Socialist Action No. 170, 11 September 1987
The scan: 170-sep-11-1987-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
BRITAIN OUT
No. 170 THE BIGGEST naval buildup since World War Il is assembling in the Persian Gulf. It has only one purpose. That has nothing to do with ensuring 'freedom navigation', or securing peace'. It is aimed at a military attack against Iran.
It is one of the most squalid and cynical operations every undertaken even hv imperialism. For seven vears the United States and Britain have been letting the war in the gulf drag on. Britain, in particular, has allowed London to be used as the centre for arms buying Israelis, and, as now known, the US
SoCiAlist
ACTION
BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM
have been secretly supplying arms to Iran. The United States, openly, the USSR, and France have been supplying arms to Iraq. The aim has been to
of allow themselves to death. the regimes the
The aim, as has been quite openly explained by both imperialism and the Israelis, is that neither decisivelv win the war for ran the war started as a just defence against Iraqi attack. But Khomeni's regime has long since defeated the Iraqi attack and has prolonged the war for its own internal purposes The justify repression against the Iranian
working class and political opposition
11 Sept 1987
OF THE
GULF!!
inside Iran itself. From the point of view of the working class there would be nothing progressive whatever in the victory of Iran over Iraq. Both are bleed brutally anti-working class regimes.
perialism the entire bloody game has now got out of hand. Britain has done its work rather too well in allowing side should Iran to be armed. It has been clear since the spring that ran has the possibility of decisively defeating Iraq.
And perialism. - above all to ment, have to be crystal clear on this.
There is nothing progressive whatever
Inside
strike But from the point of view of im- long
JUIC Khomeni.
murderer or le
that is unacceptable to im- Khomeni.
Socialists, and the labour move-
• TUC capitulates on no strike deals • Behind the split in the Alliance • Lessons of South African miners
• Labour leit unity
• Racist campaign in Dewsbury in Britain's operations in the gulf. It is an attempt to stage a war in which the British working class has not a single interest. Any regime installed by Britain and the United States, who for so
supportea me snan or iran. would not be more progressive but
reactionary than inal The dictator the British navy is being sent to protect, butcher
as bloody working class as
It is also the height of cynicism that the British government, which
gulf! through London, suddenly discovers
30p that these should be cut off just at the
when the US fleet approaches Iranian shores. No support should be given to the demand those shipments end. On the contrary while Iran's war against Iraq, when Iraq has been forced to make it clear it wants it halted, is reactionary, Iran has every right to defend itself against the United States, Britain and their allies. And socialists should support it in that struggle.
The entire labour movement must demand: • British and US warships out of the
• Hands off Iran!
Page 2 scan of this page
Why the Alliance is splitting
2 Socialist Action 11 Sept 1987
ACTiON SoCiAlist
Some strategic
thinking on the left
THE STATEMENT 'Labour, the Liberals and the unity of Labour's loft', which we print on page four, and which has achieved some discussion Inside the labour movement, is the best sign since the election of strategic thinking going on in Labour's left. Let us, therefore, look at it. The statement could, undoubtedly, be considerably. Improved on. But its essential points are entirely
What the bourgeoisie Is attempting to do in Britain today is twofold. First it is seoking, by every means possible, to keep the Thatcher government in office for as long as possible. Second it is attempting to ensure that whatever government eventually succoeds it does not overturn the changes brought about by Thatcher. That means housebreaking the Labour Party to ensure it does not overturn Thatcherism.
as tar as possible to the right and then finally ensuring that Labour, almost certainly, only gets back into office on the basis of a pact with the
The parallel operation to that inside the trade HOES realist, no strike, strategy of the EETPU and
and 'trade union', will come together at the
conference when the and AEU will support demands for the introduction of proportional representation -which, in practice today, would mean a deal
This reality has major internal conse-
unions. It means their right wing, above all the tradle union right wing, has a quite clear political project which, in every field, cuts across the interests of the great majority of Labour Party and trade union members.
Yet the 'soft loft' inside the party, that part which looks to Kinnock, is incapable of fighting that project because It is in a bloc with
What is more It is the right wing which calls the shots not on presentation, but in terms of a whole series of crucial policies. Robin
seat and can decide for itself in which direction it wants to take the party' But the truth is that it can't. If It could where was the campaign against nuclear power, for the national minimum wage, and for other key Issues in the last election? And if the soft left is now able to lead the party by Itself where will be the drastic reforms on the position of women within the party, or of black sections, at this year's Labour Party conference?
The truth is the soft left is not powerfui enough to run the party and it, therefore, has to run it in a bioc with elther the right or the hard left.
in this, sections of the hard left nave pusued, let us be blunt, some rather foolist. tactics of the 'social fascis*" type. This con sists of acting as though those nearest to it in the soft lett were the 'main enemy".
Instead the nard left must nave diftereni tactics. True, where it is necessary, it must be propared to stand and fight alone, and, where necessary accept being isolated. It is necessary oppose laws against unions, or action against Iran, or breaking the accountability of MPs to their Gonerai Committeos, whether or not it is popular to do so. But there is no virtue I n unpopularity for its own sako, or being Isolated for its own sake. That is su polui truth is that on a series of questions the positions of the hard left are not simply principled but popular. And It can find common ground with other forces on issues which take the labour movement forward - which, after all, is the point of the whole exercise.
The statement 'Labour, the Liberals, and the unity of Labour's left realises all that. And for that reason it is a step forward.
THE SPLIT of the SDP, so clear at its Portsmouth conference, has nothing to do with constitutional arrangements for a merged party, the inadequacy of two leaders in a general election campaign or trivia of that type. It has everything to do with the proposed party's relations with Labour.
Serious culliculatuls Party must be willing to are open about The their political Economist, surveying. the prejudices. row over the merger, didn't even bother to discuss the formal estes simply By John Ross headed its editorial "The
Emerge words: David Steel would Alton clearly outlined
what Labour would have to take Britain's Alliance parDavid a pact would nor accept for such a deal. First: David would renatonasanon Is notac
ceptable. Second Labour Hence the ructions. (The Economist 4 July) must acccoi DioDorlollai
Steel is representation which
Tiver would aim to make Labour
La permanent minority in in which he parliament and leave the Liberals Iree o orm a he is formally future government with the
Tories. Third the whole process must be part of a pro. cess of weakening Labour's links with the unions: 'Labour .. must first put its house in order by removas . his proposing organisational
Steel shackles and union block votes ... it must take firm sunoes towaros a centre-en coalition? (The Indepencampaign its 1983 dent 12 August)
Steel is explicit that any Lib-Lab pact must SIONCE "on safeguard the essentials of Thatcherism. He argues
that the task of future of going into politics is: to define and
then give the political lead governiell for the post-Thatcherite
agenda That implies mor on from Chatcherist - 12K. rather than
everything doctrinaire 'On some issues inere grounds? (Guardian 21
August)
The This task is made easier Campaign Scottish because Steel knows that Assembly, the entry of the SDP pro
mergerites into the Liberals Will greatly strengthen the party issue, should not most right wing forces
within it. The leadership oi convene the Liberals therefore
relishing the prospect. put in this week's Sunday political
Times: officials of the Liberal Parliamentary Association have Maclennan that there common ground between a with that: even
"substantial group"
Liberals and the SDP ... on inner-city mass іле ксу
threaten to jeopardise the the all merger talks. Specifically: 'The defence policy of a could be into merged part should be
If Steel be cir- based on "full support for NATO and an independent British nuclear deterrent' ampie and that should include
leading consideration ideologues the available weapons systems. merger SDP including Trident. Maclen-
nan ... has been "most encouraged" by the warmth mediately the
Tha the association's overAlhance totally ture: according close
associates.
Tu e an illu- The pro-mergthey demand, as with Steel, it is a defend the essentiais Alliance capture Thatcherism. Bill Rodgers
the writing in the Independent in July, characterised any Labour The
the Labour attempt to overturn the fundamentals of : Thatcherism uracceptable revolution' and by Since destroy whom Mrs Thatcher or he
successors are replaced will depend on the manner in 22 June) which these permanent
David Alton, Liberal aspects of her revolution are chief whip, argued in the In- accepted. They will. stay dependent for the forma- salient issues as long tion of a 'Progressive Coalition' He stated: To forge тет boasted: "Inf this Progressive Coalition, Alliance... had pioneered both the Liberal/SDP Alliance and the Labour cepted
July)
into pact
But if Steel camp are
In politics coherent.
Owen:
aim
Labour
July 1987)
In bourgeoisie,
Lab pact
cher in. ci Davi mett. istence Owen mus independent party so inat. in the event of a
economy wolld be more free-enterprise than public sector. (The Independent 23
the
of
what
Owen's perfectly His entire
Brian supersede
beer sup
the pieseni • Lib-Lab
against it, naenenaent September:
pact be
alternative
say whom
didate for natural'
backing bourgeoisie
the tight
of the Sainsbury, ion bola ne nus. ma tain a bridgehead in parlia-
the
Haseler, a
lurks
opening
the without
and more
such 'more
it is As thi
the 'more
for the
the
David
Owen
Politics Today
ment
Owen's to
Ene Social
- the SDP's
He can
These
'SDE
50-60 Over term he
light ho „neonse
nill
Liberals are committed to destroying Labour not the Tories or pro-Tory Owenite
Roy lenkins demanded a: the SDP conference that the merged party not run candidates against Owen Barnes and Cartwrigh
Owenite MPs De Wilson, president of th Liberais, wrote in the Time. lasi Saturday: 'Obviously we are all sympathetic to the view that we should not op pose the three
The aim of both wings of the disintegrating Alliance is clear. They bot intend to maintain the essentials of Thatcherism One intends to do so by fon
Page 3 scan of this page
Which alliances in the unions?
TUC sell out on no strike deals
In the Unions
temporary WUIN.
later. On each of these issues 'hard left' led unions such
fentre right' unions such as the GMB.
For example on the issue or no strike deals une Oly member of the general council to vote with Arthur cargill against putting off a decision for a year was Joyce winsett oI NUrt
The EETPU and AEU have
GMB,
NUPE who are trying to bring hundreds thousands of new women and black temporary and part time workers into the unions.
But when it came to the crucial VOTOC and NUPE lined up with
wielru AEU round the fraud of putting off voting on no strike deals
for a year. It was the same .cit ir T "uIC SANUC Labour's proposed trade innion laws betore the election. These were originally opposed by NUPE and the
TGWU who then , under the
pressure of Neil Kinnock and Norman Willis, backed down and voted for them.
more undamenta issue.
eas Boral cas
playıng around with the
idea of splitting the TUC. It is also prepared to col-.
aborate with forces outside the Party
employing as an officer, for
example the head of the SDP's trade union organisation John Grant. The AEU right wing, while
not so openly disloyal to the
Labour Party and TUC, is than the 30 no strike deals signed by the EETPU —
the deals for a year was completely wrong. The CPSA
thur Scargill to speak against it.
No strike deals started to be signed by the EETPU in the carly WIA! Japanese employers Hitachi, Toshiba, Sanvo and the electrical firm Inmos. Since then they have begun to spread rapidly.
