whether any other sections of society can be won to mobilise alongside them or not

Thirdly, because the liberation of women in the final analysis is impossi ble outside a socialist reorganisation of society, it is fundamental that the organisations of the working class also place the questions of women's rights and liberation at the top of theis priorities. In the same way as the work ing class in South Africa has to be the vanguard of the fight against apar theid, or the working class in Chile ha to be the vanguard of the fight for democracy, or the working class in Russia had to be the champion of the rights of oppressed nationalities, so the working class in every country of the world has to become the vanguard of the fight for women's liberation. Withir

struggle waged by the • working class as a whole working class womer will of course play the leading role

All this is necessary for the struggle of women to be successful, and for the struggle of the working class to be suc cessful. The entire oppressed and ex ploited people, including the majority — women — will not unite in a struggle for socialism for abstract reasons, but because they can see that only the vic tory of the working class means the opening up of the possibility of all op pression and discrimination. The slogan 'no women's liberation without socialism, no socialism without women's liberation' is a perfectly ac curate summary of that programme.

Page 9 scan of this page

International

students were joined by

MAN reports.

ful focus two particularly

at the highest and has

Doo Hwan.

as bIcoldent, The was

elections.

tions,

But

*Down with dictatorship!'

The Was

put

town of with extreme The riot

against students, and

and

2000 people.

and the memory D00u,

ago minds as

and 60,000

and made

country since the fall of 'Baby

months ago.

Shops and businesses

closed, public transport ground to a nait as trade

unions and dozens of other organisations supported the

Sane Cal

Throughout the country. provincial towns were

the scene of demonstrations

and other protest action.

Barricades were built as the

military government of Lt-

General Henry Namphy

sent in the US-trained army against the strikers. By the

'Down with the dictatorship'

FOR three solid weeks, thousands upon thousands of South Koreans have mobilised against one of the most bloody dictatorships in the world. The mobilisations began on 10 June when, according to figures released by the South Korean police, 90,000 students across the country took action. In the weeks that followed, the

workers, professionals, housewives, street vendors, taxi drivers and others in mass demonstrations for democracy. JON SILBER-

With eyes of the

of Seoul where next clearly the

In Reagan

that they matter the South Koreans. This was from low-wage

trade rights. The famous

The im-

US that "South

with support, the parallel

following Chinese

north.

Ever since then

from Rhee

Doo Hwan.

strategic base military nuclear

General strike sweeps Haiti

FOR the second week running the Caribbean country of Haiti has been gripped by general strike action, in what has become the most serious political crisis in the

Doc' Duvalier 18

end of last week the troops had shot dead at least ten demonstrators.

By Nick Adams The immediate cause of the strike action was the government's decision to dissolve the main union federation, arrest its central leaders and re use lu accept the authority of the independent council set up to supervise forthcoming

South Korean mobilisations force concessions

missiles at South Korean

Chun repression clearly wasn't working. George Shultz was despatched to the region for talks.

Reunification Democratic along

Kangju.

millan

military has

slogans the

But olive Chun

'two Kims'

deep called off without of serious Kim Young

But increasingly, the strikers nave movea to ac mand the resignation of the government itset. Attemots

by the government to defuse the situation have failed.

The release of eight de-

and the government's decision to reverse the dissolution of CATH, the Autonomous Central of Haitian worker though insisting on a change in the union

have only served to deepen the strikers' resolve to tuliv secure the democratic rights they sought when they overthrew the Duvalier dictatorship early last year.

If the capitalist opposition party was not to be completely by-passed by the mass movement serious

27 June; People's Democratic Movement gains in the

educated

doubts re-

movement

control that pianin for eight-point plan democratic reforms'. pro-

press censorship, guaranice 101 human and in-

autonomy.

Under the

salvage

the crisis.

09-3

Moreover, the precise content of certain of the reforms are not agreed. needed moanice wo butt cal regiere doesea

doesn't acknowledge their political •status. It regards people arrested for chanting North Korean slogans as 'common criminals.