The EËTPU has taken the initiative to spread them into traditional industries as pairt or lus arive to orcak lnto them at the expense of e uH rorenoc in January this year it signed a no strike deal with the Western Mail and South Wales Echo as part of its drive to break into the printing industry which was started in the deals with Eddie Shah's Today and at Rupert Murdoch's Wapping plant.
This week's TUC Congress shows clearly how wrong are the alliances which have been constructed in the trade union movement. The most immediate key issues facing this year's TUC were the light against no strike deals and how to organise five million part time and
Behind that lay fundamental issues of political strategy - which we will look at
as the NUM, and in a different way the CPSA, found themselves formally in alliance with the broad left' led anions such as the TGWU and NUPE. Even, in a different way, on the issue of organising part time and temporary workers, there was some agreement with
prepared to aid and abet the and, BHSe T. threatened to split the TUC Lwo vcar azu This raises the clearest
issues for members of and the IOWU.
Why are their unions being allowed to line up, in practice, with the right wing inSedo o wene naen unions. Why, furthermore, is that policy being pursued not only in the TUC but in the Labour Party?
By Brian James
The reason for that lies the alliances put together by Neil Kinnock and Norman Willis inside the Labour Party and trade unions. Kinnock and Willis have concentrated energy o tassle down the left movement while compromising with the right. Indeed, the labour movement loaay Is led by a 'soft left'/right wing bloc symbolised by Kinnock/Hattersley in the Labour Party and the bloc with the AEU/EETPU inside the TUC. policy disastrous not simply for the Labour Party but for the unions. At the election meant Labour playing down even policies such as opposition nuclear power, policies on women, or for a national minimum wage Witch Wolle trave been electorally popular.
No strike deals are a dagger aimed at the heart of the trade union movement. They are about far more even
threatening as these are themselves. They are about government plans to remove the right to effective trade unionism from entire sections of the workforce. That is why Monday's TUC decision to put off considering
and TASS were dead right to vote against it — and Ar-
Other unions, notably the AEU, have also begun to use inem.' In Januar
By John Ross
1986, for example, the AEU signed a no SLEIKE urtict yes deal cle components vehicle COnDOLCIL manu facturer. This specified that: There will be no stoppage of work of either a partial or general character SUCROS ASOKe lOCKOL ce slow, work to rule, restriction of LUvelCl of material and its working, an overtime ban, or restriction of any kind by either paity.'
Stopping short of a formal no strike deal, but coming extremely close to it,
In the trade unions it has Hammond anther year to prepare for a possible split from the Meanwhile neither the EETPU,
LUE ILS right wing allies, will cease making the no strike deals which threaten trade unionism whole
allus sections of workers.
What, instead members of: broad lett lec unions should be consider-
latioril 10E uniting not with the right but with the 'hard left' side the trade unions. Because the reality is that
way I01ward for the trade union novenenl exsis aove all the question of recrue emoco wuch. rightly, was a central issue al luis ycal s luc.
Here the movement was the deal signed by the AEU with Nissan at its new
Phis nathe North Bast.
catastrophic situation for trade unionism in the factory described recently by
GMB Jonn Derry ol lac and secretary of South Shields Trades Council
'There is an atmosphere in there that is not correct.
Amalgamated Engineering Union has sole recognition agreement with the company, but claims ony Del UCHIL membership among the 550 DU ULLE workforce. Many other people say it is closer to 15 per cent.
*Mr Joe Cellini, the AEU divisional organiser, nas lo go in ana our or une factory because there are no COlIS od Ical unol structure there. People are frightened to take on the shop steward's role because of the implications. Trade wim leucubecel plete fiasco.'
Employers are also learning to follow up defeats imposed on workers by introducing Do strike deak campi
faces clear choices. Among the 'core' workers the number of skilled
workers, the base Stur auel of the EETPU and AEU
is one of the reasons why these right wing unions are trying to break out of this sector and start recruiting among white collar workers on one side and organising un e meskeo via sweetheart deals with malaschcll.
These unisons need to be hit from two sides
First Via the amalgamation of ASTMS and TASS. This will create •the largest wille Cola trade union in the world. It is nol d nara mcll oll broad left led union. But it is a clear alternative to the no-strike business Silentnight, which dismisseos Woo e oued long bitter strike, imposed a two year no strike deal on the scabs it recruited
But the government has also taken the first step to extending these into wider sectors. Thatcher an nounced in July that she would be bringing forward recommendations for a no strike deal tor teachers. Shi annonced that Kenneth Baker's, the education secretary's green paper will include the possibility of a
strike agreement
believe thệ majority of ennes cle weerc c strike agreement! This was rejected the filiated National Union of Teachers and Association Schoolmasters/Union of Women Teachers. was welcomed by the scab 'Pro Tesoro ASSOCRUON of Teachers':
This is part of a long term policy adopted by the government laid out clearly in a 1984 report by the Conservative Party think rank
sados
unionism of the EETPU/AEU.
Second is among the uisKicd and part time, workers. Here the EETPU. model negotlating a sweetheart deal with the emolover tc deliver captive union membership: For the employer this shuts out a more militant union. For Tine denvers subscriptions. The deals
Rupert Murdoch WIlD Wapping, and earlier with Shah at Today, are the tir of that iceberg. Here the entire left has got to give full support to the drive by the TGWU GMB, NUPE, and other unions to organise temporary and part time workers. This is the alternative, in this sec. nor. o une sweeten cens of the EETPU.
ed, according to the Financial Times that. 'the present steady pace of industrial relations reform should continue while the
relatively uLULs Icall powerless to oppose it — on the grounds that an upturn in employment „ w see a reassertion of some former union strength
'Sir Leonard Neal, the industrial relations expert and former Board member of British Rail and Pilkington, and charman of the Heath government's Commission on industrial Rela tions, has recommended to Mrs Thatcher the two major proposals form the next pieces of industrial relations legislation..
1 he main proposal 101 a strike ban, takes head on the difficulties of defining which services are essential. Sir Leonard believes it will be commonly accepted that the "energy services (gas and electricity), water and sewerage and health services would operate such a bar ant tu ara y IE EDiTE" IE
Where does this leave the hard left? Simple. The hard left has got its own battles to fight where, at present, it is . s0 atec• above all on the need to reverse the TUC'S attitude to the law, to the Labour
-DTO posals, and to delivering practica solidarity workers in struggle. But secondly, the broad left led unions are today forced by the needs of the situation to proclaim pro gressive goals which they CaniOL fight for bv their canno. be faughl tor , thẹy cannot be fought alliance with the right. The hard left has to make clear it supports and takes up these goals — in particular the recruitment drive by the the struggle against no strike deals, and damage them would also be covered by the ban.
'He recommends that the union be held liable for all strikes in essential services, even if they are unof-
could show unambiguously that it Ilau made everv ettort to end the disruption. (Financial Times 20 February 1984)
This is why it was the sheerest hvpocrisv tor Bil Jordan, president of the AEU, to "have claimed in Monday's TUC debate that the reason he was in favour OE NO strike deals was because the real threat facing the trade union move-
was non-unionism UCHI The deal signed by the AEL at Nissan, with less than a quarter of the workforce ir the union, shows the real consectenci agreements. The spreading of no strike agreements into the public sector, which is the government's aim, woud ed to biteralt hun dreds of thousands of ariste demirs
TREE MZ IL IEDE • ir Ie
Socialist Action 11 Sept 1987 3 the fight for closer links with the Labour Party.
It is the unions the hard left leads, above all the NUM, and the left wing in other unions, that have the ASOSI issues as the organisation policy
ot women ir the labour movement, the fight against business unionism, and which are most clearly tied to Labour. The hard
must . oul Jorwara a strategy for the entire
Move n and not just the parts it directly leads.
In this way the hard left will pursue not narrow sectarian interests forge the alliances that will AKe In fi entTe movement forward. And it is, rightly, only by doing this that the hard left can expand its own influence attitude to these deals. They sell out the fundamentals of trade unionism All the ver's delay will do is allow Hammond t prepare bet ter the EETPÜ's threat to leave the TUC.
On this there should be no equivocation. .Only fool WaColk the splitting of the TUC. But no strike deals go to the heart of trade unionism and of the elementary right of every person to withdrav their labour. If Hammonc threatens to leave the TUC over a ban on no strike deals anen uis beeno lake ar risk than for the TUC back down
Of course finally even a no strike deal will not stop workers defending their rights. Hitachi in Soutt Wales, where the EETPI signed one of the first no strike deals, suffered a brief factory sit in July over a WaLC :claim. But with strike deals selline elementar! tate principies = are
ÑecTe TAmSEO T=
Page 4 scan of this page
New moves in the Labour left
4 Socialist Action 11 Sept 1987
Scotland: Labour
must fight poll tax
SINCE THE overwhelming 'anti-Thatcher vote in Scotland in June, there has been some criticism of the caution of the Scottish Labour Party executive and particularly of the Labour Party.
demonstration Glasgow on 12 September originally planned Labour day, has now turned into a 'festival for Scottish democracy with the emphasis on enter allment and searching for allJalty unobtainable as the SNP sponsorship
pulea out two weks ago in fear of Labour domination of the event.
By Ann Henderson
national Labour Party demonstration against unemployment, to be held in Glasgow, was planned for October. But this has been postponed and will take place in April 1988.
These individual initiatives are clearly inadecze co cc oc c
discussions going on in the
movement here about how to proceed. At
Labour Coordinating Committe (LCC) Scottish confèrence last weekend in
Edinburgh, over 200 activists met to discuss how to campaign for a Scottish assembly. Different suggestions wete put forward,
including the organisation
of a petition in Scotland to
show support for
assembly. This wolld
seem to be an unnecessary
exercise as we know from
the general elechon resui
and numerous opinion
polls, that over 80 per cent
of people in Scotland sup-
port an assembly. GeorgeP for Glasgow Galloway,
Labour
Hillhead, and member of
LCC national
ecutive, issued a call for a
Scottish convention
highlight the Wews
concerns of the Scottish
people. Much DICSS
coverage has also been
given Robin Cook's
DIVER INFLAND
ALFRE8'S FREET. T durlasacet
an 3079.
A trade union conference on employment discrimination and its context in Northern Ireland.
Scottish Parlamentary
sugestion that Scottish MPs should meet Scotland one day a week to give Scottish people more par comentare aueess discussions. COOKI Labour MP for Livingstone.
3La80l
• tne tor
'all-
ditional of
be with the DoC ton •all 'Assembly in the aululll.
However the immediate of the
statute books
There
of "ine
(COSLA) meeting on Friday, 4 September, unfortunately decided to move into consultation with the Scottish Office in preparing for implementation of whilst rethe pol tax maining formally opposed LO IL This retreat wasOl unanimously supported, now pressure Hrust brought to bear through and regional Labour Parties.
Conncils in Scotland - the majority of which are Labour-controlled must be called upon refuse to prepare the register and to TelusC prepare for the tax collection Labour must mount an effective opposition to the poll tax if its other policies are continue to nave popular support.
IRELAND:
CAUSE OF LABOUR!
Sponsors include: Peter Heathfield (NUM), Alan Sapper (ACTT), Ken Gill (TASS), all executive committee members NUR, Jacob Ecclestone
(NUJ)
28 November 1987, Camden Centre,
Bidborough St, London Delegates credentials, leaflets and further information.
from BM Box 5335, London WCIN 3XX.
AT THE end of August seven members of Labour Left Liaison (LLL) Labour Co-ordinating Vladimir Derer, Peter Hain, Ken Livingstone, and Joan Ruddock issued a statement entitled 'Labour, the Liberals and the unity of Labour's left'. It aroused a storm of discussion provoking a lengthy reply by the editor of the New. Statesman, John Lloyd, in the Sunday Times, making the front page of the Morning Star, and Tribune.
It is clear that the statement had a considerable impact in deciding actions the leader s ip part of the. thrust of the statement was against the
since the election, andauty
unions by Hammond and Laird, in favour of a pact with the Liberals and, make this possible, the introduction of proportional representation.
Shadow Cabinet.
Since the election the
New Statesman, Marxism
Today and leading Fabians
have openly argued for
Labour-Liberal pact. This
could become a hidden
agenda tor the party
others, while rejecting
such a pact, are caught up
internal developments
with the same dynamic.
The decision by the
Tribune Group to relect a
joint slate with the Cam-
Group symbolised
bonzi
this process, and en-
coulasa serious rethink-
ing on the leit.
The proposed joint slate
gave Tribune virtually
blank cheque terms. It in-
cluded eight members of
the Tribune group, TOlI
Campaign Group
members and Lutet
Tribune incumbents
that is eleven Tribune and
four Campaign. Yet it was
rejected by the majority of
the Tribune group who, in
practice, preferred to align
with centre-right MPs.
The political dynamic of
this clear. Although
generally loyal to the party
the right has an agenda
with potentially much
common ground with the
Alliance. While modernis
ing Labour's class appeal
and policy renewal
necessary, this must not be
used as an excuse for
tisoning SOCISI prin-
ciples - as was proposed
by some atter 1959
defeat.
of an alliance with
Alliance is evident.
Liberal/Alliance terms for
agreement with Labour
wolld include continua-
tion of the existing Tory
framework of trade union
law, maintainance
privatisation, rejection of
social or public ownership
and a defence policy based
on nuclear weapons - bI
1991, in practice, Trident.
and of the executive of the Committee (LCC) Ann Pettifor, Marc Wadsworth,
dominating the correspondence columns of
week's Observer and Sun-
Bryan Gould to wage an making clear there would
pacl opposing proposals for proportiona representation/electoral
Kinnock did this for Ron Todd and John Edmonds had spoken out at the same time as the statement making clear their
divided.
This is a programme for maintaining, not overturn-
the essential changes Huc. brought about cherism. A Labour-Liberal pact might appear to be ar
anti-Thatcher coalition' but in practice it would be
coalition for perpetuating Thatcherism
T'he alternative is orienting to a GADuL VIlly through pushing back the
which requires re-establishing unity Labour's left to pose a serious slippage by • default into coalitionism - and also
winning over those poten-
Labour supporters
who in the last elections have voted for Thatcher
Such unity on the left is
a principal goal that must
be worked towaras.
Disagreements between
various trends on the left
cannot be resolved im-
mediately. However a joint
campaign around the
following ISSUCL would
help the party to adopt a
capable of
oroziauule
winning majority support
for Labour and would go
some way vecull
these differences:
* Building the Labour
Party and rejecting ally
pact or coalition with the
Liberals or Alliance
* Commitment to max-
London LCI annual meeting Sunday 13 September, 10.30-5 pm (Kings Cross tube).
In the morning there will be a panel
take reports, resolutions and elections.
Ann Pettifor opposition any deal with the Liberals. What the statement of the seven made clear was that if Kinnock did not act decisively against talk of a pact anc
?R he would rapidly finc himself with a united left
which he dreaded. The statement, in short, was an extrémely effective 'shot
far across Inc bows
th
Eu
in the
ment and
socialist
cial and
the
legal right effective
links
between
rejecting
LaDOul
links
with in unions
to
and workers
launched the TGWU,
GMB, and other
unions.
* Radical democratisa-
politics, the
olsucu l
* For Scottish
Assembly Act
establishing
Assembly passed in
to
unilateral disar-
nuclear free
ulaliCal
Europe, emillllaliull
wide
independent
radical in-'
of the
cluding nuclear
power.
Cabinet women's Teatro Technis, Crowndale Road, London NW1
discussion with Ken Livingstone MP, Siobhan Crozier, Jacqui Kelly and Andrew Puddyphatt, chaired by Nadine Finch. The afternoon will
more effective in influencing the course of the party leadership, because
to it for once, NOGO BE than any amount 'behind the scenes pressure' and whịch Seccapitulation, tions of the soft left ad. vocate for influencing the course of the party.
More important, and
nity of Lab
organisaand the
women's Labour's NAROBI Executive.
1984
the and
Black Sections the Labour tally
establish monoDoles
and
our different
Liverpool, not
believe a wave of
disciplinary actions can
socialism Britain can
•osl
initiatives and
with progressive
and the
Organisation
Socialist Action
Xmas draw
WITH this issue
1986.
There is one major prize -
Buying a raffle ticket, or better,
afloat.
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News
to the point, by making the party leadership come out sharply against any talk of stos ihu king along thes Coauol and isolates the richt. li •It also, therefore, poses the issue of how Labour builds its own support.
Reaction to the state ment has been interesting
Tony Banks, Tony Benn Short and Gavin Strang. 1 been endorsed b SLADOU Section, by Labour CND altu. the indications are, i will be endorsed by the exthe Campaign Democracy. It has been repudiated by ecutive of the LCC The authors have made clear that they see this as only the first step in a process.
ur's left
BaJKI developed political agen flow from
da. But we pledge to work within our existing organisations to maximise
ciples. will regularly to decide the next steps in this process A meeting will be held a the party conference discuss these A copy of this document has been circulated to Labour
We indite hem to append Campaign Groups. their names and to attend the meeting party .conference.
Vladimir Derer, Secretary Labour Left Liaison Ann Pettifor, Co-chair, Labour Left Liaison Marc Wadsworth, Cochair, Labour Left Liaison
George Galloway MP Executive, Labour Co
Peter Hain, Executive Labour Co-ordinating Committee Ken Livingstone MI Executive, Labour Co ordinating Committer Joan Ruddock MP Executive, Labour Coordinating Committee All in a personal capacity of Socialist Action, we launch our 1987 Xmas raffle. Last year, we raised £1000 which helped us maintain our fortnightly publication schedule. So we have decided to repeat the successful formula of
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helping sell some, is an easy way to show your political support for our newspaper. The extra money that we hope to raise in this way is indispensible to our regular publication. Sales alone cannot meet our cost. It is only the generosity of our readers and the commitment of our supporters that keeps a paper like ours
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Page 5 scan of this page
Racist shape of Baker's future
No bans on the Notting Hill Carnival!
News
EDUCATION minister Kenneth Baker has refused to intervene to force Kirklees education authority to submit to placing 26 children at Overthorpe Middle School in Dewsbury. He has stated that the present legal set-up does not allow him to do so. He made no denunciation of the racist campaign carried out by parents refusing to send their children to Headfield Middle School in Dewsbury because it has a majority of Asian pupils.
As soon as his new Education Bill becomes law in 1989, however, the parents concerned will have Tne interrered 'freedom of choice' which they are now demanding The Dewsbury affair has shown the way In which under such 'freedom choice' demands lie unadulterated racism.
"This case, and the way the press have handled it, Labour MP told *is part of a racist backlash in education that started with Ray Honeyford and con tinued the Mauree McGoldrick ,It..
and racist are involved British children of Asian descent. The great majority of the children were born here, so the sheer racism blatant.
Abbott said that she didn't particularly like raising the point 'but the so-called educational argument is also rubbish. Studies show thai children in a number cases actually,
achievements than white Britishborn children
"The real question is : that the parents objections sending Lo e children to the school are racist. All the stutt about "culture" being taken "seriously" by the media
simply being used to obscure the fact that the objective is a racist one'
Diane Abbott is right.
rallied
JCWS sing Parentai bury The right-
Parental Association for Choice in Education, whose chair is Baroness Cox and vice-chair Norris McWhirter, has offered to mobilise support, 1llcluding taking the case to tie suroocal coull
Ine parents do not want a multi-cultural cur-
metropolitan Assistanl
nonce comissoc rau
Condon among the
first to demand a ban atter
Monday 31 August. 'The
autos we dic laikue aboul
small area of London the past iwo
days we have had a murder,
500 serious crimes and 150
people lau their
possessions ripped from
• sald condon.
That haraly creates an fun does it?'
alla described this as part of the
more siniste:
Such calls an- = bancar
only be descrit:
The Dewsbury affair
riculum which is infringing on the British tradition by diluting it,' said secretary, Fred Naylor.
By Nick Adams
The so-called Independent (it Isn l ••• dre volei responded to such racist bigotry by reintorcing it. , A leader article in its September issue concluded that: 'overemphasis language teaching and ill digested 'multicultural studies"? will perpetuate the handicaps faced by ethnic minorities and breed resentment group of parents are refusing to send their children because it is preponderantly black THERE HAVE been renewed calls for the Notting Hill carnival to be banned after this year's two-day event, which attracted more than one million participants, ended in police violence. Tory MP Terry Dicks and others have called on home secretary Douglas Hurd to take this decision 'as a matter of urgency'. Similar calls have been made against the carnival in previous years.
No other mass events — all of which attract the same petty crime as does the Notting Hill carnival - have been greeted with persistent demands for closure.
By Carol Turner
Year after year this call is made against the nival. The main feature of Notting the larges: carnivai Eurc= 4. =
• mi en ine se cond and final day of the oring Hill carnival,
among white parents.
education
retusea lo charactthe Dewsbury for what it was — racism.
The Independent woula nave aone beller lo read their own education correspondent's ECOUTL
Vriting in the 8 Septembe "ssue Marsh says that the school involved, Headfield Middle School is a Church of England school described even by the local vicar 'magnificent'
The curriculum 'is the same as you would find
else Yesterday's school lunch was the evidently Asian cultural speciality of fish fingers, cheese and egg flan, cheese and tomato sandwiches,
hips, salad, steamed pu
ling and custard and fru
Indeed one ask ASal children's needs were not
specncaly catered Pupils at Headfield Middle School, Dewsbury, where a
carnival-goers sud
denly found themselves in
streets sealed off by police in riot gear. One of them
Hackney MP Diane
WaN
Abbott. She told Socialist
Action:
was part the
Mangrove carnival troupe.
we were Just Inisning out
circuit when suddenly we
found our way blocked by
of police with riot
1UWS
shields.
"It was very frightening
ior a lot oi ordinary peopie
who were caught up in it.
Policemen were learle
down the streets with their
truncaeons uran
creceeces
for.
By attacking 'multicultural education' Muslim schools, the press is turning the criminal. Racism is not created bv black deople they are its target
Cultural and language education and community-controlled schools, blem. They are the entirely are not a
legitimate demands people torn from their homelands by perialism which ancousiv souent lo desuro their cultural heritage. Doing so was key in making them a source of cheap labour.