But the mass moblisa. tions have established an important democratic opening. Moreover, it seems unlikely that it will be shut

the short term by the military. Chun was himself brought lo power by military coup and Roh Taw woo was a leading two-stat general.

publish uncensored

But

viccalluus character ensuing

for wave

was streng-

promised

honoured.

ATLANTIC OCEAN LARIBBCAN

Gulf war. Kuwait is a major ally of Iraq. Washington is simultaneously using the

in the Gulf has been called an effective

Rasfanjani, the speaker of the Iranian Cuba

pro-

Cuban revolution. has taken place.

Central America

Costa Rica, Honduras and Guatamala.

war policy in Nicaragua. of

military

followed by domestic elections.

sets of proposals are unacceptable to

scuppered.

Union.

Socialist Action 10 July 1987

World

in action

THE Reagan administration has decided to

put Kuwaiti oil tankers under the US flag. The move constitutes a major escalation of aggression against Iran on the side of Iraq in the

'inadvertent' bombing of USS Stark, in which 37 seamen lost their lives as the pretext for a doubling of US naval presence in the Gulf, to a total of nine warships. Britain has also added to

The combination of US flagging of Kuwaiti

and the escalation of US military might 'declaration of war' against Iran by Hashemi

parliament. Iran has called for an end to the 'tanker war'. But Iraq has continued to attack tankers leaving Iranian ports, forcing Tehran retaliation. Last week, three tankers were targets of missile attacks. Ships carrying US flags have the automatic right to US military protection.

Meanwhile, mystery surrounds the bombing of USS Stark. The pilot of the aircraft seems to have vanished. A special investigative team sent to Iraq was unable to interview him. Despite many questions being left unanswered, the team

TWO CIA agents have been captured by the

Cuban state security forces. On 8 June, millions of Cubans watched on TV as the two told their story of how they were recruited by the CIA, what work they did for the agency, and how they were captured. This is just the latest episode in a long legacy of CIA attacks on the

Meanwhile an intense process of political discussion, public debate and action is taking place within Cuba. Fidel Castro has made a number of major speeches concerning the course of the Cuban revolution. A major process of renewal of the Communist Party and its leadership to include more workers, women and those with experience of fighting as part of Cuba's voluntary international brigades in Africa

This process of 'rectification' as it is called aims to ensure a deepening political consciousness and mobilisation of the working class as the leading force of the revolution.

THE Reagan administration has intervened

to prevent a scheduled 25-26 June meeting of the presidents of Nicaragua, El Salvador

Washington broke up the meeting after failing to unite the latter four presidents behind its contra

The meeting was going to discuss proposals drawn up by Costa Rican president, Oscar Arias for 'peace in the region'. The Arias plan included a cease-fire between all contending military forces in Central America; a general amnesty for those charged with political or

crimes; an end to foreign aid to the contras in Nicaragua and to the FMLN in EI Salvador; restoration of suspended civil liberties in all five countries; elections in all five countries for a Central American parliament, to be

Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega who had originally objected to the plan modified his stance. He said that the plan contained some constructive proposals worth discussing and that additionally he was tabling proposals laid out last year by the Contador Group of countries — Columbia, Mexico, Panama and Venezual. Both

Washington because they strike at US Contra aid. US envoy Philip Habib was despatched to the region, and Oscar Arias summoned to Washington to ensure the meeting was

• The next issue of Socialist Action will carry a full report of Gorbachev's important economic proposals at last month's central committee meeting of the Communist Party of the Soviet

Page 10 scan of this page

10 Socialist Action 10 July 1987

Inside

the unions

Black NALGO

conference success

NALGO's National Black Steering Group was

established following last year's official

recognition by the union of the NALGO Black

workers conference in Leeds. There had been

two prior unofficial conferences, in Haringey

and Birmingham. Three hundred and fifty

Black NALGO members attended this year's

national conference in Liverpool. BOBBY

CHAN is a member of the 32-member steering

group, and an executive member of Camden

Black Workers Group. He explains the group's

activities at this year's annual conference of the union.