The mounting problems in education are the result not of children of Asian descent but of government policy. Last July, the school inspectors reported that Tun-cown and unsuitable classrooms were now adversely
20 per cent of SCROOS catalogued
Operation Trident -similar operation to the
"Swamp' exercise that was
carried out Brixton
shortly before the uprising there in 1985 had been
underway in Notting Hill in
the weeks before this year's
Carnival organi-
ses de oudes lau aucaul
warned the police of the
trouble that could be pro-
voked by such an exercise.
'While everybody
deplores pickpockenng
it is important io reme:
•nal Wnai napecia
ting Hill er Merda:
•re up as they did would
-= este lead to trouble at
carnivai.
That is just whạt hap-
pened. Some people there
an entire litany of blems with education provision. Preliminary findings from joint Na-
Union of Teachers/British Educational waulpment Associa. tion survey described mat-
as being , even worse
The situation will deteriorate with the huge cuts in educational spending which are planned. mare diverting aveen- and government, tion from that real crisis by stoking up racist hysteria
- al Lavour Is w av ing the price for failures such as refusal to support Brent council over the McGoldrick affair.
Baker's proposed 'core (read white, English and Conservative) curriculum, 'freedom parental
and choice' right U1 schools to opt out of local authority control will
Dewsbury affair part of the racist shape of things to come. had experienced weeks and
weeks of over-policing
*Predictions about tend to become
self-fulfilling prophecy
because ot the verv largi
number of police that are
used and that are visible. I
can't think of any other
cultural event of this nature
which is policed in this
way.
Speaking after the
police attack of Monday 31
August.
have made clear that they
will continue to oppose all
attempts to ban the Notting
Hill carnival. They musi
have every support.
Socialist Action 11 Sept 1987
Viraj Mendis: the
fight goes on
INTERNATIONAL
while their cases were reviewed.
Since then the Tamils have been imprisoned aboard Weymouth. They have gone on nunger strike in proles! against the terrible conditions on the prison shio anc to force the government to CONSIC LUCI picc asylum
The government recently deciaea lo aeport rive other Tamils. But the court
them should have the right to stay while their case is be ing reviewed.
The British government has always argued that it is safe for all Tamils and Sinhalese to return to Sri Lanka if they are wanted for any criminal offence. The argument is that the Sri ankan government is a democratic government and has such guarantees to the British government:
Particular v since the so-called peace accord in Sri Lanka the British government has said that no refugees from Sri Lanka need to be admitted to Bri tain. The peace accord also used to justif the
deportation of Viraj Men dis, Sinhalese revolutionary who has been living in Britain for 14 years.
The home office determined to deport Mendis His case has become a national symbol of the fight against the immigration laws
The media have been forced to report his case Halks campaign for his right to sras Britain. This cludes 4000 people demonstrating in Man-
chester in support of Mendis on 11 July.
Viraj Mendis Defence Campaign (VMDC) has been able to mobilise strong support, and has made it difficult for
Broadwater Farm Defence Campaiga, Broadwater
Farm Residents' Association
WE DEMAND:
* A Public Enquiry into the uprising on
6th Octobor 1985!
uprising
* Fight State Racism and Oppression
5 attention was focused on British immigration laws when more than 50 Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka had to undress in a London airport to avoid deportation recently. Only court intervention prevented the government deporting them
the home office to arrest and deport him.
Ine police can now be sent into the church at any une bul mue nome omc knows that such a move will Cicald political problems That is why it has been try. •Dicak luc aularic between the church and . Mendis.
By Finn Jensen
Two others with deportation orders against them have taken sanctuary Bradford and Leicester. The home office fears the example might spread A police magazın claimed that Mendi changes letters with con victed IRA terrorists in the Maze This was followed up by a story in th Manchester Evening News all of osychologica preparation for the police t The Manchester Evening News article was followed by a new attack on the church: At six o'clock in the morning bricks and bottles were thrown through the windows. Mendis believes this was done by police onces Meanwhile the VMDC continues to build support for Viraj Mendis right to stay. Every Friday at 5.30 from Piccadilly Gardens, Manchester. • The VMDC campaign is encouraging well-known people to publicly support Viraj, including from abroad. Copies of such le ters should be sent to th Bishop of Manchester Bishop • Court, Bury New • Road, Manchester M7 OLE and to VMDC, c/o North Hulme Centre, Jackson Crescent, Manchester MIS.
MARCH
FROM BROADWATER FARM TO 10 DOWNING STREET Saturday October 3rd 1987
Called by: The Movement for Civil Rights and Justice Organised by: Broadwater Farm Youth Association * The Immedlate release of the innocent youths framed and convicted after the
Rally in Hyde Park 3.00pm THERE WILL BE NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL SPEAKERS
Page 6 scan of this page
LESSONS OF THE MINERS STRIKE
BUILD FOR OCTOBER 24th
THE NATIONAL Union Mineworkers in South Africa made labour movement history in heroic three-week strike in pursuit of a living wage. Never before has the liberation struggle in Africa experienced a strike of such proportions for such a length of time. The strike achieved, in the words of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU), 'the best unity and organisation the country has ever seen'.
By Doreen Weppler
Although the miners were unable to win their 30 per cent wage increase, the union successfully organised necessary retreat. This will allow it to continue the struggle ly intact and with 80,000 new members won through the battle.
Ramaphosa, general secretary of the NUM(SA) put it, the strike should be seen as 'a dress rehearsal for further action'. With the death of 50 miners at the Helena gold mine just hours after me return to wOln further action is on the cards.
This AISLOTO trial registered the balance South Africa. It demonstrated that the apartheid regime can't simply crush the trade union movement — the capacity of which belied the Chamber of Mines' predictions that would within two days. In saluting the black workers, SACTU explained that mining bosses: 'failed to bleed the NUM to its death.? But the strike also showed that the struggle tor power by the oppressed peoples of South Africa will be a prolonged one.
African ruling class is a junior partner in the world system of imperialism. Apartheid rule, which brings the imperialists superprofits from labour, will not be overthrown easily.
1he NUM(SA) was four years ago. At the start of the
THE APPEAL put out by the South
African miners and the African Na-
tional Congress for support from
miners world-wide was immediately
acted upon by the British NUM. The
International Miners Organisation
(IMO) also moved into action, call-
ing on its affiliates world-wide to aid
the miners. A preliminary list of 68
unions which gave money included
miners unions from the US, France,
East and West Germany and Cuba.
The Australian miners union sent
£2500 just as it started its own in-
dustrial action. Transport workers
from Canada contributed, as did
steel workers and car workers unions
from the US. A range of community
organisations in South Africa and
the Front Line States responded to
the appeal.
magnificent
response was matched by efforts in Bri-
tain itself. The British
Women Against Pit Closures, found an
overwhelming response in the labour
movement. In three weeks over £75,000
was raised for the South African NUM
- including significant sums from other
national unions in Britain. TASS topped
with £5000,
such as the Fire Brigades Union gave
£1500. Thousands of pounds poured in
of strike, it organised
its non-racial African Trade Unions (COSATU). The claim
South
March (the • organisational-
As Cyril or In
miner's wage,
behind. Yet without
strength tained by the of forces in hours.
crumble liberation struggle,
the 1940 sinke
The South
increase ranging from 15 to
union. The strike began. black government tried a re-launched
from NUM organisations.
and anti-apartheid activists tremely successful.
firm Was support
international tained and injured,
NUM, and
but unions
UDF.
40 per cent of miners. With over 340,000 members it is the backbone of the 710,000 member,
Confederation of South
submitted by the NUM(SA) in this year's wage round included a 30 per cent wage increase (reduced to 27 per cent in the final week of negotiations); an increase in holidays private from 18 to 30 days; an increase in holiday pay; an extension in death benetits to miners families five years. The union also demanded paid holidays on dates black workers wished to mark. These include May Day, 16 June (the anniver- quarier. sarv of the Soweto uprising) and 25
anniversary of the Sharpeville massacre). An end to the migrant labour system was called for.
The very length of the dispute, in an industry organised on the inhumane migrant labour system, was a feat in itself. Black miners in South Africa are forced to live in single-sex compounds, leaving their families behind in the bantustans (land reservations for blacks),
countries which provide large amounts of labour for the mining houses in South Africa. Each
on average, must support 12-15 family members he has left
strike pay, the miners held out for three weeks. The longest national dispute previously sus-
NUM(SA) lasted
The strike affected 44 of the 46 gold and coal mines targetted by the NUM. In comparison, the historic 1946 miners strike, a landmark in the South African society.
involved 70,000 to 100,000 miners in 21 mines for five days from 12-17 August. At the end of the
was defeatd, miners were dead and 1200 injured.
The initial response of the Chamber of Mines this time was a desperate bid my. to buy off the strike. On 1 July, a wage theid
23.4 per cent was imposed. This didn't deter the that
On the first day of the strike the
similar ploy. enacted laws to abolish the job reservation' system in the mines. These laws
lodges and area
Miners support committees set up to
aid the British NUM in its strike also
acted. Town centre collections by NUM
members and other labour movement
were ex-
Although there has been a return to
work, solidarity is still urgently needed.
The Namibian miners have returned to
work under extremely difficult condi-
tions and require aid at all levels. Here a
taken by Liverpool
dockers in August when they refused to
unload uranium hexafluoride which they
suspected came from Namibia. These
dockers are now working to extend their
stand to other docks. They have organis-
ed a regional demonstration in Liverpool
on 3 October which deserves widespread
South African miners equally need
support. Not only have they members de-
as well as respon-
sibilities to the families of those who gave
their lives in the struggle, but three NUM
members are on deal row awallug e
ecution. The very day of the return to
work two of the 34 black prisoners on
death row were murdered by the regime.
SAYCO has launched inter-
national campaign to 'Save the 32' which
has been backed by COSATU and the
This campaign should have a
powerful response in Britain. A target of
have barred black miners from better paid jobs in the pits for more than 75 years. A massive misinformation campaign of fake leafletting also failed to disrupt the strike.
were coupled with
nese tactics brute force from day one. The miners were subject to unrelenting attacks by the mining bosses and their notorious
secunity forces, backed where necessary, by the apartheid state forces. Miners who remained at the compounds were forced down mining shafts at gunpoint. The appeal by the NUM for miners to leave their living
was a clear signal that the reponsibility for violence was at the door of the bosses and the state. In the event, most miners remained at the compounds.
During the three weeks, over 400 arrests were made; over 500 miners sutfered injuries murdered. Thirty six thousand miners were sacked from their jobs. ands of other jobs were put at risk when the mine owners threatened to close a number of mining shatts.
At the end of the day, the union won improved conditions, but no further wage increase. A ten per cent increase
holiday pay was agreed. benefits are to be paid up to three years after the death. Agreement has been reached that moves will be made to end the hostel system.
However, this battle was not just another wage round. The strike took place against the back cloth of an increasingly polarised South
. The apartheid employed violence on all fronts in an attempt to contain resistance to its rule. But it has been unable to regain the strategic initiative.
The townships where black urban workers live remain occupied by the ar-
Yet the regime can't get the aparcouncils functioning. troops were withdrawn everyone agrees
the underground street committees, people's courts, and local defence units would soon reappear.