WE made significant headway at the conference., The group had prioritised activity around three

The first concerned the employment by NALGO of an individual called Paul Kingsley.

Kingsley is the trade union organiser of the British National Party, an openly fascist organisation. He is associated will LOVAISE union organisation in the Six Counties. The union has known about Kingsley for 18 months, following an exposure in the anti-fascist magazine Searchlight. But nothing has been done about him, despite strong accine amongst lie tanks

A motion called for a union investigation into Kingsley and his dismissal should the investigation substantiate his organised fascist activity. Despite opposition from the national executive (NEC) who argued that conterence had nothing to do with statfing matters, the motion was carried on a card vote.

The second key issue concerned the union's Positive Action Working Party. This was set up two years ago following a successful conference motion. The working party's report called for direct representation of Black members, women, lesbians and gay men and disabled members on the NEC. The NEC called for a period of further consultation. But their position was defeated in favour of implementing the report.

Both the Paul Kingsley issue and the question of positive action were the subjects of a very successful

fringe meeting. The meeting, which involved the Black steering group and other self-organised groups within the union, attracted over 150 conference participants.

The third key issue was the union's stance towards the Middle East, and in particular to the Palestinian struggle. The union's policy, passed at conference, has been to support the struggle of the racoulla! people self-determination and recognition of the PLO as their sole representative. In the past conference has voted to affiliate the union to the Trade Union Friends of Palestine organisation. However, the NEC decided to act as 'peacemaker' by affiliating to the Trade Union Friends of Israel as well. The Zionist organisation was provocatively given a stall adjacent to that of the Trade Union Friends of Palestine at last year's conference. They distributed a particularly racist leaflet which basically suggested that Israel was the only civilised country in the Middle East.

Meanwhile the union nationally has established friendly relations and exchanged visits with Histadrut. the so-called 'General Federation 01 Workers in Eretz Israel'. In fact, Histadrut is itself a racist organisation which is not open to Palestinians in the occupied territories. Far from being a union Histadrut is in fact the second largest employer in Israel after the government. It controls 25 per cent of Israeli industry, manufactures arms which it sells to South Africa and other dictatorial regimes, and jointly produces steel with the South African Steel Corporation. This is not an organisation with which NALGO should have 'friendly relations'. conference backed our motion to break our links with Histadrut and the Trade Union Friends of Israel.

Camden Black Workers Group called a fringe meeting on this issue. A Camden NALGO member from the occupied territories, whose father. was killed by the Israeli forces was on the platform.

Also on the platform were speakers from the New Jewel Movement and the Maurice Bishop Patriotic Movement of Grenada. There is increasing interest on the issue of Grenada within the union both concerning the death penalty passed on Bernard Coard and others and on the killing of Maurice Bishop and the overthrow of his government. The issue will be at the centre of the forthcoming conference of the Metropolitan district Black NĂLGO & group later this year.

Arthur Scargill, Jack Taylor and Neil Kinnock at the head of the gala march

Yorkshire miners gala

WHILE right wing trade union leaders were spelling the out their political proposals for the future of the Scargill labour movement — centring immediately on the introduction of one member one vote (OMOV) in the Labour Party — the class struggle alternative was

less he being spelt out by Arthur Scargill at the centenary

Yorkshire miners' one such, depart

singers performed to large crowds.

June the 100th 'majority' people Association successfully sley

just of and members their community their op position the Coal

of the For dent, Scargill,

carried victimsel Jack and Labour perspective placards stickers

three major the march.

from the Salu Jack

the march. leader, Simon was

and our ternational Miners Dally and

Arthur won secretary. He

workers'

Tory 'The Margaret described we fought by Arthur Scargill from the there 'We should policy

say that we do lory

The miners everything we can in

Project kind extrarotten jobs in system'

highly week- union

organised Women learn from Tories

'only one!' 'and that is that both opposition the next Young' dimen- election -He gala. representing ment, the our class, Chile Cam- the the could paigns ColLect prominent. Latin With power at

plat mm.

en-

Nonethe insisted

1n

he gener:

, He

have

have for fighting

Labour's

in the

in our

source of

was T'll

different

Occals

called

capitalist

anti-

of those

unsafe those

Scargill

nuclea

tively capitalists'

Scargill

ment

criticism policy, trom theirs want

transfer

transferred

Scargill

BUSCU South

Much SOCCCI

the NUM

page.

clear breakaway

union for

coalfield'

UDM Greatorex Prendergast.

nock's

nock

Deals

troversial

working, Nonetee

it does

defended

the

that

"I've got my the defence

I don't nuclear in order to

schools

coal and

Scargill's

issue

week. We

Collicts

on the

UDM

single

but as

for Lynk and

couldn't

Kin-

instance.

and

In the Unions

nock's

ing the "collective secure

audience

tent.

It was

his attacks

he

The patriotism

sell plained Americans Japanese' ing up Jaguar the

Tories for

either

said

that

auctioned'

ing that much society' view of

every class

vantaging the Lories 'the

the nation.

the

• of action'

im-

Kin

he managed

"British in-

Thatcher

the Tories

. Diall he

highlighter

their

by what

CUlE 'the

and the

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was

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had voted

peopie effecte

had to br

Page 11 scan of this page

In the Unions

proceedings Rothesay. We will carry a report of the conference in our next issue. issue of six-day speech at the Yorkshire miners gala.

PROMISED I wouldn't be controversial and I'm not. You wouldn't have forgiven me if I hadn't made reference to the six day week proposal of British Coal, to the nine hour day proposal and to the controversy raging around a mine that's not been opened called Margam.

the mining industry that wants to see Margam more than I do. I fought in 1982, within one week of my election, with the then director Phillip Weekes in Wales, to open Margam which had been promised by the 1974 Labour government.

They told me they coman t go ancaa because there wasn't the demand at that time and that were geological problems.

They have the audacity today to tell me that their plans and projections that they said were correct then are no longer valid.

claim Margam, with 650 men producing one million tonnes of coal, can't make a profit in five days, 2,250 men prodda with Durham today, with million tonnes of the same coal, they make, before interest, a profit every single year.

Union

They have managed to get this controversy raging in this union. Jack Taylor has spoken of the fact of the Yorkshire arca s position, where you stand now and where vou will be standing after the meeting with the Board at the ena oi this month. I'm not going to be one to shy away from where I stand on this and other issues. I'm telling you thạt absolutely clear that they're

of NCU members following the union's national pay strike earlier this year was given a shot in the arm this week. NCU

of those sacked and the lifting of disciplinary measures against other union members who were targetted by BT for their activity during the strike.

Golding was speaking at a special mass the union, where two members, John Deason

protect our representatives at every level of the We do not deserve to have a union.'

Golding was forced to make a specific reference to the red-baiting campaign orchestrated by BT management, which had

to resign in protest against what the press described as a politically-motivated minority. The resignations had seriously weakened the union at a key time.

my mind that this is victimisation. This is victimisation of a straight political sort'. He the worst kind' that had found Deason,

were ai inocent.

THE issue of six-day working has dominated the

of this week's NUM conference in

Below we reprint an excerpt on the working from Arthur Scargill's Let me make it clear that there is noone in or out of

using Margam as a sprat to catch a mackerel.

They want to see this union accept the introduction of a six-day working week and a nine hour working day, not at Margam but at every pit in Britain. Yes, they want to close another PIls and axe another 25,000 jobs. I'm urging

against any extension of the tive day week.

Reason If you want one reason opposing the six day week, read the history of our Our toretathers fought a most historic battle to win the introduction of the five day week.

Even the prime minister in 1908 who brought in the Hours of Work Act, said that was unsafe and unhealthy for mineworkers to work in this industry for more than a five day week. it it was unhealtny, and un safe and unwise in 1908 l'Il tel vou wnat the policy ot this union should 1987, it shouldn't be even talking about a six day week, it should be fighting

NCU campaign against victimisations

THE CAMPAIGN against the victimisation

general secretary, John Golding was forced to give verbal support to the reinstatement

meeting called by the key London City branch of

and John Treadaway, were sacked. 'If we do not

union' Golding stated, 'we will not have a union.

been the occasion for the City branch committee

He stated: 'I have not the slightest doubt in

expressed opposition to the 'kangaroo courts of

Treadaway and others guilty and said that they

Estria. Te adopted a resolation pledging fo •paign against the victimisations.