The mass organisations have also been targetted for repression by the regime. The United Democratic Front
nUrS
32,000 signatures has been set. The Anti
Apartheid Movement will be focussing in
the coming weeks on fresher weeks at
colleges and winning students to support
for initiatives being organised by South
Africa the Imprisoned Society (SATIS),
which organises activity on this aspect of
solidarity work in Britain.
An immediate focus for continuing
the mobilisation will be the Sanctions
(UDF) the largest anti-apartheid coalition in South Africa, has a majority of its leaders in prison. Nevertheless, new mass organisations continue to be set up.
UDF. Women's League was launched. Preparations are rebirth of the Federation African Women (FEDSAW) which will up draw In boll women. FEDSAW was relaunched in the Johannesburg area in June 1987.
Perhaps the achievement in recent months was the launch of a quarter of a million strong youth organisation, the South African Youth Congress totally underground.
But the most decisive feature this year has been the central role of the trade unions as focus for the resistance to the apartheid regime. were have been able to score important vIctories — at great cost in terms of human lives and suffering
Two major battles on a national scale have been won. First, over 10,000 workers, mainly women, employed by the large chain stores of Ok Bazaars won a strike against low pay. In June the South African Railway and Harbour Workers Union scored a resounding victory after à three-month strug gle. This had threatened to spark off a I1UlC generalised eleventh anniversary uprising approached.
With these successes under its belt the trade union movement was engaged African in strike actions involving half a million workers as the miners strike got underway. Unelical agricultural cessing workers regional disputes. The postal workers action was the broadest 20,000 members at a national level. This action followed from the victory of the Soweto-centred postal strike in y May. It was part of a strike wave by members Telecommunication (POTWA) which return to after the NUM(SA) settlement. An improvement in conditions resulted Godfrey Mokate of SACTU appealing for solidarity with the anti-apartheid struggle at the Notts miners gala
on 19 September in
response to the conference
be there as well.
example, in May 1987, the
underway of South
OF
UDF and non-UDF
most spectacular
(SAYCO) which is
"The unions upsurge the of the Soweto
local
workers, cal workers, labourers and food prowere in local and Namibia
Isumeb
POS Office and Workers Union began 1n May. work took place two days Against South African Coal Conference
Sheffield. The • has beer tremendous. Pete Kennedy, the NUM's international officer, states that delegations have come from over 50 pit branches, six or seven Women Against Pit Closure groups, and a wide variety of other unions. The Liverpool dockers will
SOU
TIO
although demands for wages parity with white workers was not achieved Today, 100,000 members of the second largest South African union, tional Union of Metalworkers of South African (NUMSA), are preparing for
strike actions LITOUZHOUL the country. A threatened national strike has been declared illegal by the courts
During the miners strike in South Africa, 4000 sacked copper miners in
were alsu resisting onslaught of harassment and intimidation. These workers, employed by the
Corporation Ltd. (TCL), which is owned by the British multina tional Consolidated Gold Fields, had been on strike since 26 July for a 120 per cent increase in the pitiful wages paid. It also demanded improved conditions — as well as broader political demands such as an end to the contract labour system and the implementation
The NUM is showing the way fo
ward for the anti-apartheid movement
a whole in Britain. If this lead is taken
will provide the most powerful buildi
possible to the national demonstrati
called by the AAM on 24 October and
forging a movement to force the gover
ment to impose total sanctions again
the apartheid regime.
Page 7 scan of this page
AL UNIO
of UN Security Council Resolution 435 which calls for withdrawal of the occupation forces of South Africa from Namibia.
This strike was concluded shortly after the NUM(SA) settlement. courts had earlier ruled the strike illegal. The union's appeal came just as the NUM(SA) dispute was being concluded - and its appeal was rejected. The situation of these workers is very serious today. It is estimated that up to 40 per cent of Namibian miners those approaching retirement, those the company deems are makers', and so on — will not be taken back. Furthermore, in the most serious attack since 1979, six top leaders Namibia's liberation South West African Peoples Organisa
were week the secretary of the Mineworkers Union of Namibia (MUN), was also arrested on his return to Namibia from Britain where he had been mobilising solidarity for the copper miners.
The political developments accompanying the South African miners strike has seen a major consolidation of those who see the Freedom Charter as ast beration rosouth
needon Africa. This document was drawn up in • 1955, but is just as relevant today and is -the central programme supported by the ANC.
Today the Charter is deepening its roots among the masses. The decision by COSATU at its July congress to adopt the Freedom Charter, withdrawal by the metal workers union sof its motion to draw up a counterposred socialist workers charter, culmination of a long process of consideration by union members based on experiences of struggle they've been through in recent months.
The non-racial South Africa have come to understand that it is not possible to limit their concerns to bread and butter issues. Every aspect of the conditions facing them is rooted In apartheid more, it is increasingly evident that the working class, is taking the lead in the fight against apartheid rule.
The identification of SAYCO with the Freedom Charter indicates that a
w generation of fighters is being won
educated by and organised by the
politics of the Freedom Charter
yuth Africa. This political clarifica-
jon is indispensable to the deepening
fuggle for a free South Africa.
The NUM(SA) strike has to be seen
that political context. Any decision
TH AFRICAN
'trouble-
of movement, the
arrested last general South and the
the
way, and the outcome was certain, would
trade unions in decision
whole. structure of the union itself.
other pollical character the
most heavily affected by
as any of the mining bosses.
taken to prolong the NUM strike, when the union recognised the state forces were moving to intervene in a massive
. not at al have cut this vital political process short. Indeed, a wrong
the need for a tactical retreat would have proved catastrophic mining not onlv for the labour movement. but Dicau for the broader liberation struggle as a demands.
It would have threatened the
The strike also helped to clarify miners,
develonments The so-called liberal bourgeoisie was clear for all to see. Anglo-American, the mining company
the strike, presented itself before it began as the most enlightened management in South Africa. When&he strike began, it moved against the strikers just as ruthlessly
The role of the bosses was sharply attacked by the ANC in its statement
on the strike. 'The mining houses, united under the rubric of the Chamber of Mines, have for more than a century reaped lucrative profits at the expense of the health and lives of thousands of black miners from inside and outside of South Africa... Today these selfsame
houses have the timerity to they call ill-afford wage
The ANC called for stepping up and deepening the dispute amongst
in mine-related industries, other COSATU affiliates and amongst all 'democratic and patriotic forces'. A rallying call was also made to miners world-wide to assist the NUM(SA).
This strike is a landmark battle in the history of the South African liberation struggle. Because the retreat was carried out in a unified way, it means that although the wage demands were not won, the apartheid rulers are not at all looking forward to the continuation of the war.
Behind
the coup
attempt
in the
Philippines
THE ATTEMPTED behind the coup attempt.
THE fifth attempted coup against the Philippines government Corazon Aquino, which took place on Friday 28 August, was by far the bloodiest and most serious yet of her 18-month rule. At least 40 were killed and 300 injured during the abortive attempt significant section of the military to seize power.
The coup attempt lasted 24 hours. It was led
Colonel Gregorio 'Gringo' Honasan, former aide of sacked defence minister Juan Ponce enrio wo Is low the main bourgeois opposicon nigurt
Honasan originally helped install the Aquino government. But, since
attempted coup against Aquino November, Honasan has ef. fectively been banished to a remote town north of the Manila capital.
It was from there that this latest coup was organis ed. Enrile is also rumoured to have been involved in the 28 August coup
A total of about 1500 troops were reported have taken part, some 800 or unem mounting alacks on military installations in Manila. Camp Aquinaldo, the Philippines military headquarters, was assailed and Villamor, the Philippine airforce's main base,
also held for several
City Hall, the seat of the
rovincial government, w
Iso held. The attack the was led by the commander of the constabulary for the region.
Rebel troops failed to government channel they aimed for. However they did capture a private station and broadcast appeals throughout the day.
Aquino's presidential palace was also attacked.
But the main targets of the attempted COul
Honasan claimed was aimed against the
vacuum armed forces.
The coup was confined
to the main island of Luzon
where the Manila capital is
extended
beyond the city to outlying
provinces
However, nightfall Friday 28 August,
defence minister
Fidel Ramos reported that
the coup was put down. But
Honasan has escaped.
loe mular rebeis alt
now said to be planning a
further campaign which in
possible
assessination of
herself. Mearshie Ramo:
has called for unity agames
the Communist Parts-ted
New People's Army (NPA)
Socialist Action coup against Corazan Aquino's government in the Philippines at the end of August revealed the deepening crisis her regime is facing. But more, it also showed A quino's incapacity to solve any of the urgent problems confronting the country since she came to power 18 months ago. As a result, the Aquino government is squeezed on all sides. CAROL TURNER looks at developments
which has intensified its activities since the coup.
Communist-ed National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDF) described the August coup 'another characteristic manifestation of the continuing Philippine crisis. The NDF warned: "There is also growing repression of people's organisations and continuing violations of human rights. "Cory Aquino has failed to bring to justice previous coup plotters as well as military who have violated human rights. This has emholdened me are SS sections within the military to plan and make their
"Whatever the outcome last of the crisis the likely result
could be the declaration of state of emergency directed at procressive and revolutionary forces.
The Aquino government is undoubtedly facing pressure on all sides.
Honasan and his
porters are concerned that the liberalisa tion' measures undertaken by the Aquino government will lead to the downfall of the Philippines bourgeoisie, and want to see a return to the more open repression of the Marcos days in order to control the situation The Philippines ruling class correctly recognises — and fears - the increased confidence and combativity which the overthrow of the 20-year long Marcos dictatorship has brought to the islands' workers and TV
The New People's Army has stepped up its activity since the failed coup. week later at least 87 had as a result of NPA actions.
Along with greatel military activity by were NPA, industrial militancy
has increased and the struggle for social and civil rights has blossomed during the past 18 months. The recent coup was immediately preceeded by a call from the May First Movement (Kilusang Mayo Uno, KMU) for a general strike in protest against increased oil prices imposed by Aquino earlier in August. to the KU's strike call, Aquino announced a significant oil tax cut on the eve of the proposed stoppage. Despite this, the action went ahead. Manus was al a standsill and most otber major cen. tres were affected.
More than IN rested the first i Aquiss
11 Sept 1987 7 union leaders and about 5 supporters were
One KMU leade has been charged wit sedition.
Corazan Aquino can to power at the beginning o 1986 pledged to dissolve th institutions of the Marco years speed political reforms. Her ne regimes economk pro gramme however remaine
It is Aquino's capacity to lift the Phili pines out of the econom crisis into which Marce had plunged the country o the advice of the Wort Bank that is at the root o her failure to unite the dil ferent factions within th ruling class or to curb th growing militancy of th Hassen
By the end of Marc 1986, Aquino had abolist ed the old nations assembly and got rid of ti Marcos constitution. Bu although she adopted provisional
powers indeed, includin governing by decre Aquino also promised
constitution and : elected assembly.
These radical promise were expected but deep divided the ruling clas Aquino has failed to deliv serious political rights fe the country's masses her significa sup- economic reform, the pr mised land earlier this year, is being e posed as a sham.
ADOLOHEHOHELI Aquino took over, the ND declared its readiness enter into dialogue with
of a ceasetire between NPA and the Philip! armed forces. It point the objective was the lishment mocracy but that conditions did not pe the NPA to surrender - a position that has clea
been proved correct.