Scargill 'no' to six-day working

for a four day working week.

The Coal Board are really carrying out attacks day by day on this union. It's not merely the question of the Six das working WeeK. it's the disciplinary procedures that they have unwalcrauv #rtoonced.

Realisation

Did you realise that the Coal Board today are dismissing miners for incucubs uial nay or llay nul occur at this gala in Barnsley today? They have already dismissed a miner for an incident in a public

COMUNCAIOS

UNION

UTY IS STREM over the victimisations.

house in the centre of the town. How much longer can this union accept such draconian measures?

Action

These reporters in Fleet

ignored that fact, but l'll tell you that on Thursday of this week the national executive commit-

mend that our union at the Halola concente mer days' time, take industrial

withdrawal disciplinary procedure.

to back

one

member

one vote

functions to the leaders and his shadow cabinet.

The TGWU national executive committee decided

OMOv on the casting vote of the char ale me meeme nad tied 18:18 on the issue General secretary Ron Todd has already publicly given his personal backing to the so-called widening of the franchise.

When it comes to their own conference, the TGWU executive is leaving nothing escuuve is icavilig Holling to chance. Delegates arriving at Scarborough labl weekend were issued with free copies of News on Sunday with a special wrap. round supplement on the

Labour leader Neil Kinnock's appeal "to in. crease the participation of the rank and file figured

Kinnock will also address the BDC on Wednesday, the day before conference votes on OMOV. His sweetner for introducing OMOV is an electora college system which will give the appearance of retaining the same level of trade union influence in the

By Carol Turne

selection process as afaffiliates to local parties currently enjoy.

recaroes any 'guarantee' of maintaining trade constituency parties in the short-term OMOV in fact prepares the way for reducing and eventually eliminating local parties input into Labour policy-making. Kinnock and the rest of the Labour leadership are rabidly pur suing OMOV precise! because they beliere the must be in a position to in troduce further policy retreas 4 Lata E inte

= rain, strategy is io carmy on

Labour the

Socialist Action 10 July 1987

TGWU conference

THE TRANSPORT and General Workers Union biennial delegate conference (BDC) looks set to accept proposals for a one member one vote system of selecting Labour candidates when it debates this issue on Thursday. If TGWU delegates support OMOV the union's 1.25 million block vote at Labour Party conference will virtually guarantee to swing the balance behind Kinnock in October. Introducing OMOV is fundamental to the Labour leadership's plans for "'sanitising' the party in time for the next general election. OMOV will ensure that even the minimal level of control that constituency parties currently exercise over their MPs is wrested from their hands and placed firmly in the grip of the parliamentary leadership. This is the first crucial stage in transferring policy-making

best imitation of a continental social democratic parthe influence the "The influence trade unions must be fur ther diminished. The Loncoenus De nomeareo The final vestiges of nationalisation would best be jettisoned. The majority of the party must openly endorse the concept of ploiting the market as force Ior generaling wealln that can then be directed towards the obiects of Mr

Coleassion.

Todd said back well walk sea.'

OMOV cond running,

executive, OMOV,

Railwaymen be

KCLICIC Jimmy

conferen 1986.

11 the TGWU conference, he nas come forwara with pro posals for an electoral col

lege to maintain the voting strength of trade unions at selecuon mecungs

Not one single NUR branch however had submitted resolution 10 reopen the selection debate at the union's 1987 conference The railworkers union has now replied to the Labour NEC consultation of constituencies and affiliates by supporting op tion 10 in the document circulated, which maintains the status quo.