By the end of May 191 Aquino had stepped uph support for the army, reje ting any perspective of broad purge. 'Before, whee we were in the oppositio the military enemy,' she said, 'But it the different now. 10e really trying their best protect the people'
The United States ga full political support Aquino during the rece coup attempt - realisi that return to a Aquino dictatorship we the strengthen NPA further. Aquino unable to purge the at effectively because she on it for the fight ay the Communists therefore, is unlic to the last coup attempt
Aquino's governe rapidly loosing sa its left becass grant to sions to tex to is niel
Page 8 scan of this page
Japan's Eric Hammonds
8 Socialist Action 11 Sept 1987 JAPAN provided the first example of the economic restructuring that has become known as the 'dual economy.. Based on this development, over the last decade, the entire traditional, left reformist, structure of the Japanese labour movement has been dismantled — to be replaced by domination of 'company unionism' on the trade union field and coalitionism with bourgeois parties on the political field. understand how the polities of an Eric Hammond came to dominate an entire labour movement, REDMOND O'NEILL interviewed YOHICHI SAKAI, a Japanese socialist activist.
THE Japanese workers movement started in a meaningful way only after the first world war - and under the direct impact of the Russian revolution. Then between 1935 and 1937 the entire workers' movement was suppressed. During the war there was no organised workers movement at all.
After 1945, when Japanese im perialism was defeated and occupied by the US, there was a massive mobilisation of the Japanese working class and the rapid expansion of a new trade union federation led by the Japanese Communist Party (JCP). This, at its peak, organised two million workers.
The victory of the Chinese revolution 1949 was tollowed by the Korean war and the intensification of US imperialism's attacks revolutionarv struggles in the region. Within Japan, the US occupying power and the Japanese bourgeoisie launched a frontal assault on the trade union federation led by the JCP. As a
smashed and resull lnc UHOl was most of the CP members sacked.
The Korean war itself created a boom situation for the Japanese economy and accelerated its recovery. A new Socialist Party (SP)-led reformist trade union federation was set up in 1950/51 called Sohyo. By 1953/4 the Japanese economy recovered its pre-war peak of production. On this basis of economic recovery workers' militancy began to revive.
The political orientation of the Japanese Socialist Party which was the dominant majority current in Sohyo was left reformist: against US imperialism, against the US/Japanese security pact, against the rebuilding of Japanese military forces, in defence of democratic rights, and with third worldist international positions. There was a solid bloc between the SP, the reformist trade union movement and the JCP.
There was also a very straight, rightwing pro-American, social democratic minority in the SP which split to form the Democratic Socialist Party (DSP) in 1959.
1957 and 1960 bourgeoisie launched an offensive which was successful on the trade union level but not on the political level.
The key fight was in the coal in. dustrv. The miners union was led by a current similar to the Scargill current in
with the employers- with a ten month strike and occupations of the mines. But the miners were defeated.
Expansion
This defeat of the militant trade
union current coincided with a new wave
of Japanese economic expansion which
continued, with annual growth rates of 6-8 per cent, until the 1973 oil crisis.
Whereas in Western Europe there
was a massive introduction of im-
migrant workers during the post war
economic expansion, in Japan there was
a muse migration of the population
from the rural to the urban areas.
Between and
agricultural workforce decreased from
17 million to 9 million. In the same
period the number of wage earners in-
creased from 20 million to 36 million.
The rural population was reduced from
30 to 15 ner cent of the total. Women
were also brought into the workforce in
To the large numbers.
Against this background, in the early sixties, a new right wing company: trade union current began to develop amongst the workers in the big factories in the private sector. It inserted itself into
fundamental division worktorce
Core In Japan, in the big factories, there are two categories of lifelong employees and casual, contract workers. Women are not part of the core the - the majority of women working in the private sector are part-time.
In the sixties this systemn was generalscu ana systellatis. ed. Only lifelong employed workers were unionised and casual contract workers were excluded from the company union.
The unions of the different companies of a particular sector such as automobiles then united into an industrial federation; the same happened in steel, in chemicals, in ship building and so on.
In each case the industrial federation Is based on these company unions These industrial tederations then come together into confederations.
This finally system in almost all big manufacturing Taclones - right wing company trade unions based on the 'core workers and excluding the low paid, part-time, tem-
Jane women workers. already become a dominant trade union the current in ine private sector ov ine ena of the 1970s. These unions give their first loyalty o the company. Politically they support the Democratic Socialist Party or the right wing of the SP and are openly pro-imperialist.
In the public sector, the situation Is different. Here all workers were, nor-
In the reformist the restricted, by the 1970s, to the smaller factories.
The domination
private sector
employees
minority. 'dual economy' front between
movement.
number
1975-6 the Japanese economy became the union
Japan went economic contraction perialist economy from It had
financial control over
mally, lifelong employees and there are no contract or casual employees. The public sector was the main base of the left reformist traditional trade unions.
private sector the traditional trade unions were mainly
of the 'core' workers in the big factories of the
secured by bourgeoisie in the 60s and early 70s was the first stage in dismantling the traditional reformist labour movement in This was Japan. But on the political level the right-wing still remained weak and a the 1980s.
The the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) and Sohyo throughout this period. From the mid-sixties to the early seventies SP/JCP control of local councils expanded to almost all big cities in Japan. They were domination supported by the reformist trade union became complete.
Rationalisation
The second stage in the process came after the 'oil shock' of 1973. For Japan the 1973 oil crisis marked the end of prolonged economic expansion. In
Coll tracted for the first time since 1949.
through WOlSI of any imat that time. In Tepanese bourgeoisie caried out an in- 1975 1977, tensive rationalisation of the economy
First, the government tightened its
Local govern ment. This deprived the SP/JCP controlled municipalities of the ability to grant reforms. The bourgeoise and the right wing then began a campaign to break up the CP/SP united front. This tobacco and was accompanied by a wiich hunt privatsea.
against the current within the SP most committed to the SP/JCP united front.
By the early 1980s JCP/SP control over local government was broken. The SP began to move to the right and adopted a line of coalition with the DSP, the Bhuddist party, and even the government Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) at municipal level.
Secondly, in the private sector, from 1975 to 1978, the Japanese bourgeoisie carried out the biggest industrial rationalisation of any imperialist country.
the springboard for its end. economic success at the beginning of
company actively cooperated with the bosses in the rationalisation. In the process the pockets ' of support for the traditional reformist trade union in the orivate sector were eliminated. Right wing company union
unle •privale
In the public sector the peak of traditional trade union militancy in the 1970s was the general strike of 1975 demanding the right to strike for public sector workers. But when the govern ment refused to give way union leadership just called off the strike. This was the end of the offensive position of the reformist trade union
Public
From 1975 to 1979 the Japanese bourgeoisie built up their stronghold in the private sector. Then, over the next five years they launched a frontal attack the on the trade union movement in the public sector. This was accomplished by
In 1984 telecommunications was privatised. Then the state monopoly
cigarette company was Privatisation and the
In Depth
core/periphery system was introduced into local government with the contrac ting out of various services
The rail union which was the backbone of Sohyo throughout the 1970s, was completely defeated. Its membership was reduced from a peak of 150,000 to 30,000. The railway system was privatised and broken up into six private regional railway companies. The whole structure of the reformist trade union movement which had existed since the 1950s came to an Unity
On this basis, in 1984/85, the right wing trade union federation in the private sector took the offensive to call ior a process or nanonwide umicaton of the trade union movement under the leadership of the right wing. The right wing trade union forces, to secure this, have united into a preparatory.confederation in the private sector. This is a transitory step. In the final stage there will be a new right wing trade union confederation which will totally dominate the private sector.
The right wing unions have also launched a campaign for a single union confederation including the public and private sectors — which will mean the complete hegemony of right wing com pany unionism in the Japanese labour movement. The leadership of Sohyo has made a sharp right turn over the past seven years and supports unity
In summary, if in Western Europe
task defence labour movements which are weakened but remain national class movements, in Japan the traditional labour movement has been dismantled. What is on the agenda is a new etfort to rebuild a national working
Page 9 scan of this page
Peace treaty victory for Nicaragua
Wave of strikes in South Korea
International
THE 'GUATEMALA' peace accord signed month by political victory for Nicaragua and a sharp blow to the US war against the Sandinista revolution. The governments of Honduras, Guatemala, Costa Rica and El Salvador have accepted the legitimacy of Nicaragua's government and put their name to a document demanding the dissolution of the contras.
Press reports have spoken of 'peace fever', of
'wave etonora sweeping through the twenty million or so Central American people.
By John Smith
:The of the Guatemala is Terecon
cullias. against military
prostitution drug-trafficking in'evitably against the unthinkable.
intervention The de• 101 shown to involve
The Ac-
JIbC and with
international solidarity
to play.
The Guatemala peace accord reflects a shift in
of torces Central America. This is what the Sandinistas term the 'strategic defeat' of the contras.
The Ilalute this defeat was explained in the Nicaraguan magazine En-
February OI InIs year: "The (contra) project was based fundamentally ON FRIDAY, 4 September, government unleashed a wave of repression in an at-
country for the past two and a half months. Police
tion and an election timetable to prevent the feared 'hot September' and save the sinking dictatorship.
Police rioted against strikers at the largest manufacturing company in the country which has become the target of strike action for the second time in a month.
Militant strike action
40,000 workers Hyundai Heavy Industries
AUGUSL forced the government to intervene, declaring that they would ensure Ine company recognise the newly formed trade unions.
Last: week, 20,000 Hyundai workers resumed strike action and occupied the company's shipyard in the southern city of Ulsan.
25 per cent wage increase.
A massive demonstration of strikers and supporters wound lls way through the streets of
on 3 sentember Led by scores of forklift
last Central America's five presidents is a
class alliance dominated by the pro-US
For Tre bourgeoisie that had "survived the shipwreck", to uSe Vice President Sergio
together —
sectors, from
manipulating
for 1C2104S that The plan was to these sectors into political-
landowners.
"The orchestra leader,
provoke 40lapse of Sandinista revolutionary DIUCCUS which it still
sustaining systematic and on all fronts.
"It
uprising,
the US Anastasio Somoza. its
were never
failed.'
for overthrowing Sandinista government.
the South Korean
tempt to stem the tide of strikes that have swept the
arrested 350 strikers as the regime tried to use agreement with the capitalist opposition over a constitu-
trucks, cranes and other heavy vehicles, Ine demonstrators destroyed windows, lypewniels. photocopying machines and furniture in the company's main office, according to AP and Reuters Two cars and a bus were set on fire as the workers chanted raise our pay!
The explosive situation at Hvundai is tust one of the literally thousands of strike struggles crea that have swept South over
two and a half the Dast months. Mining, engineering, fishing, transport, catering, sectors that have been involved.
Official figures released by the Labour ministry last week showed that strikes were taking place at 797 work sites. New struggles had erupted at 112 workplaces whilst disputes had ended at 56 companies on Thursday 3 September, the ministry reported.
Alejandro Bendana,
general of the Nicaraguan foreign ministry, in his speech the.24 March 'X7 launch of COLLI 'We denounce the
actual preparations direct military intervention in Nicaragua. not paranoid, this is not an exaggeration Reagan does not change its obiec. tive and if the contras have failed in achieving that ob. jective, then there is only one road left, and that is the road of direct intervention
This is the for example, of the 'Solid
Hallucuve. 11volving 50,000 US troops, the supply of sophisticated heavy weapons to the contras, the regional preparations TOT tervention, the efforts to win DublIC acquiescence to, or support for over ag-
One of the disputes that ended was a strike by 15,000 unionised taxi drivers in the capital city of Seoul, who won a 10 pel cent wage increase.
Manv of the strikes are over wages but in addition the workers are fighting for the establishment effectively functioning in dependent trade unions.
South Korean workers face some worst work conditions anywhere
world. Average wages are just £1.10 per
The length of the working week is hours
According to union officials, more than 23,000 workers were killed crippled in inaustrial accidents last year alone. In some cases. WOlKer confined to barracks-like
crowded CONLONE shanties known 'chicken coops'
In the face of these conditions, effective and
unionism is illegal. Labour laws allow the government
to readership, to ange
leadership, confiscate union documents, and even lo dissolve union.
Workers planning to
give 60 days'
gression against Nicaragua.
But direct intervention was never an easy road fo he US: Its signing of th peace treaty has raised the political stakes of such an option still further.
The scope of the victory indicated. won Nicaragua was vice-president Sergio Ramirez
peaking to the New Yorh Times on 14 August. 'If we assume' he said 'that the United States stops sur porting counterrevolution, that the counterrevolution accepts the ceasefire, that the counterrevolutior begins the process of giving up
that the Govern ment of Honduras closes the contra bases • then, parallel with that, the state of emergency will end. Full CONSONA freedoms will be restored ...I hope notice, and after the 60 days are up they must immediately submit to a 30 day 'cooling-off" period
Combined with this workers have had to face heavy police CHICSUI and company thugs. Last
instance, police weeken arrested 105 miners who had been locked out Jungam in the east of the
Two strikers have been killed in the last ten days.
It is these sorts of conditions which have been at the root of South Korea's much talked about 'economic miracle' growth rate of 10 per cent and yearly exports of over £20 billion, some 36 pei cent of GNP. South Korea is the twelfth largest tradeing company in the world.
The country has beer dominated both economically and politically - by US imperialism ever since it was created when Washington unilaterally divided the
along the 38th parallel in 1945. Forty per cent of the country's exports are to the US which continues to maintain 40,000 troops there.
But the political stability enjoyed by the coun try's rulers was burst asunder in June when tens
nanomake mo sacredo concessions: they are not obliger to negotiate with
the contrasheir toretary
military, political or economic rela
with Cuba and the USSR; nor abrogate thei constitution.
Even the tactical concessions made are extremely limited.
Praguat had Accord,
Nicaragua always categorically refused to make its internal affairs a subject of any international agreement.
In signing the Accord Nicaragua has committed itself to lift the State of Emergency initiate dialogue with internal op •ponents, and Insulute ar amnesty for contra leaders who lav down their arms.
None of these commitments
al C • lICW. however. It's long been Nicaragua's position that, once the contra aggression of thousands of students, workers and professionals 'took to the streets to de. mand an end to the dicLato silD.
The mobilisations forced the government
promise free elections by the end of the year, to release political prisoners and state its commitment to 'democracy'.
The government and the main capitalist opposition party, the Democratic Reunification Party led by
Kim Young Sam and Kim
Dae Jung. week agreed to a new proposed
COSLEULIO. and a
December election date
The terms of the draft constitutions fall short of
what many organisations in the 15-member National
Coalition for
Democratic Constitution have campaigned for. The
presidential powe
mains intact, if restricted,
and 506 political prisoners
remain in the country's. jails.
But the democratic Juneingsurge has allowed opening forced
hundreds of thousands of
Korean
South workers.
students and peasants to
forward their
demands and deepen their struggles.
Socialist Action 11 Sept 1987 the State • Emergency would: lifted.
As Sandinista Tomas Borge so aptly put
for Nicaragua to sigr the Accord IS not to negotiate our domestic policies, but to describ them
This is not to say that imperialism or the internal pro-imperialist forces back Blay wil seek to si will just
The treaty
The main provisions of the 'Accord' are:
• National reconciliation: a) 60 days of General Amnesty for political crimes in Guatemala, El Salvador, groups of the internal opposition .. be established within each country, composed of
pluralism, to be instituted within 60 days ...
• Elections: a) elections for Central American
first half of 1988; b) under same supervision
constitutionally established in each country.. ask' nonregional governments to suspend aid to irregualar " forces ...
permit an attack against, other Central America
• Supervision: a supervisory committee to be
support group...
indivisible whole.
FMLN hails 'victory'
the popular Sandinista revolution Nicaraguan Deo bit
does not have the capacity to stop the mercenary aggression, it is an undeniable defeat for the
• US administration. National Liberation Front (FLN) General Command, 11 August 1987
9 to their advantage the fac that Nicaragua's interna policies have been made the subject of an interna tional agreement. Already House has argued for further contra funding to ensure the Ar cord is implemented!
The labour movement in this country should take its cue from this to redou. ble its solidarity efforts.
Next issue what the treaty means for El Salvador Nicaragua; b) dialogue with all unarmed . commissions to governments, Church, opposition parties etc to oversee
• Ceasefire: to take effect as the dialogue begins ... • Democratisation: complete press and broadcasting freedom. ous removal of all impediments to politica
Parliament, under OAS supervision, to be held during
municipal. Darliamentary etc elections to be nela a:
• Suspension of military aid: all governments 'should
• Prohibition of the use of CA territory to attack, o staterms reduction: 60 days after signing, negotiations concerning arms control and reduction to begin ...
established, composed of General Secretaries of th UN, OAS, and foreign ministers of Contadora and
• Evaluation: a summit of the five Presidents to be held, six months after signing, to review progress... • Final consideration: each point above is part of an
"THE agreement ... constitutes a political victory for
... (it) means a recognition of the right of self-determination of the Nicaraguan people and more concretely of their right to carry out a popular and democratic revolution ...
•For eight years, Reagan and his Central American • puppets nave unsuccessruly tried to overthrow in popular Nicaraguan revolution. They have imposed huge sacrifices, destruction and death on the heroi
'Allhough by itself, the agreement in Guatemala
interventionist and domineering policy of the present
- Statement of El Salavador's Farabundo Marti
Page 10 scan of this page
Miners to go into
10 Socialist Action i
'Greatest removal of
workers rights'
THE deal concluded between the executive of une correderallon oi Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions (CSEU) and the Engineering Employers reaeranon (CCr) las been described by TASS 20 10e gicalest telloval of workers rights in the historv of engineering
In return for a oneand-a-half hour reduction in the working week over turer years, the employers have insisted on an agreement which imposes total job
utilisation of plant and
and other clauses which dramatically increase CPSA Labour Party ballot THE largest civil service union will ballot early in 1988 on Labour Party affiliation. The move follows a CPSA conference decision in May and a ballot vote to establish a political Tam enterin lue year.
The Treasury has intimated that it would refuse to deduct the political levy at source if the union voted in
Part-timers up, accidents up
RECENT government reports have confirmed a substantial rise in the number of part-time WOIKCIS. Over a fifth of all
workers in the UK are now part-time, of whom 83.2 per cent are women according to the
Department of
Employment. TUC, NUPE -40 P In a r
40
cent of whose 650,000
members are part-time
- has outlined a
10-point charter. It
includes the demand for
a statutory minimum
wage and says that partSenior Colman workers strong
MANAGEMENT at the
engineering firm of
Senior Colman in Sale,
near Manchester, have
contacted AEU-
sponsored MPs
concerning the long-
running dispute. Their
soundings are being
interpreted as a sign of
the strikers' strength.
For eight-and-a-half
months, the strikers
have maintained a
round-the-clock picket.
They have sent
delegations to visit
unions and workplaces
They came out on
strike when four of their
number were summarily
dismissed for refusing a
management diktat in
Address
10que/PO payable to Socialist
Send to: Socialist Action Subs, PO Box S0, London NI 2XP. Action for £......
11 Sept 1987 management's right to manage.
These will inevitably lead to further job cuts in an industry which has seen hundreds of thousands of jobs axed over une last cigul ycals
The deal will be strong v resisted bv engineering workers who are planning a series of protests. key policy-making body of the main engineering union, the AEU, meets on 24 September in Eastbourne. The next meeting of the CSEU executive is in London on s November.
Both meetings will be lobbied by union activists opposed to selling hard-won rights.
favour of Labour Party affiliation. Even though check-off operates for union dues, the Treasury has yet to agree to deduct the non-party levy.
The main TUC affiliated teachers union in Scotland, the EIS, has decided to ballot over establishing a political fund.
timers should be entitled to state benetits.
Another government department, the Health and Safety Commission reports a substantial rise in the number of industrial accidents. There were 329 fatalities and 12,068 'major' injuries for the year
The figures
exclude agriculture,
forestry and fishing,
and mining and
quarrying.
They are respectively
13.4 per cent and 17.9
per cent higher than the
previous year.
line with union policy.
Since then all the
strikers have been
Their determined
struggle over union
nonts nas Deen
supported by a number
of Manchester factories
through f1 per week
collections. Unions at
WHererousol.
Thorn-EMI,
Tighlman's,
Budenburg's and
Flexibox have been
especially supportive as
have the Durham
• Donations etc to Senior
Colman Strike Committee,
AEU House, 43 The
Crescent, Salford MS 4PE
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on an overtime ban at its
stance. to the NUM's support, writes JON SILBERMAN.
THE executive Geesol follows the 77.5 per cent majority in the recent national ballot. Every area in the union voted in favour of action.
Opposition to the code has forged a new unity in
Many areas have already been affected by its provisions.
More than 3500 Welsh miners who were sent writ-
warnings tollowing a dispute over concessionary
have to treat of instant dismissal hanging over them.
An NUM member in Notts involved in a fracas in a miners welfare was forced to pay a f150
Notts miners gala —
NUM following
reports.
THERE was a deep air of
the contingents that had from almost every coal field in the countrv wound their way through the town. People lined the march and applauded as banner after
individual
Dallilc pits, NUM areas, Women Against Pit Closures and other labour movement banners passed by.
The day after the gala, the NUM executive would be voting on what action to take in the light of the over-
three-to-one ballot result in favour of industrial action against British new
disciplinary code
union's national vice-president and
dica scuiclary.
Sammy Thompson, was on
the platform of the end-of-
march rally to explain the issues as he and his area saw
Thompson started off his speech by addressing the
issue of victimised miners.
He remoed LIC packed
marquee of the victimisa-
tion of Derek Robinson and
connected the victimisation
of miners to the failure of
the movement back
Robinson up.
Sammy Thompson said
that the proposed new
disciplinary code was part
of the same package of coal
00CIU and government
measures - all designed to
break the back the
NUM.