But the recent General Municipal and Boller makers (GMB) conference

other way Delegates considered two resolutions. Thev relecter supporting the presen system of automati reselection and opted for a general resolution in favour of widening the franchise

The successful resolution leaves general secretary John Edmonds with a free nana to interpret wach op tion the union's block vote will line behind Labour conference in the

ILCIVICWN with Edmonds however already suggest that he wittavom an electoral college to ensure some trade union mou into the selection process is maintained

National Com munications Union will

when it meets this Thurs day. tough battle is expected

But while the 'soft left' union leaderships are icon. fining themselves to sup porting Kinnock's Puro. șocialist' strategy for reviv ing Labour's electoral for-

the new realist hard LULC right show no qualms about going all the way.

Trade unions should accept the general election results and work as best we can' with the Tory govern ment, demanded AEL general secretary Gavin Laird in his presidential ad dress to the Confederatios Engin Sering nos ana Shipbuilding meeting on Tuesday June Laird argued tea unions had contrited i Labour's defea:. SERTT DE

ent of trade =ems TOME

Page 12 scan of this page

more action

BRITAIN'S SECOND largest teachers union, the NAS/UWT will resume half-day strike action from next Monday. response to the intransigence of the re-elected Tory government in sticking by Kenneth Baker's law which removed teachers negotiating rights.

Explaining the decision

resume secretary of the NAS/UWT Fred Smithies, said There can be realistic peace in the future until there is restoration of teachers' negotiating rights over salaries conditions.

"This issue is ot tundamental importance It is a basic right of teachers and all unions to be able to sit down face to face with their employers to discuss pay.

This anti-democratic legislation'.

The executive of the major union, the NUT, decia ed to break ranks with the NAS action this Tenti Claiming that there complete unity' with the NAS/UWT opposition to Baker's legislation, the NUT executive opted for what was described as 'differente NUT leaders

The leaders say they will organise what they call 'demonstrative days of action' for the autumn: One such day has been floated to coincide with the Tory ParThe Net leadership say conference October.

Registered as a newspaper with the Post Office.

Pablished by Cardinal Enterprises, PO Box 50, London N1.

Printed by East End Offset Ltd. (TU), London It.

SociAlist

ACTION

NUT leaders backpeddle but

Teachers will take

The action decision was taken in

that it could be a day of joint national strike action with the NAS/UWT.

The position the leadership of NUT, traditionally key teaching union, not to take action this term will doubtedly have a demobilising effect in the struggle the Tories, parazallisi ticularly In of

remarks made by their deputy general scuitialy, Doug McAvoy.

McAvoy told a number of journalists that, the re-election of the Tories, it was futile to continue the campaign against the Baker law. Instead, the union should turn its attention to campaigning against future Tory plans for education.

The union's inner London division, ILTA, has re-

is ed sching unre action

deepening the action against the pay and conditions legislation can we ensure a united a determined stance in defence of educasaid Carole Regan, one of the ILTA officers who were suspended by the NUT leadership organising strike action

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against Baker earlier this year.

ILTA has called on the NUT leadership to step up the campaign joint tion with the NAS/UWT, and for a continuation of the campaign of refusing to cover for absent colleagues and non-attendance meetings outside of the time-table conditions that have been established bathe course of the long

pay conditions.

•AMA has also been in negotiation with the Inner

Education Authority over the implementation of the Baker proposals. At its conference at Easter, the NUT called on Labour-controlled local education authorities to refuse to implement Baker's provisions

But the Labour-controlled ILLA nas laken an uncom promising negotiations with ILTA have broken down.

ILEA is also refusing to make any concessions over the Issue of compulsory redeployment of teachers, which has been the subject of strike action by London teachers. ILEA is threatening to sack teachers who

refuse to it This will be their

an important issue at this weekend's London regional

Labour Party conference,

which ILTA is lobbying.

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Daily

DAY TWO OF OUR SERILL

THE ANTHONY HOPKINS STORY

as told exclusively to Lynda tee-Potter ea

CHILD

son.

Bell made the aims of his disgraceful campaign clear when he said: idea that we are a nation of child abusers dangerous. The time wil come, if this goes on, when half parents in the

cott to will are tre

look after their own children.'