"The Yorkshire Area' he
said 'has put a resolution to
the national executive that
we thank ine britisa millets
in the way they've balloted
over the disciplinary action,
and that now we go out on
some sort of action and
I'm saying it's going to be
an overtime ban - and in
that action want.the
reinstatement of victimised
officials Mick
McGinty, Paul Whetton,
and Ted Scott from Still-
THE NATIONAL executive of the NUM decided
pre-TUC meeting in Blackpool, 6 September. By 28 votes to four, the executive decided to take action from 21 September if the coal board refuses to move from its hard line
The entire labour movement must now rally
fine; the alternative would have been the sack. branch official in Durham was disciplined for handing out leaflets against flexible working.
Disciplinary action against colliery in Souft NUM Frickley YOLKS led July thousands of miners tak ing strike action.
So strong was the feeling against the code in the coalfield that the union's area council voted not only to push for national action at the national executive but that it would take action at area level regardless of the decision at national level.
united against the code
MINERS AND their supporters from all over Britain rallied in Mansfield last Saturday, 5 September, at the Notts miners gala. This was the second gala held by the
the establishment of the scab breakaway UDM, and everyone agreed that it was better than last year's excellent start. JON SILBERMAN
ingfleet in Yorkshire.
Loud applause greeted Sammy Thompson's action proposals.
Sammy Thompson went on to explain what he fille ted See vi, sacked- called the Scott, sacked for carrying out normal trade union duties. The coa board have not even stated what he'd been sacked for, despite repeated NUM requests for a clear-cut explanation. But they have in sisted that Ted Scott will never work in lne Selby coalfield again, no matter industrial evel tribunal decided 'That is the meaning of the new disciplinary procedure' he said and warned could he sace or the miners that sacked something they did at the gala if the board didn"t like
Sammy Thompson said that the ballot result had of the British miners throughout the coalfield. 'There's only one way to deal with this employer or any employer in this country' Thompson went on to rousing applause and that's to fight back and not to cow down'.
That's why, despite threats of court action, the Yorkshire Area had decided that thev would be taking action whatever the decithe national executive, he said Sammy Thompson said that the immediate goal of the disciplinary code was to get miners ready for flexible working and privatisation of the industry. "Flexible working' such as that proposed a Margam wasn't a local issue, Thompson said 'Whether it's nine-hour days or six-day weeks, it affects every man and woman in this industry. It's a national issue Thompson
Some members of the national executive argued for postponing sion on action until after further lalks with the board.
One of them, Eric Clarke from Scotland, said on BBC : radio during the lunchtime recess in the executive meeting that he felt hoard had made concessions which suggested further talks could avoid the need
But as Arthur Scargill explained, British Coal's 'concessions' were largely cosmetic. They had failed to move on any or we six principled objections of une unrol
Scargill said that what the union was after wasn't an overtime ban but withdrawal of the code.
The code would replace
disciplinary proccuurc which has operated in the industry for 40 years. The saigotiated about national. said, and should ly. This was the policy of the Yorkshire Area
response to proposed six-
working as Thorne in the Selby coalfield, he went on, predicting massive op position to the proposal.
Thompson paid tribute women Against Pit
Closures, especially to the
work they'd' done over the
victimised miners.
He ended by explaining
another issue facing the
NUM executive — whether
or not to sit down and
negotiate alongside UDM
onucials To shouts
'never' Thompson ex-
pressed his position t
¡ealina wile i scal
like Link and Prendergast,
and said that he thought
the decision should be in
the hands of the member-
ship in a ballot.
The ISSUC of the
disciplinary code was taken
up in another well-received
speech - by Tony Benn.
Benn said that the code
ums up 'in a strange wi
hat the whole Thatch
era is about.
It's not only about
in condition s
conditions
about whether • she is going
to be able, and whether we
are going to allow her to be
able, to throw conditions in
this country back to what
they were in the Victorian
Tony Benn went on to
explain what he said was the
'way ahead. He said 'we've
got to link this camaign
with every other campaign.
Referring to the banners
that adorned the walls of
the marquee, Benn said that
they showed the issues in-
volved: Irish freedom,
Nicaragua, Bangla Desh,
South Africa, and went on
to refer to 'the struggle of
the printers, evel • the
traffic controllers in Spain'
Tony Benn's appeal that
'we've got to learn to link
arms together as being at
the centre of 'building up
the trade union, labour and
socialist movement all over
again was a key theme of
the gala.
board's claim that the establishment of the UDM
the current procedure out of date is true , only because the scab outfit has declared its support for the new code.
The other reason the UDM is relevant is because management want the right pick representatives British Coal objected miners being represented by victimised colleagues especially collieries
the UDM where flas strength.
The real reason for the new code is to prepare the way for imposing "flexible working' disciplinary procedure was established just same time as the miners won the guaranteed five day week, which is now under threat by Margan and other proposed 'flex.
sites And the newly forged unity of the union against
on
Striking Sarmcol workers
South Africa for two-and-a-half years
In the Unions
the disciplinary code will bowen ul weapon against flexibility itself.
The board, the governFriends know how impor and their media tant this struggle will be Already they have taken steps try divide miners wives - who were such a powerful ally during the strike • from the They have sought to encourage divisions within the union, and they have aimed at isolating the NUM from the labou movement.
The entire labour moverden musI respond in kind. Old links forged during the strike should be renewed. Leaders SHOUL be pressed to declare their support to the NUM Miners should be invited ONLO platforms and to labour movement bodies to explain their case.
The message should go out loud and clear miners must win.
BTR harket
2½ yeaRS
Support
NOTTS
NUM
- who have been in struggle against BTR in were on the demonstration to - express their support for Notts NUM. International solidarity was a key
Page 11 scan of this page
action against code
In the Unions
South Kirkby miners honour the Frickley strikers' picket during the dispute in July.
If their husbands join in it, they re them or they're create an awful lot of tension about it, because this disciplinary code necessary.
The Daily wants Come rescue of any miners' wives who teel like thev do. And it's offering all of you, all you lilis wiver here to day and your supporters, help if you want to carry on a fight against this struggle
La possible Dar
By Betty Heathfield
It says 'the Daily Express is asking any worried and frightened wives who fear that the cur-
rent dispute could escalate into aomer biller Da sunke to write into them.
strictest confidence and no information would be used in any story that would en danger the wives of thost pitmen
Fi want to say to all the
want to say to all the men: do not underestimate the
strength of women
struggle.
I'm asking all
women to put your names
down and we a senu a Deli: tion to the Daily
with the names of those hundreds of women who are ready now to stand and
fight alongside the miners
whatever action
Should decide
against that vicious code
As women in the action
groups and the
Against Pit Closures move
ment, we know the dit-
ficulties of women organisgala theme. Godfrey Mokate of SACTU, Panduleni Itula of SWAPO, and 1ng. We know the struggle member Raquel Dixon, from Nicaragua's Atlantic coast spoke at" you have to make to jou wic
struggle. But if we are going tremen snoo meme cookson.
against NUM
SOMEBODY passed me an article from the Daily Express last week. Already they're at it, trying to get miners' wives organised against the union.
They've had a letter, it seems — no names given — from five angry miners' wives who don't want the union to take any action about the disciplinary code.
to get anywhere, leave going to
Express other struggles. ple like Mrs overtime to people
that struggie
can muster.
strike is still relevant miners'
so many, nvshaw last The letport of their
open
narrowiy Many
and ! internationa: struggle
linking our struggle women's over the world you
Express
countries,
during that strike they lanc Chilean
Women tional women's teargassed
in Germany
Media attempt to turn wives
. we savo got to take a much more ac-
We did so during the strike. Many of us saw that struggle as just one stepping stone outwaras to a lot o
And that 'lot of other struggles' has a name: it's called the class
Don't anybody tell me the class struggle's irrelevant ormalus usabocalcu...
The only answer to peo Thatcher, and like the coal board, is to get back into
with every ounce of energy that you
Our slogan during the - WE still have to struggle. That's wavi was so picasullz lo ser
women at Ren week when there was a meeting in sup-
community campaign to keep their pir
The struggle isn't just our struggic
strike found out that sar
were very instrumenta: I
with all
We have kept those links up. Since the strike ended,
and delegates from Women Against Pit Closures have been to many
invited On In 6 strength of what they did
were Chile last year when the
women's demonstration on interna-
day was Women have been to Russia, to America; we have links with women
I had a photograph sent me last week - from one of
quite her hushand ihe German metalworkers wno sent a lot or money le our strike of miners' wives steelworkers wives standing outside the gates of a factory that is due to lose 20,000 jobs. And he said 'our women are now organising in the same way Cosures organisein. Women Against
There's no excuse saying that nothing can be done that powerfu. because Thatcher goi back in
When I think abouthe women in Sorth
days
appeals
new code
officials Area
North Derbyshire Durham.
Kent
North West Leicester.
Midlands Northumberland Wiver
wat gr death-v
Betty Heathrield reads from the Daily Express article on miners wives. Her reply: Don't underestimale the power of women in
and the movements and Namibia, have to
was an inspiraton to taem Pit
much more internationa and sar 100 with
Socialist Action 11 Sept 1987
The code — what
the NUM wants ...
• The right to union representation with the
choice of the official in the hands of the
individual concerned
• Disciplinary procedures 'as simple, effective
and speedy as possible' to be completed within 14
• Maintenance of the 'umpire system'
independent binding arbitration in disciplinary
• A joint working party to iron out problems
• Reinstatement of those victimised under the
• Special disciplinary procedure for union
... and how they
voted for action
% in favour
Scotland... 76.2 76.2 South Wales... 85.3 Yorkshire.
72.8 CUSA....
Power. cion. equal
hope, women's Nicaragua Class Salvador, and withstand much more that we had to in our strike; and when they write to us and say that our strike I think we should be much they
outward-looking ing 'let us not only make the links in our own
women and
North Wales. .83.5 Nottinghamshire .92.7
South Derbyshire.. ,86.2 ,0/.4
...87.2 . 79.8 73.9 Group Two (Scottish Craftsmen). . 84.0
• 52.3
But we should also kee those links in every countr in the world. Because that our strength. They are mo of an inspiration to us tha
will knov So l'd like to ask all th women here today to join the fight. The overtime ba coes have to be put into a.
hope you're going come to acuul aralli. al I hope that all the men a going to be helpful to all t women who want to join this struggle in detence d anything , that their unio stands for. Heipful in sense that you can under tand that we can have a
part struggie. we can have a equal part and an equali • terest in any of ine strugg thai save trade unions. bring more power to wor ing class people. that wi!!.
bring To:
put in power a real socia
There are many sier pome or a te nex weeks, and I hope: many 0i Vull bla Chesterfield there's goi be a socialist conferen a
how peopie beneve in a socialtsi so.
strong links, and mak
The NUM ancE
Anartheid Moveme oranisine a conice.. Steffield on 19 Septe
apartnelo hope many of vou wil port that.
Once you know in.vou beiong know every time which
to de oll alla what is tic . forward.
I wish the NUM an men and women i
tinghamshire a total s:
understand I= part and parcel ot the
class
everyhwere ther
can be an oper.
one day i=
Page 12 scan of this page
ALLIANCE SOCIALISM
Diane Abbott
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BUILDING
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Socialist Action Conference
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Linda Bellos Peter Heathfield tickets for 'Building an Alliance for Socialism'
places in the creche for children aged.
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Tony Benn
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3
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The weekend
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← Socialist Action No. 169, 10 July 1987Socialist Action No. 171, 25 September 1987 →