Without presenting a single fact on the cases in Cleveland Bell's aim is to screw the lid back : on the massive scale abuse revealed by dozens of studies most spectacularly Childline, but also the National Society for the Prevention Cruelty "Incest Children (NSPCC); Crisis Line, local social service agencies, and studies in the United States and elsewhere.

Bell has delighted the

Cleveland's cases child laVC manufactured in an 'empire ed i do fraudulentse exercise

designed •to carve out a larger social services budget. No

wonder he was echoed by Tory MP Tim Devlin who described local social ser-

vices as 'another organisa

tion with the initials SS

Bell has opened up a witch

hunt against social

THE SEC

The Ma to

-SEX ME GUILTY»

Cleveland:

the real

scandal

THE DAILY MAIL, Stuart Bell MP, and most of Fleet Street have spent the past few weeks trying to reverse the results of a decade of gradually growing awareness of the colossal scale and enormous misery inflicted upon tens of thousands of children through sexual and physical abuse within the family. That is the real drive behind the press hysteria against Cleveland health authority and one of its paediatricians Mrietta Higgs and social worker Sue Richard-

workers.

Of course mistakes occur - and given the utter despair involved for parents and children in any case wrongful separation justice must be done every Cleveland and everywhere else. But to believe the chief problem in Britain today is wrongful accusations of child abuse, rather than the massive reality • of child abuse is to stand the world on its head. As with he one per cent of cases of wrongtul accusations the fact that errors occur and must be righted, does not make it any less necessary to tackle a problem whose enormous scale is only starting to be understood.

By Redmond O'Neill Clare Short MP, was quite right to reply in the Commons debate that the Cleveland case showed that the problem of child abuse had been massively underestimated for years and only now were social services trying to deal with the problem Facts and figures are hard to come by but those that do exist correlate remarkably.

After its launch on TV

Read Jonn

Mrit Edwards

A special Sunday Times investiga

Childline received 12,000 calls during its first two days from children. Since then estimated 10,000 children a day have tried to get through. Roughly 500 a day succeeded in talking to a Childline councillor One and half children have tried to contact Childlien since it was established.

The NSPCC estimates 6,330 cases of child abuse were dealt with nationally in 1986 - with an increase of child sexual abuse 137 which in turn was 126 per cent over 1985 cent up on 1984.

A survey of children registered local authorities as in danger of abuse, released this month, showed a national increase of 22 per cent, rising to 30 per cent in London, 36 per cent Yorkshir and higher elsewhere

don't

nest mean sexual abuse Calater increasing. They mean that more sexua abuse Is detected as awareness of it is increas

and for the • first time cu. small steps are being taken to do something about it.

In the Us when the

first child abuse programs were set up similar results were shown: in San-Jose 30 families were referred in 1971, 600 1n

Aurora County Colorado

134 cases in 1977, 653 ir

1979; in Hennepin County

Minnesota 14 cases of incest in 1972 and 200 in

1977.

In the context of these

figures the increase

suspected sexual abuse

cases in Cleveland to 83 so

far this year, does not ap pear incredible

Nor are Cleveland's figures totally out of line with those of other local authorities. Since Lecds social services began to register child sexúal abusi

the figures for child abuse have risen as follows: 460 sexual abuse to enc 1985 634 (156 sexual abuse) December 1986, a further 177 (65 sexual abuse) ada ed to the register to May this year.

In Manstield cases of child abuse have trebled in the past two years with

cases rising sexual abuse most rapidly

A series of studies in, dicate figures of one in ten children being subjected to some form of sexual abus before the age of 16, and between one and two per cent being subjected severe sexual abuse Eighty per cent of sexua

: takes place in the family and by relatives.

The weight of evidence is overwhelming. it point not to an over-reaction in Cleveland but an under reaction elsewhere.

Incest anc the sexual abuse of children is a col ossal phenomenon which

classes makes the lives of tens of thousands of children renth it require

iral of all recognising scale and and secondly a large expansion

study and debate - not the attempt by Stuart Bell and his allies

re-establish the conspiracy of silence and deny the nightmare exists.